THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID

SELECTED AND ARH.ANGED BY

KEVIN ALFRED STROM

PUBLISHED BY THE NATIONAL ALLIANCE

Dis1rib11led by:

NATIONAL VANGUARD BOOKS PO BOX 2264, ARLINGTON, VA 22202

COPYRIGHT'S' 1984 BY THE NATIONAL ALLIANCE

All rights reserved. No pan of this book may be reproduced or transmitted in any form by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying and recording, or by any information storage retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

TABLE OF CONTENTS

INTRODUCTION

Every book is, in a sense, a time capsule, and this is particularly true of The Best of ATTACK! and NATIONAL VANGUARD Tabloid. If among the readers of this introduction there is an antiquarian of the 25th century, let me address my first paragraph to him. You have found a gem! As you study our era, I am sure that your overall emotional reaction must be one of profound sadness. No doubt you frown when contemplating, for example, the White men who strove mightily to cut down an ancient forest for the pulp mills, so that their daughters might purchase a poster of an androgynous Negro "rock star" and so that every Haitian and Mexican could get his Big Mac properly wrapped. Yes, you must frown often, but in this book you have found reason to smile. For this is not only a book, but a chronicle of an awakening: the awakening of White men and women to their past greatness, to the reality of their race's degradation, and to their responsibility for their future. It is a chronicle of the very beginnings of a movement, the success or failure of which will determine the future course of Life on this planet. So smile, hypothetical antiquarian; smile for us. If our expressions seem grim at times, you will understand why.

Every article in this book is reproduced from the originals. Nothing has been edited or reset, except in the case of a few typographical errors or in cases where the fragile newsprint originals were in such poor condition that they were not legible. Even in such cases, only the affected portions were reset. This necessarily entails that the typography of the original tabloids, with all its weaknesses — and all its strengths, such as its sense of immediacy — will be reproduced exactly. I have arranged the articles "newspaper style" to maintain the look and feel of the originals as much as possible. Short items, letters to the editor, and cartoons are included as filler where necessary, and are always taken from issues contemporary with the adjacent major articles. With a few exceptions due to space constraints, the articles are in chronological order.

The individual pieces that make up The Best of ATTACK! and NATIONAL VAN-GUARD Tabloid cover a broad spectrum of topics, including history, philosophy, poetry, humor, science, politics — virtually everything that might be of interest to a racially conscious person or that might have a bearing on the future of our people. They were, however, selected with a single goal in mind: to preserve for posterity and expose to a wider audience those articles with a lasting value which were published in the "tabloid years," before the present NATIONAL VANGUARD magazine came into being.

In reading this book you will notice, as I did in reading the original tabloids, an evolution in style, in attitude, and in language as you progress from the earlier issues toward the more recent ones. Change is an inevitable and necessary consequence of growth. Underlying the evolution of the National Alliance is the bedrock of an uncompromising world view. And beyond shines a fixed star, the unchanging point toward which all our growth and evolution are directed: the survival and advancement of our race.

One final, personal note: it has taken nearly one year of my life to compile and prepare this book for publication. During the course of that year I lost someone very dear to me. I wrote her a poem once, the last four lines of which seem to express not only how I felt about a dream now gone forever, but how I feel about our dream, the dream embodied in the pages which follow: the dream of a White America.

Now may these lines become as seed, To be sown in her, so as she reads, She should know these things because Of all this dreaming, she's the cause.

The Nature of the Beast

What is the Establishment? Why, that's easy, you say: the Establishment Is those perso11B, taken collectively, who run the System.

But who are "those persons"? What are their names?

What, if anything, do U1ey have in common?

How did they get into the Establishment in the first place? Is one born into It?

Is it somethlng like a fraternity or a secret society?

Is great wealth a prerequisite for admission? Or is membership in the Establishment a prerequisite for owning great wealth in America?

There Is a great deal of confusion on these questions because of the s loppy but prevalent tendency to �uate prestige and status - i.e., social rank - with power in our society. Thing.s don't necessarily work that way.

It is clear that the one meaningful criterion for distinguishing members of the Establishment from nonmembers is power -power to make independent decisions which directly a ffec( the operation of the System.

In applying this criterion, however, it is ^e ssential to distinguish between apparent power, or power of a purely formal sort, and real power.

Milllary-lndu1lrlal Compl^ex

A• an examole. consider the oft-ment ioned ''mill t arylndustrial c omplex." The standard rhetoric on the subject would lead one to the conclusion that the bra BB ha ta - the generals and the admirala who make up the military side or the complex - are powerful men and, hence, part of the Establishment. But, as a matter of facf, this conclusion is false.

Most generals and admirals exercise virtually no lnflue·nce on the System. The average general may have a lot of tanks and guns lo play with. An admiral may command a mighty aircraft carrier or a whole fleet of secretaries and typists in the Pen lag on.

But one thing these men may not do is make independent decisions. All their gold braid does not change the fact that they are mere pawns in the game - and rather rigidly restricted pawns, at that.

Being allowed to decide whether next Tuesday's mission will be to blow up village "A" instead of village "B" in Vietnam does not constitute real power, in the System sense. Neither does having the authority to write a purchase order for one million mess kits, aluminum, collapsible.

Thill is not to say that there ill no truth in the Colonel Blimp bureaucrat caricatures of the military or that much of what's wrong in public life today is not exemplified in the Penta gon hierarchy. Bul the example of Di>uglas MacArthur should serve to illustrate what can begim happen when a general to get ideas too big for his brass hat.

Similar considerations apply to much of the industrial side of the military-industrial complex although the industrialisls, because they have money, must be scrutinized more carefully than the generals. There is no denying the fact that any man with \$500 million in the bank provided he is also moderately clever - has a definite potential for calling the tune.

Nevertheless, it ls surprising how little correlation there is between personal wealth and real power - in most cases.

In the first place, the manufacfurer who owns a \$100 million tire facfory by no means necessarily has \$100 million In financial weight to throw around. His liquid assets, available for buying poillicians, silencing critics, influencing elections, etc., will generally be much smaller than his fixed assets, such as land, buildings, and machinery. He may find himself hard pressed just keeping his employees' union bought off, tlie IRS off his back, and his yacht afloat

The average industrialist makes his contribution to the System not so much by pulling the strings as merely by playing along with it through his own money-grubbing self-interest. His control over our lives la largely mechanical -the filtli his factories pour Into the air we breath and the water we drink, the honking, flashing, screeching asphalt and neon jungle he has built for us to live in.

The control exercised over our lives by the System - and, thus, by the men of the Establishment is much more profound. It reaches into our minds and our souls and twists our wills to its own ends; it manipulates us and subtly persuades us; it corrupts us and robs us of our strength and our virtue; and, when its purpose is so served, it coldly snuffs out our lives by the millions.

The War-Makers

The military- industrial complex may glory in wars and it may profit from them, but it is the Establishment - not the generals and the facfory owners which m akes the basic decisions as to whether there shall be a war and when and against whom.

American involvement in both World Wars gives us an excellent example of how the Establishment works. Neither in World War I nor in World War II were the interests of the American people served by intervention in European conflicts. Yet, in 1917 Wilson dragged a reluctant America into a European war, and 24 years later Roosevelt managed the same thing.

In both cases the principal actors had been re-elected to the Pre si dency immediately beforehand on a platform of pacifism and nonintervention. And in both cases the mass media - principally the press, in that pre-TV era - had played the vital role of swinging public opinion into tine behind the newly elected instant warriors.

But neither Wilson nor Roosevelt were the ultimate decision-makers. Nor was it the

generals or the industrialists. In both cases the decisionmakers - the men of the Establishment-worked behind the scenes to further their own vital interests at the expense of the American people. And they exercised the necessary control over the System to prevail.

In World War I those whose interests were served were the Zionists, who received England's pledge, as later expressed in the Balfour Declaration, to deliver Palestine to them. In return they brought about U.S. intervention in the war on the side of England.

Their agents in this were Louis Brandeis, the Zionist Supreme Court justice, who exerted his influence directly on Wilson, and a number of Jewish newspaper publishers who controlled a substantial portion of the American press.

In World War II world Jewry was faced with its most serious crisis in centuries as National Socialist Germany moved to destroy Jewish power and infiue·nce in Europe. Again, the media played an enormously important role in conditioning the American people lo accept the necessity or a European war. In the war hysteria generated alter the forfuitous - but not unforeseen - Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor, Roosevelt and the press were able to sweep the public along on a monumentally destruct ive and murderous "Crusade in Europe."

We can again see the same process at work where the Middle Eastern war is concerned today.

The Omnipotent Media

IL is not the generals and it is not the industrialists who are responsible for the U.S. backing lsrael. Between them they couldn't begin to talk the American people into another war now.

But the media could - and

are. The g enerals and the munitions makers have clearly recognizable spheres of selfinterest. Thus, even the most credulous elements of the public immediately discount anything they say.

Unfortiinately, the same is not true of the media. First, most people do not recognize that the media also, because of the tightly knit nature of the group which controls them, have a definite sphere of sell-Interest. Second, the media are truly (and inherently) Oriental in their subtlety. The average American thinks "propaganda" is what ^a plainlv labeled spokesman for the System tells the people in order to keep them happy, win their support for a new government program, etc. He simply doesn't think anyone would be devious enough to lry to accomplish the same thing with the Wednesday Night Movie, or the Six O'Clock News, or an Associated Press release, or the Sunday supplement in his morning paper.

The pride of the media is their ability to create the illusion of ^a marketplace of diverse ideas and opinions, while in reality always representing only their

own interests. Consider, for example, the spectrum of views presented by the media on the Middle E ast conflict. Some editorial writers are hot for allout l! .S. military support of Israel, while others feel alittle less commitment would be more appropriate. Most commentators refer to the fedayeen as 11terrorists", while some use the more neutral term "guerrillas." And while some columnists rage about "Arab aggression," others gently remind us of tile miserable conditions in the Palestinian refugee camps.

But can you name a single major newspaper in America which advocates that we back the Arabs rather than the Jews? And when was the last time you heard David Brinkley re!er to Israeli commandos as "terrorists"?

No Choice

Indeed, we never get both sides of an issue from the media, but only various views of the same side. We are given the same sort of "choice" in forming our opinions that the Democrats and Republicnas present lo us every four years.

In today's world many things are important and represent power: money, the mllitary . . _ but the most important and powerful of all in a modern democracy is the mechanism for creating and controlling public opinion.

The group which has this mechanism in its hands wields the ultimate authority. That group is the Establishment- or, at least, the vital core of the Establishment.

And, in 20th-century America, that group is predominantly Jewish.

This may be hard to accept for those who have convinced themselves that the Establishment is Standard Oil and the Pentagon. In the world of 100 years ago that would have been the c ase. But today Mr. Rockefeller, despite all his millions and all his talent for deceit and all his conniving, grasping, unprincipled ambition, wields less power than say, Sam Newhouse, of whom most Americans have never heard.

Mr. Newhouse, the pubiicityshunning son of Jewish immigrants from Russia, doesn't own Standard Oil. But he does own 28 big-city daily newspapers, with a combined circulation of more than five million.

The slanted news in one day's printing of the Washington Post or the New York Times carries more weight than all the memoranda ever issued by all the generals in the Pentagon. Needless to say, both these papers are in the hands of Jewish families. If one considers not only direct ownership but also indirect control through advertising revenue - which is the lifebl'ood of any newspaper virtually every m ajor daily newspaper in America is subject to the dictates of the Jewish Establishment.

"Mlnilru"

We are living in the age of the mass media. It is an age in which new rules apply. No longer is it necessary, in order to control a nation, for a ruling clique to have a monopoly on the capital assets and the firepower of that nation.

These days control is exercised more subtly, but all the more surely, by manipulating the thoughts and the opinions of the populace. Universal literacy, which makes every American a newspaper reader, and unprecedented prosperity, which has put a TV receiver in every home, insure that that control will be all-pervasive.

There is only one way to fight it, and that is to understand what it is and who exercises it - and then to go after them tooth and nail.

SMASH THE SYSTEM' DEATH TO THE ESTABLISHMENT!

(lss11e No. 2, 1970)

This Andy Warhol advertisement for a Jewish nose-job, litled "Be!or. and After," was auctioned off in New York last month. An "ari;" collector paid \$21,000 for ii.

""""' ."-v. 8, /11"/l

Facts of Racial Science Blatantly Suppressed

One of the most memorable features of George Orwell's fascinating politico-fiction novel, 1984, is the "memory hole." Memory holes were the small wall orifices scattered throughtout the offices and corridors of the Ministry of Truth (propaganda ministry) and giving access to huge incinerators in the basement of that building. Any document, photograph, book, or whatever, containing evidence of any facts displeasing to Big Brother or not in accord with the Party's line of the moment, went into a memory hole.

Then, using the process of "doublethink," the government clerk or researcher who had just dropped something into a memory hole would immediately forget that that evidence had ever existed. Thus, facts became "unfacts," and any scrap of printed matter which might have contradicted Brother conveniently, disappeared

All Featherless Bined

the memory hole has become more than a figment of Orwell's imagination. It has been in wide use in the Western world for some time now, not only as an aid in rewriting history and politics but also for bringing science into accord with liberal dogma.

The field of science most blatantly abused in this way is physical anthropology—more specifically, racial science.

To the liberal it is axiomatic that all featherless bipeds are "equal"—not just equal before the law or in the sight of God, but endowed with equal creative potential, equal intellect, etc. In particular it is unthinkable that there might be inherent intellectual or psychic differences among the races of man.

The quite manifest racial differences in behavior, temperament—and, especially, achievement—are explained away as being due solely to

exploitation or repression of the "disadvantaged" race. For liberal doctrine holds that race is only skin-deep—strictly a matter of color nothing else

But there are also profound and highly significant physical and anatomical differencesbeside color—among the races.

Negroes, for example, have rains which are substantially maller, on the average, that nose of Caucasians. Negro

those of Caucasians. Negri skulls are thicker, their crania structure is more primitive and their cranial sutures fuse at an ealier age than is the case with Whites.

This is not racist theory but scientific fact, which has been carefully observed in thousands of autopsies and comparative anatomical studies. It was, until a few years ago, readily accessible to the inquiring reader in any

Today, however, it has

n race in the latest editions of ill the major encyclopedias ave been rewritten, not for the ake of scientific updating but or the sake of deleting all naterial which might suggest ne possibility of inequality mong races, particularly etween Negro and White. All the carefully compiled neasurements on cranial tructure, brain size, etc. have one down the memory hole

The 1967 edition of Encyclopaedia Britannica, for example, offers exactly two sentences, on the physical characteristics of Negroes: "The general characteristics of Negroe populations are: a dark skin, woolly hair, thick lips and a high frequency of the CDe (Ro) blood group (see BLOOD GROUPS). Most of these populations are characterized by a short and broad nose, a protruding lower part of the jaw (prognathism) and legs that are long compared with the trunk." (Volume 16 p. 187)

Hoked-up History

After approximately one page of exposition on other matters pertaining to the Negro, there follows a 17-page panegyric on the American Negro. Obscure Blacks with no material or historical achievements are written up as though they were important and great people, giving the impression that the development of the United States has been a matter of more-or-less equal partnership between Black and White Americans.

Nowhere is there mention of the biometric facts given in earlier editions of the encyclopedia.

There can be no double whatever as to the reason for this omission. It has certainly not been to save space, for the number of pages devoted to the Negro is larger in the current edition than in any previous edition. No, the intentions of Britannica's editors are quite spident.

Regro

adesignative personal properties and the secondary (the Welle district of Belgian Congo) less platyrrhine and less dark. A few tribes in the heard of the properties and the properties and the properties and the properties and the properties and the properties and the properties and the properties and the properties and the properties and the properties and the properties and the properties and the properties and the properties and the properties and the properties and the properties and the properties and the properties and the properties and the properties and the properties and the properties and the properties and the properties and the properties and the properties and the properties and the properties and the properties and the properties and the properties and the properties and the properties and the properties and the properties and the properties and the properties and the properties and the properties and the properties and the properties and the properties and the properties and the properties and the properties and the properties and the properties and the properties and the properties and the properties and the properties and the properties and the properties and the properties and the properties and the properties and the properties and the properties and the properties and the properties and the properties and the properties and the properties and the properties and the properties and the properties and the properties and the properties and the properties and the properties and the properties and the properties and the properties and the properties and the properties and the properties and the properties and the properties and the properties and the properties and the properties and the properties and the properties and the properties and the properties and the properties and the properties and the properties and the properties and the properties and the properties and the properties and the properties and the properties and the properties and the properties and the properties and the prop

MOST OLDER EDITIONS of encyclopedias have been consigned to the flames, destroying all mention of racial differences which would otherwise be available to students. In a few secondhand book shops and out-of-the-way libraries the proscribed information can still be found, however. The photograph above is from the 11th edition of Encyclopaedia Britanica (Volume XIX, page 344); that on the right, above, is from The Book of Popular Science (Volume II), published in 1931 by the Grolier Society. The apologetic tone of this reference reveals the pressure already being applied 40 years ago to suppress the truth. Another source of current information on racial differences is advanced medical texts on anatomy and surgery. These are apparently considered sufficiently esoteric and inaccessible to the general public set to be "Safe."

The verdict is that the negro of these is poorer, its construction sin psychological type, on the average most notably in the matters of

which paralyze self-confrol, are his enemies. If the anthropologist could report otherwise, no doubt he would. His study of mankind, and his interest in human types, tend toward humanity and sympathy with those whom he studies; and he has no desire to report anything which would lead to other feelings. But the interests of scientific truth are paramount, not merely because truth is truth, but because we must know in order to control, and because false hopes are not worth fortering. Impartial students in the United States report very unfavorably on the influence of the race of lower psychological type upon

migration, the latter have been affected mostly by Mongolian movement. The N. characteristics are deep brown, almost black, skin, cool, velvety, and emitting a peculiar odor; short, black woolly hair of elliptical section; short, flat, broad, snub nose with depressed base and dilated nostrils; black eye, black iris, and yellow sclerotic coat; prognathle jaws, facial angle 70°; thick lips, protruding and showing the inner red; high and prominent cheek bones; very thick skull, dolicocephalic (index 70°); cranial capacity, 35 (average European, 45); long arms, weak legs; flat, broad foot with low instep, and 'lark wheel'; yellowish palms and soles; height (average 5 ft. 10 in.) above the average, gin a marked feature is the early closing of the cranial sutures, a premature ossification appearing to prevent a full develop.

derstand that Negroes are simply human beings who happen to have dark skins, and any troublesome facts which might distract us from this fundamental theme bave simply been fed to the incinerator

And to take the place of those troublesome facts an entime pseudo-history has been hoked up. In this pseudo-history a hapless mulatto who wandered into the British line of fire all Boston is elevated into an inspired leader of the American Revolution; Admiral Pearry's Black manservant, whom he carted along with him on his arctic expeditions, becomes an intrepid explorer and codiscoverer of the North Pole; Black cowboys help tame the West; and Black military leaders play a crucial role in the evolution of the U.S. Army.

Perhaps the motives of Britannica's editors are as pure as the driven snow. It may be that they feel that in an era of increasing racial tension and conflict they can help bring about harmonious relations between the races by artifically providing the Negro with a sense of self-esteem he has previously lacked.

Almost certainly some of those writers and editors who have stretched the truth out of shape in order to write the new Black histories which are coming off the presses these days feel that their altruistic end justifies their rather shady means.

But what of the scientists, the anthropologists? Can they possibly excuse the suppression of the truth and the perversion of their profession simply because it might hurt someone's feeling to teach that Negroes have more bone and less grey matter above their collars than Whites do?

No one asks that the anthropologist label the Negro as "inferior." That requires making a value judgement, which is quite a different thing

from simply expounding the

If it is embarrassing to the professor to have to acknowledge that the Negro skull is more "apelike" than the Caucasian skull, he can always point out Caucasian hair is more akin to that of the apes than is Negro hair-or, more properly, Negro wool. So what?

Doctrinaire Obsessions

Are we so frightened of the possibility that the facts of acce, if widely disseminated, might lead to some social and political re-evaluations that we must pretend that what is so is not so?

Must we make "unfact" of fact in order to keep our civilization from coming apart at the seams?

Have we not yet learned, at this late date, that the truth will always out, sooner or later, and that to persist in ignoring it must inevitably make the day of reckoning more painful? Have our scholars, our scientists, our learned men is this enlightened era so little sense of duty and propriety that they will continue to aid rather than oppose those whose doctrinaire obsessions make them emenies of truth?

The Lie of Lysenkolsm

The sad actuality is that for practically all anthropologists there has been no real moral struggle at all over this issue. It has been very easy for them to "go along in order to get along"

In the Soviet Union those who for decades accepted and taught Lysenkoism to their students, knowing all the while they were teaching a lie, a least had the excuse that the NKVD was watching them.

Which all goes to prove two things: First, that the threat of being burned at the stake or liquidated by the secret polici is by no means necessary to assure doctrinal orthodoxy Moral terror and the herd instinct are quite sufficient. It is safe to say that the average American university professor is more afraid of being labeled a "racist" and ostracized by the liberal university Establishment than his Soviet counterpart feared that midnight knock on the door.

And, second, that the stereotype of the typical professor-scientiat as a clear-syed seeker of the truth is as phony as a three-dollar bill. The true pioneers, rebels, and leonoclasts, who were able to recognize truth amid the prejudices and dogmas of their day and then were willing to make real sacrifices for the sake of that truth—the Brunos the Galileos, and even the Scopenes—have always been as different from their more pedestrian colleagues as is the day from the night.

(Issue So. 3, 1971)

On Plutocracy in America

By John Sullivan

The American people pride themselves on being "free men," pragmatic and rational beings who bow before no man and only slightly, if at all, before gods. Not for them the degraded and obsequious respect for aristocracy, tradition, hierarchical religion, and all the other leftovers from bad, old Europe!

Like all of America's myths, this is so many sheep droppings; for in actuality the American people, taken together, constitute the most credulous, superstitious mass of mindless serfs in the history of the world and the most ignominious mob of grovelers and lickspittles since the Helots of Sparts.

Cocksure Clods

The "free" citizen of Moronia trembles not before the enigma of existence. Your cocksure, TV-saturated clod, puffed up with all the pseudoscience and ludicrous twaddle which passes for education, is beyond such medieval hangovers. Yet he "believes," with the faith of little children, in "progress," in "education," in "freedom," in "equality," and in all the idiotic fuss and fuddle of plutocratic democracy. He nods gravely over the asinine emissions of Ph.D.'s and finds his ideal of the true and the good in the creations of advertising and public-relations charlatanry. In brief, Moronia's substitute for religion is a thousand times more obnoxious and a million times more improbable than the real thing at its very worst.

religious feelings, the American is bound, nine times out of ten, to express it in outlandish forms. If he tends toward liberalism, the Unitarian or Quaker quackery suffices to satisfy his spiritual needs. If conservatism is his thing, he is sure to find balm for his soul in the tatterdemalion

bufoonery of fundamentalism with its sexually psychopathic revivalist syndrome.

Dignity of worship, like all other manifestations of superiority and culture, elicits no response from the "free" American. Thus the startling number of zany, ugly, and brutal religions that have sprouted up on American soil: Jehovah's Witnesses, Adventists, Holy Rollers, Christian Scientists—every conceivable bird of prey in the aviary of man's credulity. And these from a people supposedly enlightened and liberated from the burden of their Gothic heritage.

Pliant Careerists

Nor does the Americano bend before kings, defile before caudillos, commissars, and likesuch. His leaders are, like himself, living embodiments of the national character and, therefore, half-wits... or so they appear to be. If a man of real ability, independent habits, sound vision, and true culture presented himself to the electorate, he would be laughed to scorn, and if he offended democratic sensibilities too deeply he might find his life in actual danger. If such a person were to venture into politics he would have to hide his light under a bushel of platitudes.

This is why the Presidency, ever since John Quincy Adams vacated it, has been a refuge for outright scoundrels and pliant careerists. This resultant lack of leadership is why plutocracy has been able to loot and degrade us to its heart's content.

It used to be that every so often a really independent man would slip into office, or that once in office a formerly pliable party hack would try to upend his masters. Andrew Jackson is a good example of this, as is Lincoln, who for most of his life was the very epitome of the opportunistic, gasbag

politician. When he gave evidence of wanting to create a true nation out of the ruins of the Civil War, he was

Assassinated.

Lincoln's Vice-President, Andrew Johnson, was almost driven out of office by Thaddeus Stevens and his horde or ace-mixers and financiers. Johnson's lenient policy toward the South and his anti-Semitism constituted a grave threat to the Northeastern Anglo-Yiddish plutocracy which took over this country in 1865 and has held it ever since.

What America Is All About

Now, however, since the people have grown far more stupid and the techniques of brainwashing more expert, the System is hermetically sealed against talent, vision, and honesty. I firmly believe that every public official in the United States, from the Justice of the Peace in Nowheresville up to the President himself, is a bona fide criminal who, under normal conditions and under normal conditions and under any other system, would be in the penitentiary. Yet, this is the leadership that America deserves, the type that most closely approximates the national zeitgeist...for, isn't money-grubbing and swindling what America is all about, anyhow?

Anynow?

Nor does the golden realm of art entice them with its reasures. The average American is definitely no easthete. Refinements of cound, of form, of utterance, never intrude upon his workaday weltanschauung, and his art, such as it is, reflects his total immunity to beauty. In soup-can portraiture, psychedelic clap-trap, glass-box architecture, and rock music the American has finally found a culture low enough for his tastes; just as in glichard Nixon Londian.

who correspond to his swinishly debased notion of what leadership is all about. And so he revels in it, wallows in it, enjoying—mongrel that he is—the sights and sounds, the aromas and flavors of mediocrity and ignominy, this is so-called "freedom." This is the state of being which your pragmatic, rational, scientific, 20th-century superman finds so superior to the culture of his acceptance.

Demo-man's Delt

hor are held in high regard by demo-man. But he does have a deity—a totem, if you wishbefore which he prostrates himself, a hero to him more heroic than Lancelot: I have never met an American who did not venerate, adore, worship, and palpitate over a rich man, especially a "self-made" rich man. No courtier ever fawned more over his master, no oriental eunuch bowed tower than our "free-and-equal" fellaheen do when caressing the stinking toes of some supera varicious, extra-unscrupulous, organically malicious creature from the lower depths who has nuzzled and clawed his way to the top of the mercantile dungbill

Inherited wealth, however, is always suspect in the eyes of demo-man. Its possessor did not "earn it" and is, therefore, tainted and might be given to Heliogabolic vices like art collecting or classical music. The self-made phutocrat, on the other hand, is covered with the scars of mercantile combat and the sin of leisure has not yet scented away the stench of the marketplace.

I am not insinuating that people like the Rockefellers are in any way superior to the New Money crowd. I only point out the pathological American "respect for the man who "makes a million" on his own and the equally pathological

hatred for anything that even faintly resembles aristocracy. The monstrous inheritance laxes are proof enough of this attitude, as, in fact, that in order to survive, the scion of inherited wealth must prove how "democratic" be is by clowning in true "everyman" style. Witness the election-time pantomines of Nelson Rockefeller and, more to the point, the case of his nephew, who recently emerged from a year as a ghetto resident, I submit that a man who leaves a comfortable baronial estate to dwell with criminal negrodia and half-breed Puerto Ricans, cannot possibly enjoy it unless he is some sort of freak. This may well be the case. But it is more likely that the young Rockefeller was ordered into Spanish Harlem as part of the overall campaign to democratize his family's image.

American National Faith

Truly the self-made man is cock-of-the-walk in the United States. Everytime some vulgar oaf gets rich by concecting some fresh precocity of a swindle the System is strengthened, because he has helped keep the National Faith allive; the cement that bolds all the dissipate elements together in a semblance of nationhood-the bope that 200 million TV-watchers cultivate in their heart of hearts, the becknoing horizon toward which 100 million automible drivers are speeding, the goal that keeps the mob steadfast in its pursuit of "happicess," the vision for which all the national platitudes are but a facade—the All - American Dream thal you, too, with the proper education, luck, and just plair skill at consiving, can be rich and, therefore, wise and—when knows?—maybe even beautiful.

Second, just as in dealing with alcoholism, a long-term mending of the flaws in our society which cause so many people to turn to drugs is required.

Actually, these two phases of our approach to the drug problem must go hand in hand. Clearly the decrepit, liberal, corrupt, and gutless government with which A merica is now cursed will never adopt a rea lly tough and effective enforcement policy.

Problem Grows Worse

Nixon ^{a n}d his predecessors ha ve fina nced innu merable studies, issued solemn reports, made inspira tional speec hes, institu ted new " get- tough " policies, announced sensational drug seizures-but all that is just so much s ound and fury, signifying nothing. The hard reality remains that the d^ru g menace continues growing year by year, day by day.

Can you imagine the present administration ordering the publ ic ha nging of even one heroin peddler - and even iI the law ^a llowed it and even after he had been duly convicted and that conviction had been upheld by every a ppellate court in the land? Unthinkable !

Prohibition as an Example

The problem of effec tive enforcement goes far beyond the liberal pa ralysis of our leg islatures a nd c ourts, to whom the civil rights of the

drug pushers are more sacred than the health and well-being of all the rest of society. The 13 year a ttempt by the United States government, between 1920 and 1933, to curtail the sale of _ alcoholic beverages serves as a cogent and concise illustration.

After prohibition legislation had been enacted, the government put a great deal of effort into i ts e nforcement. And certainly the authorities did succeed in putting many a speakeasy out of business, breaking up many an illegal distillery, a nd putting a num ber of gangsters behind bars. But the government failed utterly in achieving the basic aim of prohibition, namely, the prevention of the consumption of alcohol and the corollary suppression of all alcohol's a ttendant ills.

Official Corruption

A key element in this failure was the government's inability to deal effectively with the orga nized criminals who controlled the immensely profitable liquor business. The gangs diverted millions of dollars of their illegal booze profits into the pockets of corrupt judges, police officials, mayors, governors, and Congressmen.

This massive bribery gave the gangs the protection they needed to carry on their business. U nless the government were prepared to thoroughly clean out its own stables at every level, from the ward a nd precinct headquarters on up-and it was not-it could not realistically hope to s ta mp out the prohibition-era gangs, thus breaking the backbone of the boo•e trade once and for all.

And we are faced with even worse official corruption today than in the 1920's. It would b^e going too far afield from the central topic of this policy statement to explore all the ramifica lions of governmental corruption and its possible cures.

Without a ttempting to present a solution for that problem here, let us simply reiterate the two steps which, in one way or another, must be taken in order to eliminate the menace of hard drugs : (I) ruthless, even brutal extermination of the organi2ed criminal apparatus of drug distribution and (2) a long-term rebuilding of our society on a sane, healthy , and natural basis.

The Pot Problem

Marijuana is really in a class by itself. All available evidence seems to indicate that its use does not result in physical ^a ddic tion. A lthough experimental data on the longterm physiological effects of pot smoking are far from complete at this time, the smoke from marijuana does seem to be at least as rich in tar and other carcinogens as tobacco smoke.

It would be the sheerest lolly, however, to rate pot as no worse than tobacco. The reason is that a substantial portion of the persons who smoke pot regularly do so in order to become intoxicated-to have a "high."

Marijuana is the accepted means of escape from reality for the rapidly growing number of young, White Americans who have decided to drop out and turn on. A whole subculture based on the weed has sprung up in the last decade. And, in case you didn't know, it's another world, man !

Drano, Anyone?

Now, the NY A is not alarmed because we have a small minority of persons in our society w ho ha ve self. destructive urges. If an i ndividual wants to mess up his insides by drinking Sterno squeezings-or even Drano, for tha t matter-tha t's his business. There's very little danger that either Sterno or Drano w ill catch on.

But pot has caught on. It is no longer an individual problem, but society's problem. It is ^a problem because it offers an escape, an easy out, for those who have taken a look at the world and found it so seriously wanting that they don't want to become a part of it.

Human Garbage

There is, of course, plenty of plain human garbageweaklings ^{a n}d rejects and a ntisocials of every sort^a mong those who have joined the drug culture. But there ar^e too many who are basically sound-and perhaps because of tha t very soundness have rejected an ugly, dirty, and senseless world with w hich they feel out of tune.

We need those people; America needs the ^m ; our race needs them. They should be even more highly motivated than most of the members of the "s tra ight " culture lo make the revoluntionary changes in our world that mus t be made if we are to survive.

Withdrawing ... escaping .. dropping out may ease the pressure on the individual, but it will never get the problem solved-regardless of all the hos tility and revolutionary rhetoric directed at the "pigs" and other straights.

Revolutions are made and civiliza tions are maintained by people with clear heads ^a nd th^e self-discipline to face problems squarely until they are solved, not by those who head for cloud nine whenever the going gets tough. So let's get with it, man !

(Issue No. 3, 1971)

Lighting Up the Tibetan Plateau With Otairman Mao

An enormous amount of Chinese Communist prop::igan da material �omes i ⁿ t o thi ^s cou ^{n t} ry, ^w here it is dilige ntly dis ^{t r} ibuted by such Peki ng-oriented groups as th^e Progressive Labor Party .

The uninitiated, u pon firs ^t reading through ab^{a t}ch of thi^s Chinese material, may begin to ^suspect that the transla tors who rendered it •nto Engl ish were all ^{s e c re t} ly working for Chia ng Kai-sh< k. In the first place, most of it is incredib ly dull, dealing with such unstimulating topics as: " R ^e port of an I nvest •ga ^t 1on into the W^u kou Parr � Time Tea-Growing and Part-Time S tudy Midd le Scl10ol in W ^u yuan County, Kiangsi Province.·•

Unintentional Humor

The only thing that keeps the reader going beyond the first paragra ph is the fac t that much of the m^{a te r}i^a l is also hilarious. Here, fo ^rflavor, are the titles of a few articles in recent issues of Peking R ^e vie w a ⁿ d China Pictorial:

"The 1 25,000-Kw. Steam Tu rbo-Generating Set Wi th a Double Internal Water-Cooling S y^{s t}e^m , Manu factureu by the Chinese Working Class ^A rmed With Mao Ts^e tung T hough ^t, ls Now ln ^O peration"

M ^ao T ^{s e} t ^{u n} g T h ^{o u} ght Lights Up the Tibetan Pl^{a t}eau" "Resolutely Taking the Road of M ^a in taining Independence and Keeping the I nitia ^t ive in Our Hands and Relying on Our

"Unprecedentedly Excellent Situ ation in China's Great

Own E fforts"

P ^r oletarian Cultur al Revolution"

" V i g ^{o r o u s} l y G rasp i ⁿ g Revolu ^t i on and P romoting Produ ction, Workers of the S h ^{a n} ghai Transformer Plant, Working With Greater, Faster, Better, and M ore Econom ical Results, Fulfilled the 1 969 State Prod^{u c}tion Plan 50 Days Ahead of S ^ched^u l^e " (Whew! Tha t really tells it like it is.)

Par ticu larly g ^r ippi ⁿg ^a re some of the articles directed against the Sovie t U nion. For example:

" T horoughly Crush the Rapid Aggressive Ambitions of Soviet R ^e vision ist Socia l-Im perialism!"

" Soviet Revisionist R enegade Clique Can Only Be Digging I ts Own G ^r ave i ⁿR ^a p i d l y Opposing China"

"Soviet Peop le, Rise iⁿ S ^truggle, P^{o w}erfully Pounding ^a t the Reactionary Rule of th^e New T^sar^s"

"Yo ^uG ^{a n} g of Soviet Revision i st Renegades, You Have Bullied Us Long Eⁿough" "We W i ll Res olutel y, T h oroug hly, Whol ly, and C ^{o m} p l ^e t ^e l y W i p ^eOut AU Ag g ^{r e} sso^{r s}Who Dare to

Just Wait, Hat^oyam^a !

I nvade"

T he cake is really taken, however, by the " ^r evolutionary" poems aⁿd songs that are occas i onally priⁿ ted in Ch ina Pictorial. Here , believe it Or not, are the words of an inspirational little ditty titled "Hatred in My Heart S prouts ^a 'Hundredfold" :

I'm furi^ous at the enemy, Suppressing my hatred, I grind my teeth. ·Hatoyama has tried by every

means to ge t the code. He killed my granny and my dad.

In d ^e speration he has threatened me,

But I'll stay firm unto death. Chewing my hat red, I swall^ow it down

In my heart to ^s p rou ^ta hundred fold. No tears I sho^w, to my heart

they go To irrig^a te flowers of blazing

fire. Flames of r^age leap a thousand leagues high.

To consu me this reign of filthy darkness.

Arrest me, release me, I'm well prepared.

I fear not whip and lash, I fea^r not lock and chains.

I won't give you the code . Even if you grin d me to p owder. Just wait, H atoyama,

This is Tieh-mei's answer!

Bourgeois Skill

Propaganda written in this country by our home-grown brand of Mao-thinkers may not be phrased as ludicrously as that written in Chin^a, but it ^o ften doesn't make any better ^{s e} nse. As a ⁿil lus·t ^{r a} tion, consider the following gem from a recent issue of PL, Progressive Labor's theoretical orgaⁿ(edited by Mao-the^{o r}ists Mil ton Rosen and Solomon Davidowicz).

In an a ^r ticle attack i ng Professor Arthur R. J ^ensen'^s findings on genetic deficiencies in Negro intelligenc^e , we read :

"To accept the ruling class'^s definition of intelligence is to fall into the lib^er^al trap that black people'sproblems are due to inadeq^{u a}teopportunity to learn such bourgeois skills as ^abstra ^c t reasoning."

After going on to make it absol^u tely clear that if there's one thing good Mao-thinkers have no use for it's a bourgeois skill like abstract reasoning, the ^article comes to the conclusion that it is p recisely b^ecause of their limited mental horizons that Negroes should share the lea dership of the revolution with God's own Chosen Ones : "Black workers are the most advanced se ^ctor of the ^w orking class. T hey can provide leadership because they are not bef uddl ed by bourgeois id^{e o}l^ogy."

(Issue No. 4, 1971)

Editor-in-Chief Gives Phila TV Speech

ATfACK! 's editor, Dr. William Pierce, announced to Philadelphia ^a rea TV watchers recently NY A 's intention of helping to build a neworder in American life. On August 26 Dr. Pierce gave ^ahard - hitting 10 - minute speech over Philadelphi^a '^s WT AF-TV, ^outlining NY A's goals aⁿd activities.

This unusua I opportunity for NY A to utilile the facilities of a mass medium was the d irect result of a Marxist

^a ttack. The candidate of the Independent Socialist Party for mayor of Philadelphia, commu-Zionist Marvin Burak, had attacked NY A in on^e of his televised campaign speeches.

Burak implied that if his principal ^opponent, Philadel� phis Police Chief Fn,h'< Rl•zo, won the mayoralty race NY A's fascist goon squads would terrorize and regiment Philadelphia youth.

The station which broadcast Burak's imaginative speech was then obliged by law to offer NYA eqi.al time for ^areply.

In describing NY A's program, Dr. Pierce emphasized

how NY A stands out from a ll other youth organizations. Of all the anti - communis t youth groups in America , only NY A is both militant and radical - i.e., with a revolutionary program; and of all the radical, militant youth groups, only NY A is anticommunist and pro-Ameri can.

Dr. Pierce displayed the Summer 1971 issue of ATI'ACK ! to the 'IV audience and invited them to write to the National Office for a free copy. There were a number of takers.

(Issue No. 7, 1971)

Why Conservatives Can't Win

Some of my best friends are conservatives. I sincerely like them and I admire them for their genuine virtues: for their sense of propriety and personal integrity in an age of corruption, for their independent spirit and their willingness to stand on their own feet in an increasingly naternalistic society.

Therefore, I hope my conservative friends will forgive me for what I am about to write.

A Tragic Choice

There is not the least doubt in my mind that if I were forced to cast my lot with either American conservatism or with the left – old or new – I would choose conservatism

But, fortunately, none of us is faced with such a limited choice. It would surely be tragic if we were. It would be tragic in the great sense, in the Spenglerian sense. We would be making the choice of Spengler's Roman soldier whose bones were found in front of a door in Pompeii — who, during the eruption of Vesuvius, died at his post because they forgot to relieve him. We would be choosing what is right and honorable and in accord with the traditions of our race — and

For conservatives cannot possibly emerge victorious from the life-or-death struggle in which they are presently engaged. Although their opponents on the radical left may not attain their own goals — indeed, cannot attain them because they are based on an erroneous conception of mar and Nature — conservatives have proved themselves utterly incapable of preventing the destruction of their own world by those same radical leftists.

Revolutionary Advantage

Conservatives cannot win because the enemy to which they are opposed is a revolutionary enemy — an enemy with revolutionary goals and guided by a revolutionary view of life.

The advantage has alway lain — and always will lie — on the side of the contender who is prepared to take the offensive, rather than maintaining a defensive position only. And the elementary natures of the conservative and the revolutionary determine that the one shall always play an essentially defensive role and the other an offensive role.

Besieged vs. Besieger

This defensive-offensive dichotomy does not apply absolutely to tactics, of course, but it does to strategy. The conservative may launch brief counterattacks — he may sally forth from his fortress to harry his revolutionary besieger — but in the long run he is always the besieged and the revolutionary the besieger.

The goal of the conservative is to protect what is, or, at the

extreme, to restore what recently was. The goal of the revolutionary is to radically transform what is, or to do away with it altogether, so that it can be replaced by something entirely different.

Raceless Nirvana

Thus, the conservative talks of "restoring the constitution," of halting crime in the streets, of keeping down taxes, of fighting the spread of drugs and pornography, of keeping Big Government in check. And the leftist strives for a utopia in which there shall be no war, no "repression," no "racism," no bounds on the individual's freedom of action — a raceless and effortless nirvana of "love" and "equality" and plenty.

Never Never I and

The conservative's goals may seem reasonable enough — and attainable. The leftist's goals, on the other hand, lie in a never-never land far beyond the horizon of reality. And that is precisely what gives the advantage to the left.

When the conservative makes some minor gain — getting a "constructionist" on the Supreme Court or a Republican in the White House — he is likely to act as if he had just won the whole war. He sees the achievement of his aims just around the corner, he lowers his guard, and he settles back to enjoy the fruits of his imagined victory. But the leftist is never satisfied, regardless of what concessions are made to his side, for his goals always remain as remote as before.

The conservative works in fits and spurts. He reacts with alarm to new depredations from the left, but is satisfied if he is able to fall back, regroup his wagons, and establish a new line of defense. The leftist keeps on pushing, probing, advancing taking a step back now and then, but only to be able to take three steps forward later.

Defeat by Halves

If the leftist makes new demands – for example, for the forced racial integration of schools or housing – the conservative will oppose them with a plea to maintain "neighborhood" schools and "freedom of association." When the smoke clears, the leftist will have won perhaps half what he demanded, and the conservative will have lost half what he tried to preserve.

But then the conservative will accept the new status que as if things had always been that way, and prepare to defenit against fresh attacks from the left with the same ineptitude he displayed in defending the oliposition.

Evil Ideology

This continually shifting position is almost as great a disadvantage to the conservative

as is his chronic inability to grasp the initiative. The revolutionary left has an ideology, evil and unnatural though it may be, and from this ideology come the unity and the continuity of purpose which are indispensable prerequisites for victory.

What can conservatives, on the other hand, look to as a fighting credo, an immutable principle for which they are willing to sacrifice all? They have been retreating so rapidly during the last 50 years or so that they have completely lost sight of the earlier ground on which they stood. It has simply receded over the ideological horizon.

"Racists" Are Radicals

Consider race, for example, Half a century ago men like Madison Grant and Lothrop Stoddard were spokesmen for the conservative position on race. They argued eloquently albeit defensively, for the preservation of America's racial identity by maintaining strict barriers against miscegenation, adopting sound immigration controls, and applying eugenic standards to the problem of population quality. Today no "responsible" conservative would be caught with the books on either of these men in his living-room bookcase, for by present conservative standards they are both "racists" — hence, "radicals" rather than safely respectable conservatives

Saving the Constitution

Is there any granite outcropping in the midst of the shifting sands — any firm common ground on which conservatives can rally?

The defense of the Constitution, perhaps?

The Constitution no longer exists, except as a scrap of paper in the National Archives its relevance became nil when it was no longer able to serve the purpose its authors intended for

Insuring domestic tranquility and promoting the general welfare are quite different undertakings today than they were 200 years ago. Even such a fundamental portion of the Constitution as its ironclad guarantee of the right to keep and bear arms has proved to be as worthless as the paper it was written on. Nor has the Constitution's explicit ban against legislators who give aid and comfort to our enemies served to prevent the United States Senate from becoming a hotbed of treason.

Free-Enterprise Pitfal

How about rescuing the American free-enterprise system from the evil machinations of Big Government?

As a matter of fact, the recenterprise system was still elatively intact during the beriod when alien forces ubverted our government and ook over our country, and it

cannot be said that free enterprise slowed them down even one little bit. The people who gained control of our biggest newspapers and our motion-picture industry and our radio and TV networks did so with the aid of free enterprise, rather than in spite of it.

More than Economics

These comments should not be considered a condemnation of free enterprise per se, nor a belittling of the importance of economic problems in general; more than one nation has gone to ruin through economic mismanagement. The point is that America's problems today go far deeper than any constitutional or economic reforms can hope to cure or

The youth of America are smart enough to recognize these things for themselves, and, consequently, are not to be blamed for having few tears to shed for the demise of either the Constitution or laissez-faire capitalism.

Fanatics Needed

The left can find plenty of misguided young fanatics willing to set themselves afire or blow up a police station in order to further the cause of "equality" or "peace." But the idea of young men and women assembling bombs in candle-lit cellars to put an end to the progressive income tax or social-security deductions is simply ridiculous.

Until conservatives can offer something more inspiring, not many young Americans will rally to their standard.

Conservatism's two principle failings, lack of a spirit of aggressive activism and lack of any clearly defined ideological basis, go hand in hand. The one cannot be had without the other.

Illtimate Goals

outstanding anti-communist leader: "The lack of a great, creative idea always signifies a limitation of fighting ability. A firm conviction of the right to use each and any weapon is always bound up with a fanatical belief in the necessity of the victory of a revolutionary new order on this earth.

"A movement which is not fighting for such ultimate goals and ideals will never seize upon the ultimate weapon" ... and, needless to say, will never emerge victorious from a struggle with an opponent who is so motivated

Revolutionary vs. Revolutionary

Though conservatism cannot win against the left, a new revolutionary force, with the spiritual basis that conservatism lacks, and advancing with ever more boldness and determination than the forces of the left, can win!

That new revolutionary force is being built now. Its ranks are being filled with disciplined idealistic young Americans.

They have examined and found wanting both the drugs-and-sex libertinism of the left and the economic libertinism of the right.

A New Order

They are fighting for a new order in American life, base not on the fads and whims oo the moment, but on the fundamental values of race and personality — values which once led Western man to the master of the earth and which can ye regain that mastery for him and lead him on to the conquest of the universe.

They know that the time is long past when conservative rhetoric or conservative votes might have saved the day. They understand that America's salvation must now come from young men and women of revolutionary spirit and outlook who are through talking and voting and instead are working toward the day when they can seize the true enemies of our people by the hair of their heads and slit their throats.

(Issue No. 4, 1971)

"Don't you understand? This is life, this is what is happening
We can't switch to another channel."

On Liberty

"Is life so dear or peace so sweet as to be purchased al the price of chains and sla very ? Fo rbid ii, A lmigh ty God! ^I know not what course others may take, but as for me, give me lib erty or give me death !"

Pat rick Henry's impassioned words , nearly two centuries o ld now, are per ha ps the best known and most cherished ever u ttered in A merica. No true American that is , no America n of H enry 's race - can read those words today without being stirred by them.

Love of Liberty in Our B lood

It matters not how "liberal" an education we have had , nor how much of the propagan da of surre n der and weakness and defeat has been cra mmed into our sk ulls. The appeal of Henry 's words finds its response in our blood - in our genes, w here it has lain these past twenty thousand years and more.

The freeborn farmer-warrior, who typified what is best in our race throughout long ages past, may have little place in today's slick , conniving world , but as l ong as his blood still flows, relat ively u npolluted, in our veins, even the most democr a t ically acclima tized urbanite among us must feel the gooseflesh rise along the na pe or his neck when the call lo take up arms against a tyrant rings out.

Perversion of Liberty

But what has that to do w ith what today m asquerades as "liberty"? What connection has the sentiment so eloquen tly e xpressed in 1 775 by P atrick Henry with the puling, sm irk ing insiste nce on freedom to "do h is thing" by e very imaginable brand of degenerate and pervert today? What has it to do with the rauco us demand for "Freedom now!" voiced by Blacks who want a bigger slice of the welfare state - or else?

The Latin root froin which the word " liberty " has sprung is proli fic; it has also y ielded "li beral , '' "libertaria n ," and "libertine." All these words share a general implication of "lack of res traint." The range of meaning given to them is enormous, h owever.

For what a gulf stre tches between the " liberty" of Patrick Henry - meaning freedom from polit ical and econom ic domination· by a foreign tyrant - and the "liberty" of our prese nt-day l i bertarians meaning the freedom of the individual from every restra int imposed by socie ty. In the one case it is one or Western man's most c herished and valua ble possessions; in the 011\e r, simply a manifestation of the sickness call e d. lib era lism w h ich is carrying Western man swiftly toward his extinction .

Liberty Not An A bsolu te

A s liberty has no absolute mea ning, it has n o absolute value. To be free from an alien

norm a n d every cultural one another. tradition in favor of a formless, nor mless chaos - that is not good .

F reed om to inq u ir e , to e x p lore , to exp eriment, to invent - that is both good and necessary if our race is to advance and fulfill its destiny. F r e edom to ignore eve ry aut hority, to esc ape every obligation, to indulge every whim - that is neither good nor progressive.

Libertarian V iew Simplistic

The great over-simplification of t h e libe rta ria n is the assumption that freedom is nn absolute - that man is either fr�e or he is not free - that if we want freedom or inqu iry, for e xample, t hen we must also acc ept as a n e cessary concomi tan t total freedom for sel f-indulgence .

Thus, the familiar spe cta cle of S enators , editors and educators calling for the military defeat of our nation ; of Black criminals calling for the murder of our race ; of anarchists of every hue calling for the destruction of our c u lture while we s m ile tolerantly , if a bit nervously. for we have been taught that to silence a trai tor is to strangle libe r ty. Even to punch a M cGovern or a Kennedy - or a N ixon - in the mouth and d enounce him for what he is makes us suspect as enemies of free speech.

Seman tic Trick

What nonsense! The argu ment that if we ap prove or free speech we must tolera te subversion is a semantic trick.

A variation of the same trick goes like this: R acial loyalty, racial pride, racial idealism are a form of 1'collectivism," in that emphasis is shifted from the individual to a larger entity the race - of w h ich t he individual is only a compone nt part. To insist on individual sacririce or individ ual restraint in t h e inte rest of the r a cial community is to restrict the scope of ind ivid ual p reroga tive i.e., to limit individu al freedom. Hence, if we are for freedo m, we must be aga inst racial ide alism.

A tomiza tion of Society

The logic is flawless. And the same a rg u m e n t can be a pplied to patriotism or any other form of ide alism w hich requires the i n d ividual to subo rdinate his own in terests to t hose of a larger social, nationa l, or racial whole. Lib ertaria nism thus l eads naturally to an atomization . of society .

To the libertarian the race , the nation are mer ely ass emblages of indi v iduals, nothing more.

From this vi�w po int, any social struc ture - a government,

tyranny, so that we can give say - is j ustified only inso far as a ction s - as a re the watls of any expression to our own cu ltural it pro vide s a convenient man'made prison . and social for ms rather than f ra m ework with in which a those not ours - that is good. multitude of human atoms can To carry the quest for " freed om exped itious ly gra tify their of expression" to the point individual d esires and ambiti ons where we Jeject every social with a minimu m of friction with

"F reedom" Under the System

L i b e rty, p ursued to such lengths, is elusive, and the pursuer d eceives himself. Our masters, the men who run the S yste m, are not such fools. They better understand the nature of " freed om." They know that in order to co mpel us to do their bid ding it is seldom necessary these days to resort to the whip and the chain.

So they let us ru n about freely , say what we wa nt, vote for whom we c hoose. The United Sta tes is a " free" cou ntry. All the System cares a bout is that the net aggregate of our opinions, the result of our elections, shall be what rhey have predeterm ined they should be.

It is no more possible to put ^a truly anti-System man into the Presidency by the demo cra tic process in this cou ntry than it is to talk the System into cutting its own throat. But the System m en don't m ind if we fool our selves into thinking it is possible. In fact, they prefer it tha t way.

Donkeys and Men

O ne can ge t a donkey from point "A" to poin t "B" by t ying a rope around his neck and pulling hard en ough. Or one can a cco mplish the same thing by placing the donkey's oats and water out in plain sight at po int "B," taking care that no other source of p rovender is readily accessible.

Is the donkey really any " freer" in the second case than in t he fi rst? It is id le to argue tha t in the second case the donkey could have decided not to go to the oats. T he fact is that one is able to predetermine the donkey's be havior, almost with certa i n ty, by a s i mpl e manipulation of ex ternal stimuli.

When dealing with people instead of d onkeys one must be more subt le , but the principle remains t he same.

Compulsion of N ecessity

We like to think that we make our own decisions, form our own opinions, but in mos t cases we don't. Even ou tsid e the realm of poli tic s and the p u blic- opinion m a nipu lators man's su p posedly " free" cho ice is subj e ct to a t h ousand determin ants beyond his control.

Even a sole inhabitant of the e a rth, free of every social cons tra int and inhibi tion , would remain a sl ave to the weather and all the other limita lions on his will imposed by N atu re. Such limitations are j ust as effective in reducing man's freedom - in rest ricting the scope of his

Division of Labor

Thinking of freedom in these terms, it is easy to see that a sole i nhabitan t may be conside rably less free than a member of a soci al g r oup. Altho ugh mem ber ship in a g roup i nevitably carries with it cert ain r e strict ions , it may , for a properly cons t ituted group , result in a far greater scope of action than is possible for the u na ffi liated individual.

As an exam ple, a sole inhabitan t may wish to devote his life to music or to the study of ma thema tics. But the da ily necessities of provid ing himself with food, clothing and shelter would certa inl y leave him little time for indulging such whims. And it is q uite clear tha t these natural restriction s j ust as truly limit his fre edom of choice as, say, " repressive" parents or a "totalitarian" govern ment.

Only the d ivision of labor made p o ssi b l e by s o cial o r g a n izat ion , wit h its acco m p a ny ing cha nneling of individ ual energies into rather restricted areas, can open up for anyone tqe choice of a career in music or m a the ma tics.

A Dangerous I llusion

Thus the libertarian ideal of man as a free spirit, making rational choices independently of cond itions around him, is she er illusion.

Perhaps all this should be self-evident, but apparently it is not. There a re alarming numbers of young. p e ople toda y, nominally on the right as well as on the left, who talk and act as if liberty were an absolute th ing that would be within their grasp were it not for various ''colle ctivis t" or "repressive" tendencies in the government and in ou r present society.

The preva lence of thi s liberta rian d era nge ment may only be a reflection or the too-perm issive c h ild -rearing methods or the last couple of decades, but whatever it is it must be overcome .

Whole M ore than Sum of Parts

The doctrine that a society is no more than the sum of the ind ividuals comprising it must lead first to the atomization of that society and then to its c o mpl ete destruction. The Western world is now rushing headlong in to this last phase, where, ironically , an obsessive mania for ever more l iberty pro m ises a fina l end to all liberty.

The great social genius of Western man has been his sk ill at so ordering his society that it has provided close to the maximum possible y ield or true liberty that is, the maximum possible �cope fo r human endeavor. By and large he has avoided both the e x t r eme of soc ial disorganization which we call a narchy and the extreme of social over-organization which

results in the anl-heap societ ies characteristic of the Orient.

Neither Atoms N or Anis

He has unde rstood , during t he great periods of his history , that maximum freed om - maximum social pote.ntial - is achieved when a carefu l comprom ise is made be t ween anarchy and the ant heap.

To go too far in the d ire ction of totally u n restr a i ned i n d i v i dualism - .tha t Is, to approach an a tomistic socie ty ls to sacrifice the scope of action which exists only when the will of a whore people can be unified and concentrated on a common goal.

To totally ignore t he quali ties of the individual - that is, to approach a society based on ld arxist equalitarlan ism, where individual s are comp l etely interchangable e conomic u n its is to sacrifice the great potential rOr innovation, ror creation , ror leadership which ex ists not in the mass but only in exceptional

indiyiduals. We cannot make e ither of these sacri fices an d still hope to eme rge vict orious from tl1e s truggle for existence which now rages, and will rage, b e tween t he various races of man on this planet until one is supreme and the others have yielded,

A Lousy Compromise

Today we suffer from t he worst of both extremes. We l ive in an op pressively overcrowded e n vironment wit h ever -dimin ishing priva cy, solitude, peace and quiet. We feel totally impo tent and insignificant in the face of the impersona l b u.r e a ucra t i c mon strosity with which Big B rother rules our lives.

B ut at the same time we are totally lack ing in solidarity racial , national, or otherwise. We have no co mmon purpose , no u ni ty of will as a compensation for the l oss of our privacy. I n stead of sel fless idealism, egoism and materialism reign.

America today is an atomize� ant heap.

The cure for this unfor tunate s tate of affairs is to be fou nd neither among the libertarian egoists nor the Mar xist collectivists. Peculiarly enough , h o wever, both these factions have draped themselves in the banner of "liberty"!

Race a nd Personality

If we seek true liberty, what we must do first is establish a mong ourselves, the men of the West, or among some carefully selected por tion of ourselves, a common purpose ba sed on 'true idealism. Then we must smash the prese nt System , which thwarts tha t p urpose, and build a n ew society in which the indivi dua l a c hie ves self-fu lfillment through service to the w hole , and the whole advances by giving the widest possible scope r or such service to each individ ual .

(/SSllt! No. 5, 1 9 71)

The Black Man's Gift To Portugal

by Ray Smith

We have heard racial integration defended and advocated on the grounds that we have deprived our country of the benefit of the talents and abilities of the Negroes – that the Negroes have a positive contribution to make and we have failed to take advantage of it Because of our irrational prejudice against Negroes we have excluded them from full participation in American society, and, we are told, this is America's loss.

The Lesson of History

In view of the fact that we are now being forced to integrate with the Negroes and grant them equal participation, it might be instructive to look at other countries which have integrated with Negroes in the past to see what the Negroes gave them.

There is a wealth of material here for study in such places as Haiti, Cuba, Puerto Rico, Brazil, etc., but the nearest parallel to the situation in the United States today is Portugal in the 16th century.

It may come as a surprise to hear of the Negroes' role in the history of Portugal, for in spite of all the emphasis on "Black Studies" in our schools no one seems to want to talk about the Blacks' contribution to Portugal – neither the Portuguese, the Blacks, nor our modern historians who are rewriting our historians who are rewriting our history books to make the Negroes look good. It takes considerable digging in books written before our modern era of forced integration to uncover the story of Portugal

Poets and Explorers

By the middle of the 16th century Portugal had risen to a position analogous to that of the United States today. Portugal was the wealthiest, most powerful country in the world, with a large empire and colonies in Asia, Africa, and America. The Portuguese people were, like the Elizabethans in England, poets and explorers – a race of highly civilized, imaginative, intelligent, and daring men. They showed great potential and had already made important contributions to the Renaissance. But, unlike England and other European countries, Portugal had a large and rapidly growing Negro population, and at the same time its White population was deallising.

Portugal began the Negro slave trade after encountering Negroes in its explorations and for ays into Africa. Portugal brought the first Black slaves to Lisbon in 1441, and they continued to be imported in such numbers that by 1550 the population of Portugal was 10 per cent Negro (the U.S. is 11 per cent Negro today).

Defilement of the Blood

There was no taboo of injunction against sexua relations with Negroes, and the Negro blood soon becam assimilated into the generapopulation through

miscegenation, so that today there are no Negroes, as such, in Portugal. The present-day population of Portugal is described by the New York Times Encyclopedic Almanac, 1971, as follows: "Ethnic Composition: The people are a mixture of various ethnic strains, including Celtic, Arab, Berber, Phoenician, Carthaginian, Lusitanian, and other racial influences. The present population is one of the most homegeneous in Europe, with no national minorities." (Note that the Negro strain is not listed by the New York Times).

What you can see in Portuga today is the product of a uniform, non-selective mixing of 10 per cent Negroes and 90 per cent Whites into one homogeneous whole. In effect if is a new race — a race that has stagnated in apathy and produced virtually nothing in

The Encyclopaedia Britannica 11th ed., 1911, in its article or Portugal, states, "The Portuguese intermarried freely with their slaves, and this infusion of alien blood profundly modified the character and physique of the nation. It may be said without exaggeration that the Portuguese of the 'age of discoveries' and the Portuguese of the 17th and later centuries were two different reces."

People Without a Future

The contribution of this new race to civilization in terms of literature, art, music philosophy, science, etc. has been practically zero. Portugatoday is the most backward country in Europe. The illiteracy rate is 38 per cent (in the U.S. 2.2%; Soviet Union, 1.5% Japan, 1.0%). The infaminortality rate in Portugal is 59.2 per 1,000 births (in Sweden 12.9; U.S., 20.7; France, 20.4 Soviet Union, 28). The workers wages are the lowest in Westerr Europe, the equivalent of a little

Portugal is a forgotten land — bypassed by tourists and shunned by scholars. It is a sad country, known mainly for its plaintive, mournful fado music — nostalgic music that looks to the past and sees no future.

Portugal and America

In spite of the close similarity be tween the situation of Portugal in 1550 and the United States today, we cannot predict that the outcome of our racial integration with Negroes will be exactly the same. The historical evidence, however, is that any country, society, or group which has integrated to any appreciable extent with Negroes has suffered drastically in its ability to maintain a civilized standard of living, and in its ability to compete with others. There is no evidence that any country evergained anything from integration with Negroes.

It should be pointed out that he Negro-White ratio, 1:9, in Portugal in 1550 does no epresent the final percentage on Negro genes, for the Negrollement was rapidly increasing.

while the White element was declining. The male Whites were leaving Portugal in large numbers—sailing, settling in the colonies, and marrying the native women (the government encouraged this). Most of the Negro slaves brought into Portugal were adult males. The population was thus unbalanced—an excess of White women and Negro males, and a shortage of White men. Chronicles of the era relate that Portugese women kept Negro slaves as "pets." They also married them.

The situation in the U.S. today is not too different. The radical-chic Whites even have their Black Panther nets

Our 11 per cent Negre element today does no represent the final amalgam. The Negro birth rate is almost twice as high as that of the Whites There is no White population explosion in America, o anywhere else in the world. It is all colored. The White womat takes a pill or has an abortion the colored woman has the

What the final amalgam in America will be, we cannot say, but if present trends continue the Negro element will be much more than l.l. per cent

Why Did Portugal Integrate

The British, French, Dutch, Spanish, and Portuguese all engaged in the Negros slave trade, but only Portugal brought them into her own country. The question arises — why did Portugal so willingly accept racial integration with Negroes while other European countries kept the Negroes out and maintained their racial integrity? What was the climate of opinion the current ideology, teaching or propaganda that led the Portuguese to depart so from the behavior of other countries? What was different about Portugal?

You will not find any answer to these questions in our universities or in our modern history books and recently published encyclopedias, for the whole subject of the decline and fall of Portugal has become taboo. You will have to dig into older sources and discover your own answers.

You might also ask yoursell why America is accepting racia integration while most of the rest of the world is "racist."

The Role of the Jew

One significant difference in Portugal before its fall in the 16th century was that it had become a haven for Jews. For several centuries the Jews had had more wealth, influence, and power in Portugal than in any other European country. In 1497, at Spain's request, the Jews were asked to leave Portugal or be converted. Most of them became nomina. Christians and remained.

However, by 1550 many o the Jews were voluntarily leaving. They saw the writing of the wall. The Encyclopaedia Britannica (edition of 1885) notes that, "... even observer like the Dutchman Cleynaert saw that, in spite of all its wealth and seeming prosperity, the kingdom of Portugal was rotter at the core and could not last."

America has also served as a haven for the Jews. The Jews in America today have risen to a greater position of power, wealth, and influence than they have ever had in any other country. They dominate the newspapers, book publishing, TV and radio, movies, universities — all of the educational media, as well as the commercial life of the country.

The Jews have always proselytized for racial integration — in Portugal, America, or in whatever country they have been, for without such a climate of tolerance of alien races they themselves would not be accepted. It has, therefore, been in the Jews' interest to suppress evidence which would lead people to reject alien races.

History Rewritten

Our encyclopedias and history books have been purged and rewritten. If you look up Portugal in the 1970 edition of Encyclopaedia Britannica you will not find anything about the role of Negroes and Jews in the history of Portugal, or anything about the decline and fall of Portugal.

The Jews are briefly mentioned among others who "exerted various influences over the territory which in the 13th century acquired the frontiers of modern Portugal." There is no elaboration of what this influence was.

The Negroes have beer eliminated entirely. They are no listed with the other ethnic groups in the ancestry of the Portuguese people. In the entire 15-page article there is no clue that Negroes were ever presen in Portugal or that they had any role or influence in Portuguese history.

The 1970 edition of Encyclopedia Americana also makes no mention of the presence of Negroes in Portugal

In all these sources you find "facts," i.e., names and dates but with no meaning and no indication of what actually happened or why. However, is you can manage to find some older sources you can learn a great deal about the history of Portugal.

The article on Portugal in the 1911 edition of Encyclopaedia Britannica contains more real information than you can get in reading a hundred history books of more recent vintage. From our modern point of view this article would probably be called "racist," but the point is that the presence and activities of the Negroes and Jews are recorded. The information is there, and you can draw your own conclusions. The article is actually pro-Jewish. There is also a .scholarly analysis of the factors in the decline and fall of Portugal, with the author tending to blame the Inquisition, the Jesuits, and anti-Semitism, However, neither his conclusion on his bias prevents him from

which might lead the reader to a

Our modern scholars and authorities eliminate information which might lead the reader to the "wrong" conclusion

Suppressing the Evidence

The 1964 edition of Encyclopaedia Britannica still briefly lists Negroes and Jews, along with others, as Portuguese racial elements, but with no details or elaboration. By 1966 the Negroes have vanished completely.

Now what has happened between 1911 and 1966 that makes us purge and rewrite history in such a way? Have we decided that race no longer is, or ever was, a factor in history? This cannot be, since "Black Studies" are flourishing at our universities. Historians are supposedly trying hard to discover all they can about the role of Negroes in history.

In a trial a lawyer tries to suppress evidence that would be damaging to his client. He tries to prevent this evidence from reaching the jury. Our modern historians and scholars are trying to suppress evidence. The Negro is their client. We are the jury — and we must not reach the "wrong" verdict

This, of course, reveals wha the liberal establishment really thinks of Negroes — that they are inferior and must be protected. The evidence must be suppressed. The New Yorl Times, et al., is like a lawyer well paid, who knows his clien widd it." but tries to get him off

U.S. Liberals become very self-righteous and superior when the Soviet Union purges and rewrites its encyclopedias. eliminating from its history current undesirables and making them "unpersons." We ridicule their lack of objectivity and irrational scholarship.

But we do exactly the same thing when we rewrite the history of Portugal and make "unpersons" of Negroes (and Jews). In terms of rewriting and deliberately falsifying history we are much closer to Orwell's 1984 than the Soviet Union is. Big Brother protects us from dangerous knowledge.

Quo Vadis, White Man?

There is a great need for the American people to know wha happened in Portugal in the 16th century, for we are repeating their experience. We are in the same predicament, at the same juncture, at the same cross-road in history. There is an amazing similarity between our situation today and Portugal's in the 1500's. Shall we take the same road?

Travellers from other European countries were amazed to see so many Negroes in 16th-century Lisbon, as are travellers today in Washington, D.C. Our own capital is 71 per cent Black, and, as was the case in Lisbon, the Negores do all the manual labor and service jobs. The 1911 Encyclopaedia Britannica comments, "While the country was being drained of its best citizens, hordes of slaves

were imported to fill the vacancies, especially into the southern provinces. Manual labor was thus discredited; the peasants sold their farms and emigrated or flocked to the towns; and small holdings were merged into vast estates."

Manual labor has been "discredited" for many White people these days, and Negroes fill these jobs. We are too good for it

Americans Alienated

The American people are also leaving the land and flocking to the cities or metropolitan areas and our small farms have been replaced by huge, mechanized farms. If we had any colonies many American men would gladly emigrate to them. Many are leaving anyway for Canada Australia, and Europe. Those who remain feel rootless and displaced — from their jobs their country, and even their families. It is difficult to feel any sense of belonging to what America has become today.

Stout Hearts - and Pure Blood

In analyzing the catastrophe which befell Portugal the

historian H. Morse Stephens (in his book Portugal, written in 1891) concludes:

"... they (the white Portuguese) were to produce great captains and writers, and were to become the wealthiest nation in Europe. But that same sixteenth century was to see the Portuguese power sink, and the independence, won by Affonso Henriques and maintained by John the Great, vanish away; it was to see Portugal, which had been the greatest nation of its time, decline in its fame, and become a mere province of

Spain. Hand in hand with increased wealth came corruption and depopulation, and within a single century after the epoch-making voyage of Vasco da Gama, the Portuguese people, tamed by the Inquisition, were to show no sign of their former hardihood. This is the lesson that the Story of Portugal in the sixteenth century teaches, that the greatness of a nation depends not upon its wealth and commercial prosperity, but upon the thews and sinews and the stout hearts of its people."

This is rather old-fashioned language, but what Stephens is saying is that by the end of the 16th century the quality of the people was lacking. Other European nations suffered military defeat, but continued to grow and develop. Portugal stopped dead in its tracks. It had nothing to build on. Portugal could only look nostalgically to the past.

The fado music says it all.

(Issue No. 6 1071)

Why Revolution?

"If, by the instrument of governmental authority, a people is being driven to its destruction, then rebellion is not only the right but the duty of every member of that people."

DURING TIMES OF SOCIAL DECAY and turmoil, the more responsible members of a society will nearly always be found supporting the constituted authority against the hostile or rebellious actions of disruptive elements. For the truly responsible and prudent citizen takes the long view, and he sees (in the words of the Founding Fathers) that governments long established should not be changed for light and transient causes; that, however grievous may be the defects in any governmental policy or even in any system of government, it is nearly always preferable to tolerate those defects and to work for reform rather than to destroy the system.

Order Before Justice

Most injustices and evils on the part of a government are after all, tolerable, but the absence of order is not. Not only is order an indispensable prerequisite for any form of society and for all human progress, but life itself cannot long continue in its absence.

Western man has been guided in his upward struggle throughout the millennia by an inherent will-to-order. It is an essential aspect of our racial soul. To many, then, it seems natural that the best racial elements of our society should be the champions of law and order, while the worst elements should be the principal proponents of disorder, revolution, and chaos.

Yet, as with most things, there are limits beyond which blind support of governmental authority ceases to be a virtue and becomes instead an evil.

The great question of our day is: How much corruption must be tolerated for the sake of order? When have things gone so far that reform of the System is no longer feasible and revolution becomes the responsible alternative? Where should the line be drawn?

Americans More Servile

History does not help us much. The conditions which,

200 years ago, led ou forefathers to decide that the line had been crossed are totally unlike those of today.

We could easily justify the toleration of unfair taxes, or governmental meddling in ou personal affairs and infringemen of local prerogatives, if we could thereby maintain an orderly society in these vastly more dancerous times.

Although we can admire the American colonists' fiercintolerance of tyranny, we having become more servile and practical, would not rebel unde similar circumstances. And if this uses troubling us were no morburdensome than those faced by them, the appellation "responsible conservative" would not be such an epithet oridicule and contempt today.

Government as a Utility

In order to understand wher the support of governmenta: authority stops being responsible and becomes merely obstinate we must examine the basic premises on which any government's right to exist is founded.

The prevalent view of the government today, shared by both liberals and conservatives is that it is an expensive but necessary public utility whose principal functions are to maintain law and order, mediate squabbles among the citizenry and provide certain genera services, such as national defense mail delivery, and a bureau of weights and measures.

weights and measures.

There is a diversity of opinion of course, on details Laissez-faire conservatives take the attitude that the services provided by government — and consequently, its operating expense — should be kept at a minimal level. Welfare-oriented liberals are more inclined to demand the maximum of services and not worry about the

Not A Dime's Worth of Difference

In the most fundamental sense, however, right and left alike regard government from the same viewpoint: It is a dispenser of largesse, an oiler of the machinery of commerce, a source of favors and privileges, a traffic cop and an errand boy. Its role is to help keep society running smoothly so each citizen

can "do his own thing" with a minimum of friction from other who are doing their things

The consequence of the libertarian concept of government is the catastrophistate of affairs which exists if the Western world today.

We plunder and poison our environment, both physical and spiritual, while the government sits on its hands.

Perversion, drugs, organized crime, and political corruption flourish, and the state can do nothing.

Massive treason occurs in our streets, just as in the highest councils of our land, and rioting aliens burn our cities, while Washington looks on helplessly.

System Is Sick

But this breakdown in operational function is only the outward manifestation of a far graver inner sickness – a sickness stemming from errors of the most fundamental sort in the very premises on which today's government is based.

It is clear that the men who sacrificed their lives at the Alamo had a deeper motivation than a desire to preserve the police power of the state. And those who died on Iwo Jima did not do so for the sake of the farm subsidy program or an interest the state.

Patriotism, in fact, has very ittle to do with law and order, the protection of property rights, or the regulation of commerce. Contrary to ibertarian claims, it has not much to do with freedom either. The preservation of freedom or of "the American way of life" may be convenient concepts around which to build war-propaganda slogans or election cliches, but the reason men are willing to die in battle has more fundamental roots.

Feeling for Own Kind

Though patriotic feelings may be developed and modified in citizens by education of indoctrination, the rudiments of patriotism are inborn. That inborn quality is simply the instinct for the preservation of one's own kind.

The only government which can rightly demand of its citizens loyalty unto death is a government based on this fundament. A government properly

constituted and a state properly conceived serve to express the collective will of a people – that is, of a group of human beings sufficiently homogeneous in their physical and psychical makeup that the fundamental concept of "kind" has real meaning for every member of that group.

Thus, the state — and much less any government — is no end in itself, but only a means to an end. That end is the preservation and advancement of a people — of a real community.

The Organic State

Only so far as a state is identified with the vital interests of a people is it entitled to the allegiance of that people. Such allegiance is then equivalent to loyalty to one's own kind, and such a state is organic in that its existence stems in a natural — one could even say biological— one could even say biological— way from a natural community.

Any racially self-conscious citizen finds himself subject to two allegiances: that binding him to his own kind and that obligating him to his government. Of the two, the first has precedence. Only in an organic state do the two coincide.

Multiracialism Is Absurd

A government which claims to represent the vital interests of a multiracial society is not only unnatural but absurd. To whom, for example, does the Bantu in South Africa or the Arab in occupied Palestine give his loyalty'— to the government or to his own kind?

Neither the Alrikaaners nor the Jews are so foolish as to imagine it will be to the government, despite the multi-racial baloney to which they feel obligated to give lip service. For this reason, both Jew and Afrikaaner take care to keep all the strings of government in their own hands.

We in America have not been so smart – but, then, no other nation has ever been subjected to such a program of liberal brainwashing and interna subversion as we have.

A Corrupt Monstrosity

The United States governmen has, through slow and (until the last 20 years) nearly imperceptible change, beetransformed from an organi

institution embodying the will and aspirations of a free, White, and proud citizenry to a corrupt, unnatural, and degenerate monstrosity irresponsibly catering to the dissolute tastes, desires, and whims of an increasingly debased, raceless conglomerate of materialistic serfs, products of the urban jungle and the most tyrannical thought-control apparatus the world has ever known.

As the government grinds massively onward, it behaves like a Frankenstein monster out of control. It has become completely alienated from the racial elements which originally created it and gave it life.

This terrible truth manifests itself daily in a thousand ways.

Terror in the Schools

Every White student in the public school systems of America's cities, racially integrated by decree of the Justice Department, has experienced the terror which stalks his classrooms and recreation fields, hallways and restrooms. The daily shakedowns and beatings, indignities and intimidations bring a feeling of hopelessness and despair, because the government responsible for this classroom terror will not even admit that it exists.

Every White policeman and every White serviceman belonging to a police or military unit racially integrated by decree of City Hall or the Pentagon feels the loss of spirit and efficiency which has come as a result. He is sickened and discouraged by the slackening standards in his once-proup profession, by the growing corruption and rising drug abuse on the part of those who weahis uniform.

An Alien Tide

Every working man whose union has been flooded with underskilled "minority" workers by Labor Department decree senses the loss entailed, not only to his craft or trade but to the nation. If he has any pride of workmanship he must sorrow as the old, hard-earned traditions of skill and excellence yield to the alien tide of "equality."

Every responsible and racially conscious public-school teacher, who, year by year, sees more and more lies and distortions in the textbooks he must use textbooks which are being continually "revised" by decree of the Department of Health, Education, and Welfare – knows the shame of aiding in the planting of these lies in the

Schools Racially Destructive

This is among the most deadly of all the System's racially destructive activities. Through its iron control over the educational process it deliberately alienates an entire generation of young Americans from their cultural and racial antecedents. It applies the corrosive compound of half-truths and lies, calculated omissions and subtle psychological tricks to destroy all bonds between the individual and his racial community.

Our schools do not truly educate; instead they produce young people who, at worst, are so filled with artificially instilled feelings of guilt and self-hatred, the consequence of never-ending propaganda about "White racism" and the oppression of minorities, that they actively and consciously collaborate with the avowed enemies of our people. At best, we get young men and women who, having been denied the knowledge of their race and of their responsibility as the bearers of that greatness and uniqueness, are indifferent to any appeal to racial solidarity. They are all converts to the liberal religion of individuality – the view that the individual exists solely as an end

Every year - every day - that this deadly process continues brings us closer to that point of no return when there will be so few uncorrupted escapees from the public mind-molding institutions that no effective resistance to the System can any longer be built.

Government Genocide

The United States government does not carry on its genocidal activities blindly or accidentally or against its will. It does not act reluctantly because of pressure from the alien-controlled newspapers and broadcasting networks.

The agencies of government are integral parts of the entire, corrupt System. They work hand in hand with the propaganda media to quench any spark of racial consciousness which might threaten their rule.

Ultimately the System, ir order to secure its own eviexistence, seeks the destruction of every last remnant of the only race which, having created it, is also capable of destroying it.

Servants of the System

The time has come when we must wake up and realize that the policeman on the streetcorner and the Congressman in Washington are no longer either our guardians of our servants. They are the guardians and servants of the System — though not necessarily consciously or with malica forethought. More often they are only timeservers more-or-less powerless cogs in the machine themselves.

Nevertheless, willingly or unwillingly, it is the System they serve.

The governmental structure which our forefathers built up to serve and protect us has beer turned against us. Its strength is no longer our security but ou peril. Its weaknesses are no

longer our misfortune but our

Among racially conscious Americans there is widespread awareness of the destructive role of the System, but an equally widespread paralysis of the will where any remedy is concerned. Part of the fault lies in the fact that with Blacks and Jewish liberals and the spoiled, hairy brats of the Establishment shouting for a revolution, everyone else is inclined to regard revolution as a dirty word. To most mature and thoughtful patriots it is an

A Trap for Conservatives

This attitude arises from a failure to understand that the "revolutionary" tactics of those elements presently rioting in the streets are only a means of further emphasizing those thing we already hate worst in the System. They only want to push us even faster along the road to racial ruin.

Thus, our "responsible conservatives" (and others) fall into the trap of saying: "No, the System is going fast enough the way you want it. We will oppose your revolutionary demands by defending the System agains you."

And they still vainly seek solutions in the realm of reform rather than revolution: Write a letter to your Congressman. Send a dollar to help awaken your fellow citizens to the dangers of communism. Vote conservative. Join a tax protest Pray that the earth will open and smallow the Supreme Court

Present Prosperity a Curse When the average White working man can own a color TV set, two new cars, and thouse in the suburbs, it is very

difficult to think revolution We are comfort corrupted. No matter how bad the System is we are unwilling to sacrifice ou material luxuries for the sake of

We find too difficult to accep that it is better that we suffe the worst privations, the mos grinding poverty, the mos tyrannical oppressions than that wallowing in comfort, we allow the race to die.

And so we keep looking fo easier ways.

But there aren't any easy ways. Maybe there were 50 years ago, but not today.

It is no longer possible to cure the System — to bring Frankenstein's monster to heel — by Constitutional methods.

When the electoral process ceased being a person-to-person evaluation and choice of their representatives and leaders from among themselves by a properly qualified citizenry, the governmental forms handed down to us by a free Anglo-Saxon yeomanry lost their original meaning and

Today's political shell game, in which the entire public herd is allowed a "choice" from an array of media-generated images, makes a cynical mockery of the very concept of representative democracy.

As long as public opinion is not the spontaneous concensus of a racially and culturally homogenous populace but is the artificially created and manipulated concoction of a small clique of racially alien mind-molders, it is idle to contemplate bringing about, by System-approved means, any significant governmental change contrary to the wishes of those

Yet, millions of optimistic patriots perennially convince themselves that they have found an honest politician who, if only they can sneak him past the professionals and get him elected, will outwit the string-pullers and return the American government to the hands of its proper owners. They drastically underestimate the cunning of their masters.

Other millions believe that public enlightenment is the answer. For example, they are under the impression that the catastrophic 1954 Supreme Court decision on racial integration of our schools was the consequence of the court being supplied with faulty information on racial differences. They seriously misjudge the motives of the beast

A Stake Through The Heart We do not need to reason with the monster; we need to put a bullet into its brain and nammer a stake through its neart. If that means blood and chaos and battling the alien enemy from house to house in burning cities throughout our and — then, by God, it is better that we get on with it now than ater.

If "responsible" citizens have no stomach for it, then the tasl must fall to our radicalizer youth. And it is the responsibility of the Nationa Youth Alliance to take a leading position in coming revolutionary developments, so that young Americans can build a revolution for America and for our people instead of serving as pawns it the alien-controlled anti-American and anti-White revolution of the Marriets

(Issue No. 6, 1971)

A New Western Prehistory

Generations of American and European schoolchildren have been taught about the "cradle of civilization" in the Middle East, from which cultural innovations supposedly spread out to other lands, eventually illuminating even the darkest corners of barbarian Europe.

The Egyptian pyramids are cited as examples of the first spark of creative engineering applied to the erection of massive stone architecture — a spark which cast a dim light northward and westward, leading to later engineering achievements in Europe.

Likewise, the ceramics and metallurgical skills of ancient Mesopotamia are held up as the models which were supposedly later copied by the penighted peoples of Europe.

Now, recent scientific work has invalidated the entire scheme of European pre-history based on the notion of 'ex oriente lux' — light from the east. The exciting new findings, which have revolutionized the fields of archaeology and prehistory within the last year, are discussed in an article in the October 1971 issue of Scientific

In essence, the new de velopment has been a pain staking recalibration of the time scale used for dating prehistoric sites. A carefu comparison of dates established by tree-ring counts and the radioactive carbon-14 inethod has revealed tha carbon-14 dates for European prehistoric sites are late by a much as 1000 years.

when sites have been redated according to the new time scale, it has been discovered that a number of European cultural innovations which formerly were considered to have been derived from analogous developments in the eastern Mediterranean and the Middle East actually predate the earliest known examples of such development in the so-called "cradle of civilization."

Thus, we now find that the Bronze Age in Europe—specifically in the Danube basin—came before the corresponding metallurgical skills were known in the eastern Mediterranean.

And, according to Scientific American: "Now it is clear that megalithic chamber tombs were being built in Brittany earlier than 4000 B.C., a millennium before monu-

mental tunerary architecture first appears in the eastern Mediterranean and 1,500 years before the raising of the pyramids. The origins of these European burial customs and monuments have to be sought not in the Near East but in Europe itself."

The implications of all this are truly earthshaking. Although the author in Scientific American is careful to deny any "racist" conclusions which might be drawn, he does admit: "The central moral is inescapable. In the past we have completely undervalued the originality and the creativity of the inhabitants of pre historic Europe. It was a mistake, as we now can see, always to seek in the Near East an explanation for the changes taking place in Europe."

One can go much further Although Europeans, because of their completely different lifestyle and mental makeup, did not begin living in cities until long after other races to the east had urbanized themselves, the technological and cultural innovations which were prerequisites for city life were nevertheless developed by Europeans themselves, and not imported from

extra - European sources and, in many cases, they were developed by European first, and then exported to the more "civilized" peoples

So we come closer to a recognition of the truth expressed by a great student of mankind nearly 50 years ago. He wrote: "Everything we admire on this earth today — science and art, technology and inventions—

of a few peoples and, per haps, originally of one race On them depends the existenc of this whole culture. If the perish, the beauty of this earth will sink into the grav with them."

(Issue No. 7, 1971

Tragedy of Our Schools

Lesson of the VD Statistics

The forced bussing of school children to achieve racial balance has been a sore point with the American people for several months. Even Mr. Nixon saw the wisdom, immediately following Wallace's March 14 victory in the Florida Democratic primary election, in calling for a temporary moratorium on new bussing orders

Castrating Wallace

Nixon's move, of course, was an unabashed effort to castrate George Wallace by stealing the thunder from his anti-bussing campaign. It was also an implicit admission by the System that bussing had been pushed a little faster than even Boobus

Americanus would accept without developing dangerous signs of restlessness. The System zealots had committed a slight tactical error which Nixon corrected.

Venereal Disease

All the furor about bussing has unfortunately obscured a much more profound illness in America's schools. One symptom of this illness is the soaring incidence of venereal disease among White teenagers. Like the other symptoms, it is directly related to the racial integration of the schools.

Among Black Americans, VD has always been endemic. In the White community, however, until the massive school integration

effort of the last decade, it has been quite rare. With effective treatments for both gonorrhea and syphillis, medical authorities considered neither disease a significant health problem for Whites anymore.

As the racial integration of the schools progressed, the White VD rate rose steadily. In the past few years it has skyrocketed.

Up 16 Times for Girls

The sexual and racial differences in the rate of rise give the clues. According to figures tallied by statisticians at the federal Center for Communicable Disease in Atlanta, the number of new gonorrhea cases among young, White females in the Washington, D.C., metropolitan area (primarily living in the Virginia and Maryland suburbs) rose by 1,541 per cent in the sixyoar period ending last June 30. For young, White males the corresponding rise was 131 per cent

Among Blacks of both sexes the incidence of gonorrhea remained at approximately the same high level where it has been for many years.

Although Washington is a particularly bad trouble spot, the VD figures for other areas around the country tell the same general story.

Why the much higher rise for White girls than for White boys? Because Black boys date White girls, but White boys almost never date Black girls.

Can't Face Truth

This shocking but obvious conclusion has been shunned by both the pro-bussing crowd and their opponents. It does not bear thinking about by people who do not want to be considered "positive" or "bisets" or "bisets".

The VD figures aren't all that doesn't bear thinking about. The use of drugs by young Whites has had a very similar history. Here we do not have the same unmistakable clue provided by the sex-differential in VD statistics; but the story is plain enough.

Before 1960 the use of heroin in America was confined almost entirely to Negroes. Its use by White high school or university students was practically nonexistent. Then, as massive school integration became a reality, so did the whole White "drug culture."

Don't Blame War

Nor can it be blamed on GIs bringing drugs back from Vietnam, otherwise we would have experienced a soaring drug abuse rate among young White during and immediately after the Korean war. It didn't happen. I waited for the forced school mixing of the 1960s.

Worse than any heroin or gonorrhea statistics can tell is the cumulative effect on White students of school integration. In

the schools where there is an uneasy racial coexistence, one facet — interracial sex and the adoption of Black folkways — is seen; another facet is seen in those schools where there is open racial hostility.

Only a young person who has actually experienced it can fully understand the demoralizing effect of the constant fear, day after day, which accompanies him in one of the tougher integrated schools, with its roving gangs of Blacks.

Surviving in the Blackboard Jungle

Learning to avoid the rest rooms — and, in many schools, the cafeterias too; learning to always be with a group of your friends on the school grounds or when walking home; learning that it's better to hand over your lunch money than to be beaten when accosted in the halls; worst of all, learning that the school administrators and your teachers don't want to become involved, that there's no one who'll help you — no way out; that's what integrated learning is all about.

There are those Americans who believe this is a necessary hardening experience: that only if our young men learn the horrifying facts of racial integration at first hand can they steel themselves for doing what must be done one day soon.

Understanding Terror

Those who have planned what is happening in America's schools understand better the effect of terror, however. They know that it more often destroys than reinforces the will

If any good at all can be said to come from this terror, it is the alienation which is its byproduct.

Both where there is terror and where there is coexistence, there is brainwashing. While the sense of racial guilt and self-hatred that results in young White girls becoming new VD statistics is being pumped into everyone's head, everything that ought to be taught America's youth is being scissored from the textbooks.

Impartial System

"It is neither fair nor proper," says the sincere, liberal educator, "to over-emphasize the history of Western civilization (which is the history of one race) in a multiracial classroom." This logic has proceeded to the point that in some schools, where special "Black History" courses have been introduced, we have the spectacle of a few bold White students requesting equal time for a "White Studies" program—and being rejected out of hand

Actually, it is because America's schools largely ceased performing any truly vital task years before Brown vs. Board of Education that today we find the feces in the drinking fountains, the graffiti on the classroom

walls, and the shakedowns in the

"We're Not Bigots"

And it is because of the utterly wrongheaded approach to the problem of those who should be doing something about it that it will remain with us a while yet. "We don't want our kids bussed to an inferior school," say the opponents of bussing, "but we have no objection to racially integrated neighborhood schools. We're not bigots."

It's not bussing which causes VD or drug addiction. It's racial integration, whether in a "neighborhood school" or alsowhere

(Issue No. 11, 1972)

Leon Damas, a Black teacher at two District of Columbia colleges, wrote the poem "If Often," reproduced below as it appeared in a Washington Post article praising the "talented" Black poet. Actually, a Damas, with his openly bloodthirsty hatred of the White man, can do much less damage than most of the teachers the System inflicts on students.

Issue No. 11, 1972)

This is all too often the ultimate consequence of school integration—regardless of the intention of the integrators. For many of those responsible, however, this is the way they planned it.

Technology has come somewhat into bad odor among many of today's young people. Sensitive souls who find themselves out of tune with the gaudy, gimmicky, and artificial world of 20th-century America often place the blame for this dissonance on the technology which has made all the gimmicks possible. This attitude is revealed, for example, by the pejorative use of the term "plastic."

The BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID

The BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID

The BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID

The BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID

The BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID

The BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID

The BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID

The BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID

The BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID

The BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID

The BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID

The Change of Carbon Dogs of the rit means new opportunities to consequences of technology are not.

To the one it offers the chance to the cattor way of converting a virgin forest implication plastic hair curlers or padded databoards — at a profit. Tothe other it offers new tools — new muscles, new hish enable his to explore with most, of the technologies, Hansel-and-Grete sort of world, in which young men instead learn how to make the best of our adulthood.

The BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID

The During The Best of the Tree of the free of the fruit of the Tree of the fruit of the Tree of the fruit of the Tree of the fruit of the Tree of the fruit of the Tree of the fruit of the Tree of the fruit of the profane and comprehend forest on the cethology are not.

To the one it offers the chance to extend the fruit of the profane and comprehend forest on the cethological, Hansel-and-Grete sort of world, in which young men all ready pillaged Nature: a new way of converting a virgin forest into plastic hair curlers or padded databoards — at a profit. To the other it offers

by concerned about wildlife the beauties and virtues of vanishing wilderness. DUT mercury pollution of the environment with is a consequence of our chemical adulteration of the environment which is a consequence of our chemical adulteration of the environment which is a consequence of our chemical adulteration of the environment which is a consequence of our chemical adulteration of the environment which is a consequence of our chemical adulteration of the environment which is a consequence of our chemical adulteration of the environment which is a consequence of our chemical adulteration of the environment which is a consequence of our chemical adulteration of the environment which is a consequence of our chemical and diverse to the consideration of the environment which is a consequence of the environment our cultimate and personal afs. the nigara of household regent wastes which are no solutions are being posed which are no solutions and the few escapess will find their personal solution transitory.

One in 1,000

Consider: If we, as a people consequence of alient attitudes the pollution of the same way, regardless the extend society connot do that, and the few escapes will find their personal solution transitory.

One in 1,000

Consider: Me worth and our promer weapoury.

Afew of us, of course, can turn our backs on everyone else and the few escapes will find their personal solution transitory.

One in 1,000

Consider: If we, as a people which are no solutions are being posed which are no solutions are being posed which are no solutions are being posed which are no solutions are being posed which are no solutions are being posed which are no solutions are being posed which are no solutions are the solution transitory.

Consider: If we, as a people which are no solutions are being our lakes and pitchforks with their more mother weapoury.

One in 1,000

Consider: If we as a people which are no solutions are being our lakes the particular forms of the course do lake the polition freat weapoury.

If we compromi

But they are also dangerous when they inspire a misevaluation of the root of today's technological problems and lead to the misbelief that these problems can be eliminated by eliminating the technology of which they are consequences.

Paradise Lost

Adam, no doubt, wished that he and Eve could remain in Eden by unlearning the fatal knowledge imbibed with the forbidden apples. And we have all experienced the nostalgia for childholdhood by returning, somehow, to the innocence of the past.

But they are also dangerous when they are the root of today's technological advance with the problems and lead to the misbelief that these problems can be eliminated by eliminating the fatal knowledge?

There is an inescapable relationship between technology and use it to help us climb almost of machine gun — has been disputed to of how to make all examinated, should refrain from applying that knowledge?

Theoratic Solution

Theoratic Solution

Theoratic Solution

Theoratic Solution

Theoratic Solution

Theoratic Solution

The innerlieved materialism is not not netered in the state all men, optical all its is imposed. It is not how of how to machine gun — has been disputed in the inventor of the "now mapping that knowledge?"

The we can redirect our enterious aliminating that the is the inventor of the "now mapping that knowledge?"

The we can redirect our enterious along.

The we can redirect our enterious along.

The way one apples. And we have all experienced the noise and returning the fatal all men, optominated, should refrain from applying that knowledge?

The can electric light an electric light and electric light and electric should and electric should and electric should remain in Eden by unterpring the fatal knowledge or an antibiotic or a machine gun — has been distinguistion. The six is imposed. It is not the incomprise only the moment — he is the inventor of the "now map is alternative provided with a machine gun — has been distinguistion."

The can have fer elected the exits all men, etcrywhere, once the knowledge

of return on his capital.

This popular resentment will certainly be fauned and exploited by those who are opponents of free enterprise. Our whole view of the history of the conomic development of the West in the notion that, although capital in returned to get a new in required to get a new in required to get a new in oratory is beyond the of all but the largest tions — or the governaming Competitive gas the West intends to competitive with the rest world — as long as we the capital servant or employee of a state of return on his capital.

Unrestrained Selfishness

It is a rare bureaucrat or civil servant or employee of a state enterprise who will devote the candlestick-maker, of which must be thoro purged from the Western. The butcher, the baker, and the candlestick-maker, of which must be thoro purged from the Western's no matter what the cost of the candlestick maker, of which must be thoro purged from the Western's oration the candlestick maker, of which must be thoro purged from the Western's oration the candlestick-maker, of which must be thoro purged from the Western's oration the candlestick-maker, of which must be thoro purged from the Western's oration the candlestick-maker, of which must be thoro purged from the Western's oration the candlestick-maker, of which must be thoro purged from the Western's oration the candlestick-maker, of which must be thoro purged from the Western's oration the candlestick-maker, of which must be thoro purged from the Western's oration the candlestick-maker, of which must be thoro purged from the Western's oration the candlestick-maker, of which must be thoro at the candlestick-maker, of which must be thoro at the candlestick maker, of which must be thoro at the candlestick maker, of which must be thoro at the candlestick maker, of which must be thoro at the candlestick maker, of oration the candlestick maker, of oration the candlestick maker, of oration the candlestick maker, of oration the candlestick maker, of oration the candlestick maker, of oration the candlestick

Example of Ford

All that we know about some of the greatest of these men argues against such an attitude. They were builders, not just exploiters.

Henry Ford is an outstanding example. He was certainly driven by great personal ambit and an oil or an aircraft jet cause there is no et all scale.

Form in the Apple sm has not been and blessing for the form the days of the time the days of the time the days of the time the days of the time the days of the time the days of the time the days of the time the days of the time the days of the time the days of the time the days of the time the days of the time the days of the time the days of the time the days of the time the days of the time the days of the time the days of the time the days of the time the days of the time the days of the time the days of the time the days of the time the days of the time the days of the time the days of the time the days of the time the days of the time the days of the time the days of the time the days of the time the days of the time the days of the time the days of the time the days of the time the days of the time the days of the time the days of the time the days of the time the days of the time the days of the time the days of the time the days of the time the days of the time the days of the time the days of the time the days of the time the days of the time time the days of the time time time time the days of the time time time time time time time tim

malleability of human nature and individual character, seeing only economic forces and economic motives as the determinants of both collective and individual human behavior, and denying the role of the outstanding personality — the exceptional or gifted individual leader, thinker, or innovator — in all human progress, jeopardizes the only true basis for man's existence in this universe.

Game of Monopoly

Ironically, this same economic-equalitarian world view is shared by many of the proponents of capitalism, who many years now. It will be the proponents of capitalism, who government to curb this power.

proponents of capitalism, woo are mistakenly held to be ideological opponents of the Marxists.

To them the world is somewhat like a Monopoly board, albeit much more complex. Every movels made in terms of dollars and cents. Every square in the game — every aspect of their world—has an economic label: Cost of Labor, Expansionary Money Policy, Floating Exchange Rate, Price-Earnings Ratio, and so on.

Living by Economics Alone

Race, nation culture have no

REMEMBER

This Man, who after the War a bearing on economic matters:

Is it cheaper to bring in braceros from Mexico, or to pay skilled White workers to do the job with machinery?

ARE ONE AND THE SAME PERSON young a British declaration of war against inching World World II.

Living by Economics Alone

Race, nation, culture have no intrinsic value to them, but only as these things are recognized to have a bearing on economic matters:

Is it cheaper to bring in braceros from Mexico, or to pay skilled White workers to do the job with machinery?

Should we put our money behind the Republican candidate, who has promised us larger depletion allowances, or behind the Republican candidate, who has promised us larger depletion allowances, or behind the Democrat, whose bigger welfare program will mean a more profitable market for our products in the ghettos?

If we support the proposed treaty with Peking, will the Chinese pay us more for our grain than we are getting from laid an ow?

(Iss man competitors. This British equivalent of our National Association exert in the proposed treaty with Peking, will the Chinese pay us more for our grain than we are getting from laid an ow?

(Iss matters:

Is it cheaper to bring in braceros from Mexico, or to pay skilled White workers to do the job with machinery?

Should we put our money behind the Republican candidate, who has promised us larger depletion allowances, or behind the Democrat, whose bigger welfare program will mean a more profitable market for our products in the ghettors?

If we support the proposed treaty with Peking, will the Chinese pay us more for our grain than we are getting from laid an ow?

(Iss matters:

Is it cheaper to bring in braceros from Mexico, or to pay skilled White workers to do the job with machinery?

Should we put our money to be the proposed used to prove the proposed treaty with Peking, will the Chinese pay us more for our grain than we are getting from laid and we?

(Iss matters:

Is it cheaper to bring in braceros from Mexico, or to be withi

Manufacturers. It was a preview of the atrocity propaganda on which British capitalists praint than we are getting from India now?

TACK! certainly does not to establish a reputation as not rock are going out on a limb pare readers see the movie proce and recommending that reviewer, Rex Reed, reacted to prove a complaint.

The nationally syndicated film reviewer, Rex Reed, reacted to prove a complaint. This film limb little skin seen in this flick although it for the skin-flick trace are proven that the findiscreet statement: "This film seen in this flick although it filter was right about the Jews."

Manufacturers. It was a preview of the atrocity propaganda on which British capitalists grain than we are getting from India now?

"schlemiel" or "schmuck," formerly used only by Jews out of earshot of the nearest Gentile, which today are openly flaunted in mixed company — and have even become part of the vocabulary of "avant-garde" Gentiles.

Some Yiddish words stem from Hebrew; most, like "schmuck," formerly used only by Jews out of earshot of the nearest Gentile, which today are openly flaunted in mixed company — and have even become part of the vocabulary of "avant-garde" Gentiles.

Some Yiddish words stem from Hebrew; most, like "schmuck," formerly used only by Jews out of earshot of the nearest Gentile, which today are openly flaunted in mixed company — and have even become part of the vocabulary of "avant-garde" Gentiles.

Some Yiddish words stem from Hebrew; most, like "schmuck," formerly used only by Jews out of earshot of the nearest Gentile, which today are openly flaunted in mixed company — and have even become part of the vocabulary of "avant-garde" Gentiles.

Some Yiddish words stem from Hebrew; most, like "schmuck," formerly used only by Jews out of earshot of the nearest Gentile, which today are openly flaunted in mixed company — and have even become part of the vocabulary of "avant-garde" Gentiles.

Some Yiddish words stem from Hebrew; where it has two meanings: (non-like true attitude of the "lib

is decidedly pornographic. The peg on which the film is hung is a young Jew's problem with masturbation.

Talmudic Prejudice
For example, there are disparaging remarks which Portnoy's parents repeatedly utter about Gentiles: "goyische crooks" and the like. The viewer can stomach the peculiarly Jewish fixation on genitalia and human excretory functions which pervades the film, there is a reward for him: namely, a fleeting glimpse at the traditional Jewish attitude

Talmudic Prejudice
For example, there are does the disparaging remarks which Portnoy's parents repeatedly utter about Gentiles: "goyische crooks" and the like. The viewer of course, is supposed to believe that is only because they are old-fashioned, religious Jews, who have been brought up on the traditional Jewish attitude

Talmudic Prejudice
For example, there are diverse portrayals of two of its characters: the empty-headed, degraded Gentile girl, or "shiksa," Mary Jane, and the upright, self-confident Jewish girl, Naomi.

Joys of Yiddish
The book on which it is based, in their diverse portrayals of two of its characters: the empty-headed, degraded Gentile girl, or "shiksa," Mary Jane, and the upright, self-confident Jewish girl, Naomi.

Joys of Yiddish
This word "shiksa," used characters: the empty-headed, degraded Gentile girl, or "shiksa" has a Hebrew root which means "abomination." Something unclean" specifically, a piece of "unclean" (Isaah 60:12). It brings home a little more clearly the burning hon-kosher) meat, like a pork chop or a slice of ham.

The use of the same word to designate a Gentile girl and a contempt which stretch from the time of Isaiah to the present.

the racial and cultural welfare of our people, destroying our people, destroying our people, destroying our people, destroying our people, destroying our people, destroying our people, destroying our people, destroying our people, destroying our people, destroying our people, destroying our people, destroying our people, destroying our people, destroying our people, destroying our people, destroying our people, destroying our people, destroying our people, destroying our people, destroying our people, destroying our people, destroying our people, destroying our people, destroying our people, destroying our people, destroying our people, destroying our people, destroying our people, destroying our people, destroying our people, destroying our people, destroying our people, destroying our people, destroying our people, destroying our people, destroying our people, destroying our people, destroying our people, destroying our people, destroying our people, destroying our people, destroying our people, destroying our people, destroying our people, destroying our people, destroying our people, destroying our people, destroying our people, destroying our people, destroying our people, destroying our people, destroying our people, destroying our people, destroying our people, destroying our people, destroying our people, destroying our people, destroying our people, destroying our people, destroying our people, destroying our people, destroying our people, destroying our people, destroying our people, destroying our people, destroying our people, destroying our people, destroying our people, destroying our people, destroying our people, destroying our people, destroying our people, destroying our people, destroying our people, destroying our people, destroying our people, destroying our people, destroying our people, destroying our people, destroying our people, destroying our people, destroying our people, destroying our people, destroying our people, destroying our people, destroying our people, destroying our people

Goals and Purpose
What are our goals? This is a cky question, in that it has no ique answer. Short-term goals are stepping-stones on the way to our inch become long-term goals, inch become long-term goals, and ey are all different.

Our purpose, our raison d'etre, to promote the security and effectiveness of our to promote the security and all purpose, one part biological d one part cultural, but they e closely interdependent.

Racial Survival

So welet the people know about our immediate goals are all concerned with building our movement, and that until all these immediate-goals have been reached we cannot realistically contemplate the, actual is not; there are quite different ways of defining goals.

For example, there are people who believe that the proper way

the part cultural, but they sely interdependent.

Racial Survival of beginning goals.

For example, there are people who believe that the proper way to proceed is to make a list of all them agon changes they want to the physical survival of veeple by reducing or ating both external and all threat is begause of the growing ry capabilities of various estern peoples and the grailure of will in the grailure of will in the grailure of will in the grailure of will in the grailure of will in the grailure of maltinos.

To the next goal will be the next tem on their list, and so ongoged down well short of item and these immediates, sour biological concerns to one of the groups goal as direct and these immediates, our bloogical concerns to everything which aften the quality of our people: such as contamination of our all environment and inc breeding patterns.

Hat his distinction is not mere tander hat two groups each have as a goal the elimination of perverted and anti-western motion pictures from America and that each group takes the direct approach of bloogical concerns the most contamination of our mass media and our of our churches, our concert the traitors out of our churches, our concert the traitors out of our churches, our concert the traitors out of our churches, our concert the traitors out of our churches, our concert the traitors out of our churches, our concert the traitors out of our churches, our concert the traitors out of our churches, our concert the traitors out of our churches, our concert the traitors out of our churches, our concert the traitors out of our government— he will then the traitors out of our government— he will then the proper and the convention of the groups regarded to program is certain to remain bogged down well short of item motion picture has a strong appeal for many, who are able to convince.

To of the growing priorities, and then begin admit the way of the federal income the elimination of pour by a hypotheticial of the elimination of propers and the trait of the federal incom

they have the best chance of accomplishing something.

Race and Culture
In addition to preserving a biologically healthy and pure race — or, rather, intimately bound together with this — is our concern for the preservation and the advancement of Western culture.

Because a people's culture is a reflection of their racial character, it is obvious that no culture can be maintained unless its biological basis has first been secured. But it is equally true that when a people's culture succumbs to illness, then their racial constitution also loses its resistance to infection. The two things — racial health and cultural health — are inseparable in a multiracial world.

Culture binds together the

everywhere , they reel : to Jews as a group. And it is as a group that th ey h ave been t a l k i ng or themselves ever si nce.

they l ive, just as the Penn syl vania "Dutch " CGermans ), Minnesota Swedes, or Bos ton Irish are ethnic elements of the U.S. popul ation , each with its own peculiarities but wi thout any particular "problem " (e .g ., a "Swedish probl em").

or various breeds of b igoted

Every body RigoLed Except Jews? About the only conclusion the official myth allows us lo draw from this is that bigotry is a universal charac teristic of non-Jewish peoples ! Furthermore, this bi gotry has remained Jewspecific over an immense period of time and among peoples with widely varyi ng cul tures . From the time when the ancient Egyptians booted Moses and his t ribe out of Egypt , to the expulsion of the J ews from Englan d in 1290, Ciermany in 1 298 , France i11 1 306 , Austria in 1421 , Spain in M9� . Portu!(al in 1 4!16 , and so on, lo the present dav . no one seems to have be"n abic to gel along with the J ews for very long . " Persecution" has been the inevitabl e result. Is "Pt'rsecutlon" Myth a Racket? 01 course , history is a con· linuous record of different peoples not get(ing along wi th one another: French vs. E nglish, Engl ish vs. Span ish, French vs. Germans, Irish vs. Engl ish , Poles vs. Russians , and so on. But the English do not consider themselves "persecuted." Nor do the French , the Germans, or any of the other pl>oples men t ioned. Only with the Jews Is it "per-

goyi m .

secution."

tagonists?

Yet, the universal antagonism between the Jews and their various neighbors down through the m illenn ia ls unden i able . Could it be - Is It remotely possible -that the reason for this lies with the Jews themselves rather than with all their an-

"His B lood Be on Us and on Our Children" Certainly the myth that the trouble lies with Christian intolerance of "Christ killers" does not hold water. Moslems, atheists, and pagans have had as little use for Jews as the most retribution-minded Christians. Tac itus, the pagan historian, wrote of the Jews : "When the Assyrians , and after them the Medes and the Persians , were masters o! the oriental world, the Jews were deemed the mos t contemptible of 811 the nations then h eld in subjection ." And Tac itus ' other references to the Jews reveal that he and his fellow Romans shared that contempt, thus gi vlng us four peoples in this one example, with four different religions, un animous In their verdict on the Jews.

Venom of tbe Talmud li that is due to religious bigotry, perhaps I.he bigotry is

• Anti-Semitism is always a man irestation ol either rel igious intolerance or economic envy. Thal is, Christian bigots hate Jews because their religion is di fferent , and bigots in general hate Jews because they ore

• Jews a t"e a "persecuted" people with a tragic h istm·y . For thousan els of years other peoples have bullied them , massacred them , selected them as "scapegoats" - all through no fault of their own. At present Arab terrorists are persecut ing them in the Middle East and the Sovi et government is persecuting them in Russia. The persecution they most l ike to talk about, however , is the one they recently underwent at the h ands ol the Germans: the "holocaust" of World War II. Because of t he "ho l oc a us t " and o ther pers ec u t ions, the J e ws are e speci a l l y de serv i ng o! our sym pathy and consideration . • Jews are a "liberal " people: tol eran t, paci fis t, equalitarian, o pe n minded, cha mpions of fr eedom and justi ce . Their "tragic h istory" and the suf· fering they have undergone have given them these liberal traits . • J ews are a specially gifted, artistic race . This is easily seen to be so by the way Jews dominate virtual ly all cultural fields in America today. There are mo re Jewish sculptors , painters , n o vel ists , poets , composers, editors , and directors than those belonging to any o thel' ethnic group , WASPs included . In li ne with this, Jews tend to be more sensi tive and i ntellectual , on the av erage, than persons of

successful .

European race.

Sys tem .

secution.

^AGlimpse Behind the Facade Many and weighty volumes have a l ready been wri tten debunking or supporting these myths. Here we have no room to explore them all. We can only pr e sent the bri efest of suggestions to the reader that perhaps there is another way of looking at them than the "o! licial " way presented by the

Consider the fi rst myth : namely, that Gentile bigotry is the ca use o! the problem. It is particularly rewarding to explore this myth together with Myth No. 3, that of a tragic history of th o us a nds or yea rs or per-

" Just a Coincidence " Th is is a development of some impo r tance . Before, if one v iol a ted the taboo by, say, gr u m b l i ng about lhe Jewish monopoly control or America '^s information media , one would i mmediately be put down by the nearest liberal with a l i ttle lec ture about all those J ews in televisi on and the publ ishing i n d us tr y being just a co incidence ; about the fac t that it migh t just as well have been Baptis ts controll ing the media i f they had worked as hard at it and were as good businessmen as the Jews ; about the necessity of judging each Jewish TV mogul as an individual rather than as a

And if one spoke or "organized Jewry " or h inted or a "Jewish conspiracy ," one was i nstantly consigned to the outer darkness, along with the little old ladies in tennis shoes who see a communist spy under every bed . Nowadays, Golda Meir can talk about "the organ ized Jewish world" and be quoted by UPI wi tho u t anyone batting an

Something Other Th an Americans So , however it has come about , we have the Jewish question with us tod ay : the general acceptance <even if only implic it) of the fact that Jews are something other than Americans with a difrerent religion ; that they are Jews first and Americans (or Canadians, or what have you J only second or thir^d ; that they form a coheren^t group ; that they have group interests , Jewish interests ; and that those interests are quite often , if not always , at varian ce with the interests of jus t about

the existence or such an issue , much less to discuss it openly . Now the subject has been broached, not by our own people - for whom it has the mos t crucial importance but , interestingl y enough , by the Jews themsel ves, who successfully imposed the taboo on it in the firs t why the taboo i s being l i fted , however. With a li ttle effort the lid probabl y could have been kepl on the su bjec t !or another decade, ma ybe longer, before internal pressures blew il wide

One reason may have been that the Blacks simply wouldn't keep th e i r m ou ths shu t. Less discipl ined than the White goyim, they kept spilling the beans. Neg r o civil -rights m i l i ta nts resented having to be told by their Jewish "advisers " and financiers what their every move was to be. Nor did they fail to gain the impression that they were being "used" by the Jews : that Jewish money and brains were not be ing poured in to the civil-rights movement out or any love for Blacks but in order to di srupt White society for the

open .

Jew^s ' own ends .

wisdom.

pet a rd.

" .lew Devils " And ir Black slum-dwel lers had not al ready noticed who i t was who collected their rents every month an d too k what money they had lert in exorbitant finance charges, there were plenty o! Black-nationalist l eaders ready Lo point it out to them. In the Black Muslim theology , "Jew devils" roast in a pit noticea bly hotter than that reserved for ordinary " White devils . "

Jew.

eyelash .

everyo ne else.

Jewish Problem .

When we couple this fact with the fac t that Jews have worked their way into positions where they control the vital nerve centers of the Western worl d : public information , education, fi nanc e , dom es tic pol i ti c s , foreign policy . .. . the Jewish question becomes a very real

Myths a bout the Problem The way in w h ich the A merican people solve this problem will depend on their understanding of it. At present that understanding is badly clouded, and all the forces of the System are intent on keeping it that way , through the propagation of a set of myths. A lew of these myths are :

White l i bera ls have been condi t ioned to dismiss as "racism" any cri ticism of .Je:ws emanating from o ther Whi tes. Every !our-letter word coming from the mouth of one of the pampered new breed of Negro " intel l ectuals, " ho we ver, is pounced on like a pearl of

Conditioning Backfires Gutter-level hate-screeds directed al Whi tes - trash l iteratu1·e such as Eldridge Cleaver 's Soul on Ice, which has been made requi red reading for mill ions of White high school and univers ity s t udents by neo-liberal teachers - are accepted as good , noble, and true by Gentile liberal and Jew alike. So, when the same breed of Blacks began expressing their feelings toward Jews, While liberals were obliged to take them seriously. One might say the J ews are hoist on their own

Jews as a Group It would be unfair to give Black militants all the credit for forcing the Jews to reopen the Jewish question, however. Ever since the Jews so thoroughly trounced the Arabs in the "Six Day War "

One cannot pick up a major newspaper today without rea ding about "the Jewish vote," in the recent Presidential election, or which candi date got the mos t " J ew i sh mone y ," or which senators are blocki ng further Russian trade agreements until the Russians make more concessions on "the Jewish issue , "

Growing Anti-Semitism The Jewish question is phrased in the sharpest terms by the most Jewish of the Jews : the professional Zionists . They talk c o m p u l s i v e l y , a l m o s t hysterically , or rising anti-Jewish feel ing in Am e ri ca , of "genocide" in Russia , of growing anti-Sem itism in Italy and elsewhere , of the need to protect Jewish int ere sts every where . And, contrary to past practice , they talk about these things publicly, where everyone can hear : in newspapers and national magaz ines , in open cam pus lectures , wi th pl acards in street

place.

and so on.

demonstrat ions.

forbidden ground.

denied !

Books are in general circulation today , written either by Jews or philo.Semites, which come closer to a fran k discussion o! the Jewish question than would have been imaginable a few years ago. Even some mo.tion pictures and television programs have ventured onto this formerly

Deliberate Deceit All this is not to say that the American people are being given an honest treatment of the Jewish question. There remains more deliberate deceit on this topic than perhaps any other except the Black-White racial issue . But what a revolutionary change from the time when the very existence of the issue itself was

Very recently it was not even permissible to speak publicly of Jews as a distinct racial-culturalnational group , a people with peculiar interests and character ist ics di s t in g ui s hing them from other peoples with different interes ts and charact eristics. One could onl y speak of "Americans of the Jewish faith," "a person who happens to b�Jong to the Jewish religion ," and similar euphemisms . Americans were so thoroughly brainwashed

During the recent Apollo 17 lunar expedition, publicists and politicians repeatedly emphasized thatit was the "last" manned expedition to the moon. There would be no more lunar exploration, because the expeditions were too expensive and the money was needed instead to "improve the quality of life" for Americans.

It was pointed out that huge expenditures for the space program could no longer be justified when millions of Americans were living in "poverty." One columnist estimated that the money spent

outlook on life and his conduct were still determined to a significant extent by the experiences of childhood.

The political decision to halt Vestern man's greatest venture fe exploration and discovery—a ecision seemingly concurred in y a substantial portion of the unerican electorate—and turn stread to more social welfare rograms raises some deep and coubling questions for thoughtful unericans.

Was tudy at a university—his outlook on life and his conduct were still determined to a significant extent by the experiences of childhood.

These experiences were continually reinforced by those of manhood, which taught him that, even though Nature could be bountiful and the world filled with wonderful opportunities, the wonderful opportunities, the bounties and the opportunities, the wonderful opportunities, the bounties and the opportunities, the wonderful opportunities, the doubling questions for thoughtful mericans.

Western C Then came cataclysm in the world filled with wonderful opportunities, the bounties and the opportunities, the wonderful opportunities, the wonderful opportunities, the wonderful opportunities, the wonderful opportunities and to be earned. They were not given to man as a gift from Providence but had to be wrested from adversity through man's vigilance and genius and toil.

"Throughting Questions" were still determined to a significant extent by the experiences were continually reinforced by those of manhood, which taught him that, even though Nature could be bountiful and the world filled with wonderful opportunities, the wonderful opportunities, the wonderful opportunities, the wonderful opportunities, the wonderful opportunities, the wonderful opportunities, the wonderful opportunities, the wonderful opportunities, the wonderful opportunities, the wonderful opportunities, and to be earned. They were not given to man as a gift from Providence but had to be wrested from adversity through man's vigilance and genius and toil.

"Thro

"underprivileged" home?
Is it possible that the two things are incompatible in some fundamental way?
Can a people aspire to both luxury and greatness?

Affluent Decay

Hasn't our pampered way of life in America softened us a great deal and sapped our will? If that is so, how do we reconcile continued material prosperity with continued toughness and fitness in a hostile and demanding world?
This dilemma is something fairly new to Americans, and it is

Each man and each order to get from to morrow, remained a responsibility that res or her shoulders successful outcome passage. Lest anyo there were always examples, even in the times, of the lot when those whose inefficience ontinued material prosperity with continued toughness and fitness in a hostile and demanding world?

This dilemma is something fairly new to Americans, and it is

resort necessity provided the decli were formed and decisions made.

formed and decisions made.

In And a Will to Conquer

Some of the less pleasant aspects of the human condition—such as death.

And a Will to Conquer

And a Will to Conquer

Close to Nature

Close to Nature

Close to Nature

Close to Nature

Close to Nature

Close to Nature

Close to Nature

Close to Nature

Close to Nature

Close to Nature

Close to Nature

Close to Nature

Close to Nature

Close to Nature

Close to Nature

Close to Nature

Close to Nature

Close to Nature

Close to Nature

Close to Nature

Close to Nature

Close to Nature

Close to Nature

Close to Nature

Close to Nature

Close to Nature

Close to Nature

Close to Nature

Close to Nature

Close to Nature

Close to Nature

Close to Nature

Close to Nature

Close to Nature

Close to Nature

Close to Nature

Close to Nature

Close to Nature

Close to Nature

Close to Nature

Close to Nature

Close to Nature

Close to Nature

Close to Nature

Close to Nature

Close to Nature

Close to Nature

Close to Nature

Close to Nature

Close to Nature

Close to Nature

Close to Nature

Close to Nature

Close to Nature

Close to Nature

Close to Nature

Close to Nature

Close to Nature

Close to Nature

Close to Nature

Close to Nature

Close to Nature

Close to Nature

Close to Nature

Close to Nature

Close to Nature

Close to Nature

Close to Nature

Close to Nature

Close to Nature

Close to Nature

Close to Nature

Close to Nature

Close to Nature

Close to Nature

Close to Nature

Close to Nature

Close to Nature

Close to Nature

Close to Nature

Close to Nature

Close to Nature

Close to Nature

Close to Nature

Close to Nature

Close to Nature

Close to Nature

Close to Nature

Close to Nature

Close to Nature

Close to Nature

Close to Nature

Close to Nature

Close to Nature

Close to Nature

Close to Nature

And a Will to Conquer

And a Will to Conquer

Cour ancestors seldom, despite the worst ravages of war and famine, fitted the poet Edwin nin the mannum place came regulation ordinances, with which within their brains.

In Africa, in Asia, aro

Western man did not conquer at great Nature, nor can he ever, but, by learning a little of how Nature works and applying that knowledge, he opened new who when deer a profound wholedge, he opened new heternal struggle has achievements their genilabor have brought at science, technology, and organization: the harnes Nature's energy source creation of a multitude organization of a multitude organization of a multitude organization of a multitude organization of a multitude organization of a multitude organization of a multitude organization of a multitude organization of a multitude organization of a multitude organization of a multitude organization of a multitude organization of a multitude organization of a multitude organization of a multitude organization of a multitude organization of a multitude organization of a multitude organization of a multitude organization of a multitude organization of a multitude organization of a multitude organization of a multitude organization of a multitude organization of a multitude organization of a multitude organization of a multitude organization of a multitude organization of a multitude organization of a multitude organization of a multitude organization of a multitude organization of a multitude organization of a multitude organization of a multitude organization of a multitude organization of mass, speed, worldwide transp systems; the conquest or of mass, speed, worldwide transp systems; the conquest organization of mass, speed, worldwide transp systems; the conquest or of mass, speed, worldwide transp systems; the conquest or of mass, speed, worldwide transp systems; the conquest or of industrial asystems; the conquest or of industrial mass-profection of mass, speed, worldwide transp systems; the conquest or of industrial mass-profection of mass, speed, worldwide transp systems; the conquest or of industrial mass-profection of mass, speed, worldwide transp systems; the conquest or of mass, organization of mass, speed, worldwide transp systems; the conquest or of ma

miversity), plenty of leisure time, enough income to afford not only time-and-labor-saving conveniences and appliances but also an abundance of other consumer goods and hobby

miversity), plenty of leisure may face at some later time.

may face at some later time.

Dilemma of Progress and Decay

Therein lies a real dilemma for us. Through struggle come

Butcher of Belgrade

Unfortunately, things are not what they seem. Mr. Nixon may have hugged Mr. Tito when he came visiting to Washington recently, and Mr. Tito may have smiled very nicely for the TV cameras and seemed a decent sort of chap. But it is still the same Tito who murdered 500,000 of his own countrymen in 1945 in order to stifle all resistance to communist rule in Yugoslavia.

And, regardless of how famously Mr. Kissinger gets along with them, all the rest are the same communists too, whose rule rests on the mountains of corpses of those slain in order to make their countrymen ducile.

As for communist activity in America, it is at an all-time high. There are several reasons, however, why the current level of communist activity is not generally recognized. First, it wears a couple of new disguises and uses a few new names these

The public thinks of communist activity in terms of an orator with a funny, Yiddish accent haranguing a crowd of workers about "expropriating the expropriators," from a podium draned with hammer and sickle

No More Accent

Today the orator has lost his accent, almost certainly carries no Communist Party card, and his middle-class audience lister without protest as he promotes the latest civic action project for eliminating "rasicm" (or some other form of "discrimination") in their community.

The so-called "New Left" is generally represented by the press as being a somewhat

THIS IS WIETHOLD KLUCK, a 34-year-old German farmer whose eyes were beaten out with a shovel by communists who accused him of being a "Nazi sympathizer."

ONE OF THE KATTY POREST VICTIMS, a Polish major. Whell Germans pushed the communists out of eastern Poland in 1941 and discovered the Katyn Forest graves they brought representatives of the International Red Cross and the world press to the site. The press, however, was controlled then, as now, by Jews and crypto communists, who refused to blacken the reputation of their Sovie friends by publicizing the atrocity. To prevent independen American newspapers from carrying the story, Roosevel threatened them with jail.

COMMUNISTS CONTROLLED LATVIA FOR A YEAR, until Germans drove them out in 1941. During that year the Reds attempted to exterminate the leader-class of the Latvian people. Military officers, policemen, professors, artists, writers, engineers, and businessmen were arrested by the NKVD and murdered, often after the most brutal tortures imaginable. The faces of these victims recovered from the cellars and pits behind the NKVD headquarters in Riga, were distorted by beatings and torture. Compare their faces while still alive — Latvian faces — with the faces of their allen, communist persecutors in the photograph of the Latvian Communist Party meeting.

A MEETING OF THE LATVIAN COMMUNIST PARTY in Riga, in 1940, during the Soviet occupation of Latvia. Look at their faces. They are not Latvians, but Jews!

THESE ARE THE EXHUMED REMAINS of a 25-year-old German mother and her infant, which was forced prematurely from her womb as who was being beaten and

shot to death by Reds in Poland. The enlargement on the right shows not only the fetus but the woman's mutilated right hand from which communists removed rings

THOUSANDS OF MASS GRAVES like this one were used by communists in Poland, the Ukraine, and Russia to bury their

territory during the first part of World War II, employed teams of specialists to locate these graves and photograph evidence of

THE CORPSE OF A PORTUGUESE SETTLER IN ANGOLA, backed to death by a Negro communist during a guerrilla raid on a plantation. One of the survivors describes part of what he saw: "The White women were dragged out of their houses together with their children. In front of the mothers the terrorists then proceeded to cut off the legs and arms of the children and then started to play a grotesque game of football with the twitching bodies. The women and girls were then led away, stripped, raped, and cut up. Many of them were killed by stuffing large branches of trees into their vaginas. They tied one young girl to a tree, crucified her, and then, while she was still alive, they cut off her breasts and put one in each of her outstretched hands."

personally involved in any New Left activity, whether a "peace" march or a ghetto organizing campaign.

The leaders, the spark plugs, are the same swarthy, wiry-

The leaders, the spark plugs are the same swarthy, wiry haired, alien creatures who have always been the instigators and the prime movers of communism from the days of Karl Marx.

And the bulk of the troops are the same slack-jawed types, many of them raceless mongrels skimmed from the urban cesspools of miscegenation pocking the once-fair face of our land, who have always filled the ranks of any movement of submen organized for the overthrow of their natural superiors.

GERTRUDE ROHDE, an 18-year-old German farmer's daughter was raped to death by Soviet troops. Afterward, they hacked off the middle finger of her right hand in order to "liberate" her ring Bestial behavior of this sort was encouraged in communist troops by the Soviet Jewish Commissar for Propaganda during World War II, Ilya Ehrenburg. In one of his radio broadcasts to the troops. Ehrenburg exhorted them: "Kill! Kill! In the German race there is nothing but evil; not one among the living, not one among the yeu unborn but is evil! Follow the precepts of Comrade Stalin. Stamp out the fascist beast once and for all in its lair! Use force and break the racial pride of these Germanic women. Take them as your lawful booty. Kill! As you storm onward, kill, you gallant soldiers of the Red Army!"

White Renegades

It is a tragedy for us and at the same time a bonus of inestimable value to our enemies that there is also a sizable element of our own people willing to do the bidding of communism's leaders. These renegades serve their most useful purpose in disguising the racially alien nature of communism from the eye of the careless observer.

Communism is and always has been impelled by the twin drives, on the one hand of its leaders, wishing to seize for themselves absolute power over an intended victim-nation, and on the other hand of its followers, craving revenge against a society which does not value them. Beside these primal urges, all the silly, liberal motivations of communism's deluded White fellow-travelers are puny indeed.

When the Killing Comes

Thus, when the time for the killing comes — and it will come in America as surely as it has come elsewhere — both the communist leaders and the communist followers are agreed on who the victims should be.

Americans who are too concerned with their own immediate comfort and safety to risk taking action against the promoters of communism now, while there is still a chance of stopping them, may take comfort from the thought that by the time the mask is dropped America may have become such a docile, obedient, and well-conditioned nation that their new masters won't find it necessary to kill nearly so many as in Russia or China.

Issue No. 18, 1973

A RECENT DEMONSTRATION by members of a Black communist "liberation" movement in Zambia. These Black

communists are trained by Israell military advisers and supported by American foreign-aid payments.

COUNTER-INAUGURAL "PEACE" DEMONSTRATION advances along Constitution Avenue in Washington, D.C., on January 20, 1973, with approximately 50,000 participants. The demonstration was organized by communists, led by communists, and addressed by a number of communists, including members of the U.S. Congress. A 30-foot Communist Party banner headed the procession, and the placards and banners of various state sections of the Communist Party could be seen above the heads of the marchers along the parade route. Nevertheless, all TV coverage and all photographs published by the controlled press scrupulously avoided showing the Communist Party banners. The American public is being deliberately deceived by the media masters, who want to conceal the communist control of the so-called "neace" movement.

THE ONLY WAY TO DEAL WITH A COMMUNIST. Here South Vietnamese Police Chief General Nguyen Ngoc Loan gives justice to a captured communist terrorist. This is the same justice which should be given to all communists and their collaborators, in Washington as well as Saigon.

THESE POLISH CHILDREN HAVE BEEN STARVED in the Soviet forced-labor camp at Buzuluk near the Caspian Sea. Their parents were liquidated after the Soviets "liberated" Poland from the Germans in 1945. Photos such as these have been retouched by Zionists to remove the crucifixes and then submitted as "evidence" of German atrocitles against Jews, in order to support Israel's extortionate demands for more reparations payments from West Germany.

Role of the Church

The times, they are a-changing, and Western man's institutions are changing too. One of these institutions is organized Christianity: the Church. ("The Church"—with a capital "C"—hereinafter is used in a collective sense, encompassing all organizations which embody the established Christian sects, both Catholic and Protestant, except where the context indicates a specific denomination.)

The Church has endured as a Western institution for about a thousand years — even longer in some parts of the West — but it is now feeling the hurricances of change and responding to them more strongly than many newer institutions

Spiritual Masochism

Some recent news items concerning the Church will serve as illustrations of the changes which are taking place or have taken place:

"The Church's chief source of income today is women's vaginas," the invited speaker explained to her audience at Notre Dame. The assembled Catholic students and faculty listened attentively as Women's Libber Ti-Grace Atkinson carried her theme back to the time when Mary 'was knocked up' and then went on to predict that Catholic women would put an end to this exploitation by destroying the Church, because "the mother-fucker belongs to us."

There was a minor stir inside the United Presbyterian Church (a very minor stir, involving only two congregations) when it was disclosed at the denomination's 1971 general assembly that a \$10,000 contribution from the church's treasury had been made to aid the legal defense of Angela Davis. Church officials justified the grant as helping to assure a fair trial for the communist Negress, who was charged with complicity in the murder of a judge and three other persons in a shootout staged by Black militants at a Marin County, California, courthouse

The First Presbyterian Church of Tacoma, Washington, and the First Presbyterian Church of Anchorage, Alaska, however, expressed displeasure and indicated that they preferred the money their members put in the plate each Sunday not end up in the Communist Party's legal defense fund.

• Not to be outdone by the Presbyterians, the Episcopal Church revealed early this year that a \$10,000 contribution from its treasury had gone to the militant Indian group which recently sacked the Bureau of Indian Affairs in Washington. The contribution was authorized by Black militant Episcopalian Leon Modeste, \$23,500-a-year head of the Episcopal Church's 'Minority Empowerment Office'.
• Unitarians sought last year to quash a grand jury subpoent requiring the production of the bank records of the Unitarian Universalist Association. The

subpoena was issued because Beacon Press, the Unitarians' publishing house, had published the top-secret "Pentagon papers" stolen by Daniel Ellsberg and his associates.

The same Beacon Press ad vertising leaflet which listed devolumes of the Pentagon papers (hardback: \$45; paperback: \$20; also offered the following Unitarian books: Three Documents of the Nationa Liberation Front ("Americans may now judge for themselves whether the NLF (Viet Congingtiniciples are consistent with equity and their own sense of justice..."); The Vanguard, by Ruth-Marion Baruch ("Aphotographic study of the Black Panthers — eloquently capturing their spirits as well as activities, in a uniquely personal and intimate introduction to youth and revolution."); The Right of Revolution, by Truman Nelsor ("For those who cannot understand the Black militants willingness to burn politica bridges, a gifted writer places the new revolutionaries within our oldest patriotic tradition.") Marriage in Black and White, by Joseph R. Washington, Jr ("...racial conflict cannot be eliminated until we are willing to confront prejudice on its mos personal level — by acceptance of intermarriage."); and Ar Essay on Liberation, by Herber Marcuse, the communist-Jewist senior theoretician.

Beacon Press, as a church organization, is exempt from federal taxes and mails its flyer at the special postage rate allowed to non-proficions.

The Massachusetts Bible Society has praised the efforts of a couple of modern Bible scholars. Walter A. Wolfram and Ralph A. Fasold, in its newsletter Wolfram and Fasold have near ly finished their translation of the Bible into "Black English."

Here's the way the Gospel according to St. John reads in their translation: "God really did love everybody in the world. In fact, he loved every last one of those dudes so much that he done give up the onliest Son he had. Any man that believe in Him, he gonna have a life that ain't never gonna end. He ain't never gonna die."

No Escape from Liberalism

The instances of change cited above may seem atypically bizarre to some churchgoers who have thus far escaped the mainstream of change and still preserve a pre-World War II, Norman Rockwellian image of the Church. Even the smallest backwater congregations, if they are linked by denominational ties to a national organization, must inevitably fall under the influence of national trends,

The immediate effect of the liberalization of the Church has been a drastic decline in its influence. During the 1960's overall abuse heattendance in North

America dropped by more than one-sixth.

Young People Abandon Church

More significantly, in the age bracket 21-29 years church at tendance dropped by one-third in the 1960's and is falling even more rapidly in the 1970's

During the same decade Bible

All Christian sects are now experiencing a critical shortage of clergymen. More priests and ministers return to secular life every year, and fewer young men enter the seminaries. This sharp decline in the number of clergymen can be seen, for example, in the almost complete substitution of laymen for priests on the faculties of most churchowned schools.

Adapting to a TV Life-styl

The Church, in attempting to adapt to radical changes in its environment, has, like the dinosaur, failed. Unlike the dinosaur, however, the Church is not dying gracefully or with dignity. Its attempts to maintain its grip have led it to plumb the depths of degeneracy in a degenerate age.

Traditional services and ceremonies of beauty and solemnity have been corrupted by the introduction of elements of "mod" culture. More and more they are taking on the aspects of "happenings," with rock combos replacing organists and choirs, beads and psychedelic lights taking the place of vestments and candles, "swinging" ditties and jive-dialect Bible translations edging out the old hymns and the King James version.

Social Gospel

Sermons have, in recent years, been giving fairly short shrift to spiritual matters and instead have tended to become socialaction harangues. The pulpit has, to a very large extent, become a sounding board for neoliberalism

In the more avant-garde denominations, the prestige attached to a minister is determined not so much by his ability to interpret Holy Writ for his congregation as it is by the number of times he has been in jail for pouring blood on Selective Service records or supplying the teenagers in his flock with pot.

Religious Thirst Unquenched by Modern Church

And yet, becoming "mod" and "relevant" has not won for the Church the affection of the present generation; it has only lost the respect of a portion of the old generation. Pot and pacifism and "love" have served as poor substitutes for reverence and awe.

But the Church is not dead yet. Left to its own devices, it would probably linger in the West for another hundred years or more before becoming a negligible factor in the overall scheme of things.

Dving, but Still Dangerous

Though the Church has lost its former position of absolute moral authority, tradition still lends a not inconsiderable weight to its influence. Many Christians who are no longer fervent in their adherence to the Church's doctrines—even those who no longer attend church services—still allow their opinions and attitudes to be governed to a greater or lesser extent by the Church.

Unfortunately, this influence is being sadly misused. The Church, in turning away from purely theological matters and concerning itself primarily with politics and social and racial policies instead, has — on virtually every major issue — taken a position diametrically opposed to Western interests.

The Church once stood as a bitter and determined opponent

of the communist movement. Today it has — at best — settled on peaceful coexistence with this deadly enemy of mankind. At worst — and this is becoming more common every day — it has become an enthusiastic collaborator, not only with formally recognized Marxist groups, but with practically groups, but with practically every ragtag band of sub-men big enough to organize a street demonstration in the United States or overthrow the ruling clique in some banana republic.

Church Now Racially

Most serious of all is the Church's racial attitude. It is not simply that "racism" has become the No. One Devil, the only unforgivable heresy, the ultimate sin in the eyes of the Church, but all the major sects, Catholic as well as Protestant, have perversely embraced a program calculated to physically destroy the racial basis of Western man's existence

This program has already advanced to the stage where a number of church organization have issued statements supporting — even urging — miscepenation by Christians

Crimes Against God and Nature

A report released a few months ago by the Presbyterian Church in the United States, a predominantly Southern denomination, said that Presbyterian officials "recognize with appreciation the contribution to better human relations in the world community that may come from Christian marrlage across cultural national, and racial lines." Another section of the report encouraged church members who are considering adoption to give serious thought to adopting Negro or Oriental orphans in stead of White infants.

And the Presbyterian Church in the United States is no worse

MULATTO CATHOLICS IN RIO DE JANEIRO celebrate the rite of an African spirit cult on the beach. They are offering a sacrifice to Iemanja, a sea witch. The Roman Catholic Church in creasingly tolerates irregularities of this sort as the non-White membership of the Church grows. It some parts of Latin America Christian doctrine is so strongly modified by local paganism as to be beauty research search.

than other major denominations in this regard. Everyone has cheard the insidious spot advertisements sponsored by various denominational groups which are intended to instill leelings of racial guilt in White lifsteners while undermining racial pride and solidarity.

**Backing Black Terror**

**Backing Black Terror**

**On the international level we have the sorry spectacle of such ecumenical groups as the National Council of Churches and the World Council of Churches and the World Council of Churches and the Pepublic of South Africa.

**Latt September the World Council of Churches allocated \$200,000 to support Black terror**

**Lutherans and Presbyterians have recently begun publishing new Sunday school mot surjourt in Fighters* in Africa. Much of that money has heard the more has heard the more has heard the more has been carefully scanned and, wherever the constant of the more supports the proper thanks the people failed to keep the Jews at distance, the Church was a distance, the Church was a distance, the Church was a distance, the Church was a distance, the Church such that the Prepared to do so npurely religious grounds.

**The Church was, for hundreds the Western creative and artistic energies. All the great artists of the Middle Ages, all the architectural splendors of Gothic Europe, much of the most by the premoving or recasting all those portions while the reward of Churches lobbying viciously to isolate and the Republic of South Africa.

**Lutherans and Presbyterians have recently begun publishing new Sunday school materialistic shell.

**Lutherans and Presbyterians have recently begun publishing new Sunday school materialistic shell.**

**The Church was, for hundreds bring it into line with the new line by removing or recasting all those portions while the reward of the premoving or recasting all those portions while the resulting devotion to the Faith—all the things that once a devoted their lives to the servic the reaction to moluntary, the fact is that the chall the church is suffering from exact

Last September the World council of Churches allocated 200,000 to support Black errorist "freedom fighters" in Those who most bitterly resent firea. Much of that money has lready been spent on weapons nd has allowed a number of errorist raids to be launched rom Zambia against White ettlers in Rhodesia this year.

Likewise, in Australia the overment's abandonment of its overmer "White Australia" impigration policy was due as spent of the Church place the problem. It played a major role in bringing on the Spanish Inquisition in the 15th century.

exement's abandonment of its merer "White Australia" in ord in bringing on the Spanish ingration policy was due as uch to pressure from the worrful Australia" in ord in bringing on the Spanish nquisition in the 15th century, artifer Jewish converts, or marranos, began infiltrating the Church as from Jewish and arxist groups.

Tragic Betrayal

Tragic Betrayal

The presentracial policies of the hurch are tragic and irronic, for was Western man — and estern man alone — who built ecleurch.

Bulwark Against Culture

Distortion

Until recent times the Church as a major bulwark against the form of the Church was a major bulwark against ord the collection between Christianity and Judaism.

The filtration has certainly increased since the 15th century, and it has had profound effects. For one thing, there has been a radical revision of the Church's attitude toward Jews.

Bulwark Against Culture

Distortion

Until recent times the Church as a major bulwark against indusences in the life of the West. If the natural instincts of new Madison Avenue gimmicks

A More Fatal III

Many Christians nurse the hop that the Church's faults can be cured by rooting out the sub-cured by rooting out the sub-cured by rooting out the sub-cured by rooting out the sub-cured by rooting out the sub-cured by rooting out the sub-cured by rooting out the sub-cured by rooting out the sub-cured by rooting out the sub-cured by rooting out the sub-cured by rooting out the sub-cured by rooting out the sub-cured by rooting out the sub-cured by rooting out the sub-cured by rooting out the sub-cured by rooting out the sub-cured by rooting out the sub-cured by rooting out the sub-cured by rooting out the sub-cured by rooting out the sub-cured by rooting out the sub-cured by rooting out the sub-cured by rooting out the sub-cured by rooting out the sub-cured by rooting out the sub-cured by rooting out the sub-cured by rooting out out the sub-cured by rooting out out offers.

The inflitration has certainly indicated by rooting out out out the sub-cured by ro

CHOIRBOYS sing hymns in St. Mark's Anglican church in London.

"fulfillment," and be more or less happy — or, at least, contented. These are the neo-liberal educational goals, to be achieved with sufficient goodwill, Federal aid, and, of course, a judicially determined ratio of black, brown, yellow, red, and white faces in each classroom.

The expected result is an evergrowing stream of "educated" world-citizens, raceless individuals prepared to plunge

Away with the System! Instead of preparing raceless, rootless individuals for the conner!

America today is not yet totally alienated, but her sickness is getting worse rapidly. It can be shad hoped, their concan be reversed — but only through social surgery of a radical nature, consisting of several major steps.

The first step must be to sweep away the entire System now ruling America. All the greedy, knowledge of the history and

ruling America. All the greedy, cynical little men now wielding power must go: "liberal," inderstanding of the Western power two million years ago.

New Paperback Reveals Astounding Zionist

The Ideological Reveals Astounding Zionist

An interesting and important paperback hit the newsstands a blue-eyed people from the North. Instead, he claims, they were pastime. Dimont recourage in the histo traditions of the Western power must go: "liberal," instead, he claims, they were possible traditions of the Western power must go: "liberal," inderstanding of the great redictions of the Western power must go: "liberal," inderstanding of the great redictions of the Western power must go: "liberal," inderstanding of the great redictions of the Western power must go: "liberal," inderstanding of the great redictions of the Western power must go: "liberal," inderstanding of the great redictions of the Western power must go: "liberal," inderstanding of the great redictions of the Western power must go: "liberal," inderstanding of the great redictions of the Western power must go: "liberal," inderstanding of the great redictions of the Western power must go: "liberal," inderstanding of the great redictions of the Western power must go: "liberal," inderstanding of the great redictions of the Western power must go: "liberal," inderstanding of the great redictions of the Western power must go: "liberal," inderstanding of the great redictions of the Western power must go: "liberal," inderstanding of the great redictions of the Western power must go: "liberal," inderstanding of the great redictions of the Western power must go: "liberal," inderstanding of the great redictions of the Western power must go: "liberal," inderstanding of the great redictions of the Western power must go: "liberal," inderstanding of the great redictions of the Western power must go: "liberal," inderstanding of the great redictions of the Western power must go: "liberal," inderstanding of the great redictions of the Western power must go: "liberal," inder

m of the book will verage reader that so of stark, raving it is 482 pages of nadness! But it is a of madness that is a careful, sober every American tricts of all lands) but the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace of the menace

master race, a people by their tribal deity Jahhave dominion over the have dominion over the had all the people therein. Indestructible Jews as so much bombast and seating, braggadocio so e and ludicrous, that it takes one's breath away lecially, if one is not r with the Zionist mentors of all culture, the sers of all human decency orality, the innovators of tepts of justice, the doers reat feats, the thinkers of of of all human nobility.

Leonidas.

Friendiy Pawnbroker?

about Jewish tolerance and fair mindedness, Dimont is goarning hatre the modern distortion of heads resurprisingly uncharitable. He describes the old Teutonic gods, or obscene for condemnation opposing the value of illiterate, mead-swilling, lecherous murderers, whose chief pastimes were cheating, raping, and killing."

Zeus "spent most of his time spawing a succession of bastards with other men's wives" (here Dimont must have forgotten his claim that Zeus was really a Jew).

Dimont's gionomt displays fooaming hatre the modern distortion of the condemnation opposing the Hitler, he condemnation opposing the Hitler, he condemnation opposing the Hitler, he condemnation opposing the Hitler, he condemnation opposing the Hitler, he condemnation opposing the Hitler, he condemnation opposing the Hitler, he condemnation opposing the Hitler, he condemnation opposing the Hitler, he condemnation opposing the Hitler, he condemnation opposing the Hitler, he condemnation opposing the Hitler, he condemnation opposing the Hitler, he condemnation opposing the Hitler, he condemnation opposing the Hitler, he condemnation opposing the Hitler, he condemnation opposing the Hitler, he condemnation opposing the Hitler, he condemnation opposing the Hitler, he condemnation opposing the Hitler, he condemnation opposing the Hitler, he condemnation opposing the Hitler, he condemnation opposing the Hitler, he condemnation opposing the Hitler, he condemnation opposing the Hitler, he condemnation opposing the Hitler, he condemnation opposing the Hitler, he condemnation opposi

cows' best interesl at heart ^and setve a vital function iR op£'rating ^aprogressive ranch and keeping the herd healthy and contented. He really doesn't believe lhe cows could survive without the cowboys. Later, however, when he talks about the theory of history and and steered each one dlD'lng its rise, reaped the benefits of its accomplishmen ts, aⁿd then moved on to a new host when the ^old one began faltering, much like a colony of intelligent fleas jumping to a new dog after they have sucked the old one dry. The dogs come and go, but the flea colony always survives,

Dimon! does not see this doghopping process continuing indefinitely, howeve^r . He believes the Jews are now about ready to usher in a new act of the hwnan

He believes the flea colony has finally imbibed enough blood from their long succession of host-dogs that they can now bring about a final change in the scheme or th ings - ^a" final ^solut ion" of the Gentile problem. He sees a compl ^et ^el y and, moreover, an openly - rather than covertly - Judaized world, in which universal J ewish dominance and leadership will be freely recognire d : "This JudaizatiQn of the ^world that haa imperceptibly coursed below the surface of history ... is destined to

drama.

surface ... "

Patriots, take heed !

thlng that we, as ^arace, have ever done. The original idea in the minds of our naive do-gooders was that we would simultaneously raise the non Whi tes' standard of living and save theirsouls - i.e., mak^e dark-skinned Wes terners or them. Instead we greatly increased the number and efficiency of our natural enemies while instilling in them an implacable hatred for us .

Destroyed Souls We also ma^{n a}ged to destroy their souls, by uprooting them from their soil, obliterat ing their

tur^e , ^{m a} k i ⁿg th ^eir n^a ti ^{v e} h^{a n}di ^cr^a f ts obs^o lete, and catastrophically changing their

Back to the Jungle Much of the industrialization of the third world which has al ready taken pl^ace is reversible. With their ^{s u}pply of We^{s t e}rⁿ technicians and spare parts cut off, all Black African - and many ^o ther - nations w^ould simply revert to their former jungle lifestyle wi thin afew

Those few non-White nations where industrialization is not self-reversible will be a growing worry and dang^er for the West In the future. China is the out-

Trade with the third· world must continue for the present, but .the long-range goal of the West

a a better or happier place for having been "Westernized"? No one who has visited Bombay or Calcutta can think so. Western technology has simply made it possible for vasUy more Indi^ans per square mile to star^ve than ^w as p ^re^v iousl y

cul

lifestyle. Is Indi

possibl^e.

years.

standing example.

(Issue No. 21, I 9731

growing fatter and wiser with each new dog it infests.

Looking for a New Host Western civil ization is an old, dying dog, and the Jews are once ^again looking for a healthy

Dlmont considers India and various other" developing " nations in Africa and South Americ^a , but China looks like the best prospect to him : "Ideologically, China could be ^a fertile civilization for a Diaspora center because the Chinese of today are even more Judaized than were the Puritans of Colonial America. ... China's

therefrom in order to

Placing racial interests above eco nomic interests, h^owever , requires us to firmly rule out both these international capitalist

Ship Them Back

imports ^coconuts and rhinocerous hides from some "undeveloped" natiwi with ^an agricultural economy , that

tion will usually expect A ^me^r ican ^m achinery - and American technologists to keep it running - in return. There was ^a time when glass beads and whisky would have been sufficient , but not any more. The export or Western technology to the non-White world is probably the stupidest

na

manufacture them.

puppy.

and seeing that they get enough

about i ts being published as ^a mass�irculation paperback - is that it pulls two previously separate Jewish wor Ids together : the exotic world of the nutty, grass and water, ^{a re}the Diaspora Jews, while those back at the ranchhouse, t^ending to the tackle, malting pl^ans for the autumn cattle drive, banking the proceeds from last year's drive, and taking care of o ther headquarters matters , are the Zionists. ^co lony of neas. Kissinger and Kahane Both Essential Some cowboy^sprefer the life out on the open range, and others

keeping the cattle out of mischief

hate-filled, Talmudic Jews like Rabbi Kahane, who read and write The Jewish Press. and the everyday world or the smooth, sophisticated Jews like Henry Kissinger, who wheel and deal and conduct our affl!irs of state for us. It pulls them together and ^ma kes us realizethat they are one and the same world : the Jewish world. Cows and Cowboys would rather sp^end their time in the ranchhous^e , but the two

Dispatch.

One and the Same The interesting thing about Dimont 's book - or, rather,

nationalism of the present, in which all ^men and women of Western blood will be ^members. The replacement of a parochial outlook with White world solidarity and the final ^elimination or fratricidal war would be among the en^ormous benefits of such a development. A bsurdity of Multi-racia lism By the same rJle. however , the travesty of a world community to

lhe future prospects for the Jews, ^abetter analogy than the catU^e ranch is a dog infested by ^a No book before The Indesh'u ctible Jews bas made available to Gentiles such a clear picture of the dual nature of this Jewish world. Dimont's semifrank exposition of the unique groups of cowboy^scooperate in the business of running the ranch. IC all the cowboys were lo leave the herd and hang around the ranchhouse all the time, the whole ranching enterprise would quickly go down the d rain. Dimont's theory of history is eclectic . F^{r o m}Spengler he adopts the no tion of lhe cyclic nature of civil izat ions, but he also accepts Toynbee's view that each ⁿew civi lization which arises can ^ach i ^ev^egreater h^e igh ts by utilizing the accomplishments of past civilizations.

Jewish national existence, partly in Zion and partly in the Diaspora, is fascinating. Likewise, if there were no one back at the ranchhouse to hold down the fort. The Jews Dimon! regards as a unique element in the historical process , a continuous thread leading ever upward through the ages as othe^rcivilizations rise and Call . America and the Third World On what considerations should a proper American foreign policy be based? That seems a sensibl^e which Ame^r i^{c a} ' ^sspi ritua lly handicapped leaders presently invoivement.

enough question , yet it is one ^which has been shunned by at leas t two generations of Federal "e^x pe^{r t s} " and their ^m edia pay lip service - the Uni led Nations Organizalion - is an absurdity. With no common racial and cultural basis , there can come no rational or consistent policy, no ^uniformity of purpose, from any ^m ul ti-rac ial group, be it a single nation or an ^assembly of nations. Despite the equalitarian should be one of total non-If N ige^r i a wants to industrialize herself, fine, let her try to do it - with neither American interference nor aid. If the Tutsis decide to barbecue that is their business .

mouthpieces. The basic reason is a reluctance to ·bring into the open certai n fun damental discrepancies b ^e tween America's national interests and the guiding philosophy behind the foreign policy pursued by neoliberal planners in Washington . The sha^m ble^swhich this policy has made of the world in the la�t ^mythology espoused by all U .N. delegates, those from the non-White nations, at least, are sufficiently race conscious that they form a coherent block ^which, even if it canagree on ⁿothing else, is united in its hostilily to all Westerners . It is difficult to imagine anything more tragically fatuous than America and the ^o ther While ⁿations of lhe ^world competing and eat ail the Hutus in Burundi, And if the Arabs object to the Jews ^s tealing their land, they can fi ght it out among themselves, ithou t American troops , weapons, or referees . End N eo-Colon l altsm The argwnent that if America doesn' t build a new dam or ball bearing factory in Za^mbia the Russians will - and will thereby gai n some unspecified advantage over us - is largely specious. If the Russians wan l to try their activities in the long run - the latter immediately. There was a time ^w hen the capitalist argument for importing laborers of al ien race, either free or slave, may hav^ecarried some weight, but that time is long past. The current practice In northern Europe - especially

60 years , however , should be ^a dequa te proof of the un^suitability of its ideological basis and of the need for a new one. White World Community The fundamental rule of a new and proper American foreign policy must be the rule which should also be fundamental to domestic policy : Race is everything. The de^s tiny of America is inextricably linked by ties or blood and culture to those of the other Wh ite nations of the ^wo^rld, whether in Africa, the Pacific, or Europe. The one great goal toward which American foreign policy should strive is the development of a worldwide comm^{u n}i ty , transcending the geographical with one another for the U.N. vote of Swaziland or Upper Volta. Racial Suicide To suggest placing the desti11y of the White race in such ban els, to seriously consider submi tting America in any way to th^e decisions of a body in which th^e vote of a Fiji Islander or a Bolswanan counts as much as that or ^aCanadian or a German , is criminal lunacy. Yet that is exactly what America's so�alled leaders have al ready done, to a hand at neo-coion ialism - and that is the proper name for it let lhem ; there are very few instances where it can disad^vanla�e us. In most cases the Russi^{a n}s, afler carefully thinking over the pros and cons and if there were no worry about the Americans rushing in and beating them out of something would find it the better part of wisdom lo forget about building a ball-bearing plant in Zambia and would leave the Zambians happily squatting in their own filth. Germany - ^of allowing local capitalists lo import hordes of alien workers to do the hard and dirty work that Western workers find beneath their dignity will prove the ruin of northern Europe if it is not halted. Likewise, South Africans would be well advised to keep the gates of their Bantustans closed by d^ay as well as by night and learn to do themselves whatever work is necessary to their economy. And the same lesson applies with pa^r ticularurgency to America and her former slaves. No More B ea d ^{s a n} d Wh isky Trade and "development" are not the same thing, but they are inextricably linked. IC America

limited extent. Mr. Kissinger's recent assurance that lhe Nixon administration will fully support the U.N. effort to starve Whiteruled Rhodesia into submission by banning all trade between

only one example of this.

No More M eddling

the so-called " third world"

Rhodesia and the United Slates is The policy of the West - and, in par ticular, of America :- toward know-how can lurn a buck. And ^capitalists (of both theprivate and sla te, or communist, varieties > would scream bloody murder if they were no longer allowed todevelop a market for their electric golf carts there -

Race Before Profit Indeed, there s till exist many plac ^es in the third world, perhaps even in Zambia, where Western

and import cheap l ^abo^r

merica have produced more century. His urge toward beauty and truth seems to have degenerated into a morbid feastinion with ugliness, an anywhere else. ...art in the leat mass society of Americas as become the biggest service dustry in the world."

Orgy, Yes—Art, No

Medical many the merica have produced more century. His urge toward beauty and truth seems to have degenerated into a morbid fascination with ugliness, an irresistible desire to be an anywhere else. ...art in the distracted, amused, deceived.

Newsweek justifies the new tastes with the argument that they are more "fun" than the old. In describing the "new music," of alien origin: either didfer radically from the care and charlatanry have a lot to do with it. The Spock generation, saturated with permissiveness and pot and idnot, have any fun when they difficial world of aivos and asphalt.

In describing the "new music," the article cellaims that Americans dich have any fun when they went to concerts in the old days. It contrast, "new music is one big carrival of sound—diverse, orgo," and an "industry." But art?" No, not even bad art or ton-art. The orgy of activity or trayed in Newweek an only a described as anti-art. Sculpture" exemplified by independent of the carried as a strict of contrast, "new music is one discurbed as anti-art. Sculpture" exemplified by independent of the carried as anti-art. Sculpture is exemplified by independent of the carried by the carried as the discussive of the carried of the carried by independent of the carried of the carried of the carried of the carried of the carried of the carried of the carried of the carried of the carried of the carried of the carried of the carried of the carried of the carried of the carried of the carried of the carried of the carried of the carried of the carried of the carried of the carried of the carried of the carried of the carried of the carried of the carried of the carried of the carried of the carried of the carried of the carried of the carried of the carried of the carried of the carried of the carried of the carried of the carried of the carried of the carried of the carried of the carried of the carried of the carried of the carried of the carried of the carried of the carried of the carried of the carried of the carried of the carried of the carried of the carried of the carried of the carried of the carried of the carried of the carried of the carried of the carried of the carried of the carried of the carried of the carried of the carried of the carried of the carried of the carried of the carried of the carried of the carried of the carried of the carried of the carried of the carried of the carried of the carried of the carried of the carried of the carried of the carried of the carried of the carried of the carried of the carried of the carried of the carried of the carried of the carried of the carried of the carrie

those artists and performers more in attune with their own collectors are making such a fuss there must be art.

Too Eager to Be Chic Americans are easy marks. By and large, they do not have the Levantine subtlety of their decivers. They are a simple, straightforward, direct folk, but, for some dark reason, they seem to be ashamed of that fact. They want to be sophisticated. They want to be the first to noard.

This unfortunate tendency, coupled with their unfathomable credulity, has made of them the world's principal laughingstock for some time now. It has led them to endorse, in concert halls and art museums across the nation, some of the most solemn foolishness the world has seen in recent years.

It's about time someone the particular of especially degenerate trends.

Thus, when the news media began the practice a few years ago of refusing to identify criminal suspects by race, there were few objections from the public. The White liberals had been convinced that it was completely irrelevant whether a mugger or a rapist was White, Black, or Martian. Those diehards who still thought a suspect's race might be a handy thing to know so that people could keep a lookout for him had learned to keep their "racist" ideas to themselves.

Where the circumstances of a crime by a Negro made it dif-

ficult to conceal his race from the public, the media were generally able to keep news of the crime confined to the community in which it occurred.

All the News That Fits

If the Ku Klux Klan burned a Negro church in Mississippi, it was national news. If two Black students were shot by state troopers during a school riot in South Carolina, it made headlines around the country, not just for weeks but for months.

But the "Zebra" killers had already murdered 10 Whites in

San Francisco, over a period of four months, before people in other parts of the country were told about it. In Dallas recently, 13 White store owners and employees were murdered by Black gummen during the course of a few weeks, but no one outside Texas has yet heard a word about it from the mass media.

The mass media policy of suppressing news of Black crimes against Whites has allowed a Black gang (or gangs) to systematically murder approximately 400 White persons during the past five years without

arousing public alarm and op-

If people all over the country had known about the first of these killings when they occurred, five years ago, there would have been enormous pressure on Federal and local authorities to apprehend the killers. If the killings had continued, and if they had been given full, nationwide news coverage, the White reaction soon would have forced drastic action against all militant Black organizations. In addition, there would have been generated a strong resistance to the continuation of the numerous racial

integration programs which have made Whites such easy victims for Black killers.

It was for this very reason, of course, that the masters of the media suppressed the news. They did not want Americans to see the grisly consequences of turning a civilized country over to a horde of primitive savages, in the name of "counting".

(Issue No. 27, 1974)

Revolt of the Submen

A few years ago "fascism" was the number-one devil of the radical Left. Today it is "racism." This change is significant, and a close look at the reasons behind it reveals to us, in starkly simple terms, the fundamental nature of communism and the true motives of its promoters.

The switch in emphasis from anti-fascism to anti-racism is not the only major change in the communist image which has taken place in recent years, of course. Long gone are the soapbox haranguers with the Yiddish accents who in pre-World War II days exhorted the workers to cast off their chains. Today their sons and daughters in the so-called "New Left" are on an entirely different tack.

Americans Wouldn't Bite

American workers, even during the most difficult periods of the nation's history, were never desperate enough or stupid enough to swallow the lie that they could come out ahead by exchanging their capitalist chains for communist chains. Instead, they strived to make their capitalist chains more tolerable

Through aspiration and diligence they succeeded in large measure, many even becoming mini-capitalists themselves. To be sure, inflation has recently made the American worker's effort to maintain his standard of living akin to the hopeless task of Sisyphus. A lot of hard work and a little common sense have, nevertheless, remained a more appealing formula than any Marxist doubletalk about "expropriation" or a "dictatorship of the proletariat."

Black Recruits

Thus, the majority of the White American working class was long ago written off by the Marxist planners as an impossible bunch of rednecks and reactionaries, even though lip-service is still paid to the old goal of "workers' solidarity," especially in some of the redder unions. The Reds began looking instead to the growing masses of non-Whites in American cities as the proper raw material for their

The Negroes in America have always been a factor in communist plans, but World War II was the real watershed between the former emphasis on White workers and the beginning of a gradual shift to non-Whites— a shift which has become completely obvious only in the last year or two.

As early as 1912 Israel Cohen, a Marxist living in England, wrote in his A Racial Program for the 20th Century that the growing Black population of America should be regarded as the key to the delivery of the Western Hemisphere into communis hands, but for many year: Cohen's plan was kept on the back burner.

Promiscuous Fecundity

During world war II, nowever, the slow migration of Blacks from Southern farms to industrial cities all over the country was given a great impetus. Many American cities which were nearly all-White in 1941 have become predominately Black — or, at least, predominately non-White.

Not only the urban migration, but increased immigration from the Caribbean and the darker areas of Latin America and an astounding non-White rate of reproduction, encouraged by a welfare system which rewards promiscuous fecundity, have have resulted in the color shift in America's cities.

Inferiority Is Essential

The precondition for any successful communist activity is a society containing at least one recognizable category of people obsessed by a feeling of inferiority. The first task of the communist cadres is to transform that feeling of inferiority—whether it stems from artificial, class divisions or from natural, biological differences—into resentment and hatred of all those who do not belong to the inferior category. That hatred then becomes the driving force of a movement to destroy society's superior elements, since they are, by communist reasoning, responsible for the inferiority of the others: without superiority there can be no inferiority.

America's White workers, though often recognizing that they were being unfairly used, never really felt, as a whole, that they were irreconcilably inferior to those using them. Furthermore, they preferred to

remedy in their own way whatever inequities they felt, without the help of any outsiders as their self-appointed leaders.

America's non-White minorities — especially the Blacks — are in a fundamentally different position. What can they do to salve their feeling of inferiority? Racial integration has only made it worse.

When they attended all-Black schools and lived in all-Black communities, they certainly were not pleased by the contrast they could see between White America's standard of living and their own. But that resentment was nothing compared to their feelings now, when they are forced each day to compete with the Whites, in the schools, on the job, and in the marketplace.

No More Excuses

All the old excuses for an in ferior status no longer yield any comfort. When Whitey, in his big fihe house across the tracks could be blamed for holding the Black man down, there was som solace. But now, with all Whitey's barriers down and the Black man still unable to compete on an equal basis, a much deeper sensof inferiority is turning resent ment into a raging, bloodthirst; hatred.

The dirge of "we shall overcome" has given way to the cry of "kill Whitey!" That is a sentiment the communists know well how to use!

Embarrassing Preponderance

During the 1960's the Students for a democratic Society and other New Left organizations were largely Jewish in makeup. A heavily Jewish leadership made a strong effort to build a mass communist movement of alienated young Whites on university campuses and in the "street" communities of young dropouts

The White response was marginal, however, and SDS and the other groups ended up with a rank and file which displayed nearly the same embarrassing preponderance of Jewish faces as the leadership cadres. Thus, for example, when the Ohio National Guard opened fire on a group or leftist rioters at Kent State University on May 4, 1970, three out of the four students killed were Jews—and the fourth was

an ROTC student not participating in the riot who was accidentally hit by a stray bullet

New Plans, New Faces, New Enemy

The American pullout from Vietnam gave the New Left a chance to withdraw temporarily from the field of action and make new plans. They are back now, and they have both a new set of faces and a new name for the enemy.

The new faces are black and brown and every shade in between — even a few red and yellow ones — and the enemy's name has changed from "imperialist military-industrial complex" to "racist ruling class." The same Jews, of course, are calling the shots.

The reason the enemy must be smashed is no longer because he is waging an imperialist war in Indochina but because he is oppressing the non-White workers of America.

Black "Leaders"

The Old Left, i.e., the Communist Party USA, has been on the anti-racist track even longer. Since 1961 their figurehead party chairman has been a Negro. In 1968 they ran a Black woman as their candidate for President of the United States, and in 1972 their vice-presidential candidate was a Negro.

The rhetoric of SDS and other Red groups now relates nearly all their old, standard, bread-and-butter economic issues to a racial theme: members of the ruling class in industry and business are holding non-Whites back from the best jobs and from promotions; in the armed services the military branch of the ruling class is giving Blacks the hardest work and the most dangerous missions and punishing them more severely than White transgressors for breaches of military discipline; ruling-class administrators and professors on the cam puses are conspiring to keep non-Whites from enrolling and to keep those who do manage to get in from getting good enough grades to graduate to toppaying jobs. And, of course, it is racist members of the same, hated ruling class who run the government and are conspiring

ACTUAL SUBSCRIPTION AD for tabloid published by Nationa Caucus of Labor Committees (NCLC), a New Left group. Classi Jewish profile of tabloid salesman is typical of New Left cadres.

to deprive Blacks, Chicanos, Indians, etc. of welfare payments, health benefits, food stamps, subsidized housing, and human dignity.

Fellow Travelers

Absolutely essential to the political strategy of the New Left is the same thing on which the Old Left depended so heavily: the active collaboration of a vast number of "liberal" fellow travelers.

Liberals formerly supported Red programs in order to "fight fascism." Today it is to "end discrimination."

Middle-class liberals who would not dream of throwing a bomb at a police station, or even marching in a Red demonstration, sponsor boycotts against all lettuce and grapes not picked by a Chicano union. Through their churches they give money to Black terrorist groups waging guerrilla warfare against White farmers in Rhodesia. And through political donations and campaign work for both the major parties they sent the men to Washington who have given us school bussing; preferential Black hiring quotas; and racially integrated, drug-ridden armed services.

Intimidated Public

Also essential to the Reds' success is the passive collaboration of a thoroughly intimidated general public—all those who are afraid to oppose them because they don't want to be called "racists," just as a few years earlier they were afraid to be called "reactionaries" or "fascists" for standing up for what they believed.

Nowhere is the new image of the New Left more forcibly displayed than on America's college campuses. No longer is the SDS burning campus ROTO buildings; now the fire is being concentrated on "racist" administrators, professors, and textbooks.

Attacking Dr. Shockley

Currently the most popular campus target of the New Left is Dr. William Shockley, who has been presenting—or attempting to present—his proof of the genetic basis of Negro mental inferiority.

DR. WILLIAM SHOCKLEY

audiences around the country. The Reds almost invariably use an appearance by Shockley as an excuse to turn a campus upside down

It is relatively easy for them to convince Blacks on the campus and in the surrounding community that Shockley is advocating the mass extermination of non-Whites. Campus Jews pin yellow Stars of David on their clothes and dust off all the tired, old concentration-camp stories about Nazi medical experiments and gas chambers.

Leaslets are mimeographed, bomb threats are telephoned to the administration and to the group sponsoring Shockley's visit, anti-racist rallies are held, and, on the day of the scheduled lecture, picket lines are set up ground the auditorium.

TYPICAL SDS CONTINGENT at City College of New York. This group, headed by the Jewess in the center, has as its only White member the slack-jawed specimen on the right. SDS is recruiting no just Negroes, but half-castes of every shade and racial background, all united in their hatred of the White "ruling class."

The Reds pack the hall with their fellow travelers, while roving gangs of Negro athletes threaten other students who try to get inside. When Shockley attempts to speak he is drowned out by shouled obscenities and chants of "No free speech for racis:ts!"

Spineless Officials

Dr. Shockley, of course, understands the necessity of such controntations for provoking the Reds into playing their whole hand, and he perseveres. Others are not so bold, however. On campus after campus spineless administrators cave in to demands to cancel Shockley's speaking engagements and to ban the use of biology, psychology, and sociology textbooks which even hint at the facts of race.

Ironically, many fellow travelers have also found themselves targets of the Reds' wrath. In order to draw fire one does not have to pose any substantial challenge to the equality myth; it is sufficient to suggest that perhaps IQ tests may still have some value, or that "racist" books should be ridiculed but not burned, or that there may be certain biological differences between Blacks and Whites.

Reaping the Whirlwind

A nutrition research laboratory was wrecked by Reds on one campus because the "racist" director of research insisted on maintaining that there are genetically based differences in nutritional requirements between Negroes and Caucasians. It didn't help a bit for him to protest, "I'm not a racist; I marched at Selma!"

At Temple University, in Philadelphia, English professor Dr. J. Mitchel Morse has been under attack as a "racist" for writing a textbook which describes Negro ghetto dialect as inferior to Standard English. His thesis is that Negroes should be taught to speak, read, and write exactly the same as Whites. For this, his classes have been disrupted by SDS members and the Temple University administration has been presented with demands that he be fired.

Morse has angrily remonstrated with SDS hecklers, "How dare you call me a racist when I've been an anti-racist all my life?" But the heckling and disruptions continue

The Streaking Conspiracy

The New Left now interprets virtually every social phenomenon in terms of "racism"—even streaking. The March-April issue of New Left Notes (published by SDS) has an article titled "Streaking: Bosses Exposed" which concludes that streaking is the product of a conspiracy by the ruling class to divert students' attention and energy away from the fight against racism.

The immediate goal of all this New Left activity is twofold. First and foremost is the campaign to organize the non-Whites of America into a revolutionary political force which can be used to destroy the White "ruling class."

Against all Standard:

A variation of the carrot-andstick approach is used here. Blacks, Chicanos, Puerto Ricans — in fact, every

RECRUITING AD for Young Socialist Alliance, another New Left organization. Notice that the ad appeals specifically to Black, Chicano, Puerto Rican, and Indian workers, but not to Whites.

FRONT PAGE OF TABLOID published by Students for a Democratic Society (SDS). Note the "SMASH RACISM" logotype. The one theme of the publication is the advancement of non-Whites by hanning "racist" recearch and taythooks silencing "racist" professors at

Recommended Reading

Ardrey Books Pack Ideological Punch

AFRICAN GENESIS, Robert Ardrey, 380 pages, softback,

THE TERRITORIAL IM PERATIVE, Robert Ardrey, 39 pages softback, \$2.45.

THE SOCIAL CONTRACT, Robert Ardrey, 405 pages, softback, \$2.65.

Robert Ardrey's trilogy can without exaggeration be described as the most important piece of popular writing of the last few decades. These books pose such a deadly threat to the reigning orthodoxy that it is almost incredible that they have not only gone through dozens of printings by major publishers during the past 13 years, but that for a while they were actually sold openly in paperback editions at newsstands all over the

All three of Ardrey's books deal with the same basic subject, although each emphasizes different aspects. That subject is animal behavior, studied for the sake of the light it throws on human nature.

Although Ardrey is extraordinarily well-informed on his chosen topic, he is not a scientist himself; prior to African Genesis he was a professional playwright. All the scientific results he reports are the work of others; Ardrey's great contribution is his enormously effective popularization of research which otherwise might have remained accessible only to scholars.

Beyond this, Ardrey has dared to draw certain profoundly important implications about human nature from the animal studies he has reported.

In African Genesis, the first book of his trilogy, Ardrey presents a convincing case for the animal origins of man's instinctual drives for territory and dominance. He describes the evidence which indicates man's descent from a weapon-using, carnivorous predator, Australopithecus africanus, and he relates this to human aggression and man's instinctive

In The Territorial Imperative he greatly expands his thesis of the animal origins of human territoriality

The Social Contract focuses on certain aspects of group evolution which have important implications for understanding human social behavior

Ardrey's books strike a heavy blow at the humanistic basis of neo-liberalism, i.e., at the doctrine of man as the center of the universe, occupying a special and separate position in Nature, independent of the laws gover-

The liberal has invented a special category, a mental box, called humanity, and anything that is allowed inside acquires thereby an exalted status. It is bestowed with "human dignity." It is no longer a part of Nature, and a great gulf separates it from all other animate beings.

The liberal has used certain pseudo-scientific arguments to assure himself that this gulf is

bottomless: only man, and no other creatures, can use or make tools, the liberal has falsely asserted. Only man, and no other creatures, can use language for communication. Only man, and no other creatures, can reason

Viewed in the perspective of this practically infinite height of man above other creatures, the difference in human quality, in worth, between a philosopherking and a slobbering cretin seems small in comparison.

A Newton, a Shakespeare, a Beethoven is, from this viewpoint, essentially on a level with any African Negro. The one might be a trifle smarter than the other, but what is that in the light of the fact that they both have "human dignity"? Thus, the liberals' obstinate belief in the essential equality of all men.

Now Ardrey has come along and filled up the gulf between man and the rest of Nature. Now we can see man, not as a separate being high on a plateau above other beings, but as a part of Nature's continuum.

Once we have recognized this continuum, and discarded the notion of a huge quantum difference between man and nonman, thescalesfall from our eyes and we can see that the various races of man occupy separate levels in Nature's hierarchy, just as do the various subhuman species. This hierarchy extends from the protozoon of the primal slime up through more and more complex non-human life forms through the lower primates to the manlike apes, from the apes to the more primitive and less evolved races of man, and finally to the higher human races.

Consequently, the concept of human dignity becomes a relative thing instead of an absolute, while "equality" becomes

This is entirely in accord with evidence assembled by other which establishes the separate evolution of the various human races, with the crossing of the subhuman-human threshold occurring at different times Carleton Coon presents the evidence in his monumenta Origin of Races, for example that the primitive Australoid and Congoid (Negro) races did no cross this threshold until hundreds of thousands of years after the more highly developed Caucasoid (White) and Mongoloid races.

Ardrey's books greatly enhance the impact of books like Coon's by forcefully reminding us just how close are the myriad evolutionary roots in the animal kingdom of man's instinctive individual and social behavior. They thus bridge the animal-human gap and throw human racial differences into proper perspective. Moreover, they accentuate for us the concept of ongoing evolutionary development.

We can more readily see man, and especially Aryan man, not so much as a final end in himself but more as Nature's highest achievement so far in an unen-

levels of existence, levels which will eventually surpass man's present state—provided the White race does not manage to commit suicide first

Ardrey has not only simplified and made available to the general public the findings of the animal behaviorists and other scientists, but he has done it in a way which goes right around a number of mental roadblocks selup by the equalitarian brainwashers.

Dr. William Shockley can explain his evidence of the genetic basis of Negro mental inferiority until he's blue in the face, and no matter how simple he makes it the boobs won't get the picture. They know he's a "racist"

They've been warned to watch out for him. He's trying to prove Blacks are inferior, and every right-thinking product of the American educational system

So, if they don't curse him and try to shout him down, they smile tolerantly while he preaches his "racism," thus showing that they're liberal enough to let even a crackpot have freedom of speech. But their minds remain closed as tight as a clam. Heresy shall not prevail!

But a nice, liberal boy like Ardrey has no such problems Promoting "racism"? Why nothing could be farther from his intentions! He abhors racists.

He circulates easily in the company of Jews, Blacks homosexuals, communists, and the degenerates of the New York "art" world. This is implicit in all three of his books. He ever mentions it explicity in a couple of places.

And so, while the mind-molders of media, church, and schoo cealously guard the front door o ideological orthodoxy, guns at the ready and wary eyes peering through chinks in the shutters Ardrey calmly sails in the back door and mows them all down

A large part of the effectiveness of his work lies in the fact that he has not really told his readers where all the things he is teaching them are leading. He has not explicitly drawn the ultimate conclusions. He has simply started the reader on the right path and depended on Nature to take its course.

The only reason so many have been willing to start out on Ardrey's path is that they have not been told where it ends. If they had, they couldn't be dragged onto it.

The way Ardrey has done it, it all seems so harmless. He is a charming writer, his subject is one of great popular interest, and it is easy to set out for a nice, Sunday stroll with him, learning a bit about the birds and the bees and why they behave the way they do.

When the stroll is over, the entire foundation of the neo liberal worldview has been expertly undermined. It only wait a spark set to the powder Ardrey has packed in there to blow the entire liberal ideology to dust.

For many readers, of course the spark of understanding neve comes. But for enough others i does so that Ardrey's three book are unsurpassed in their effectiveness at countering th lunatic propaganda which hapushed the White race so close the brink of oblivion.

(Issue No. 28, 1974)

Papers Say Spinola May Be Jew

General Antonio de Spinola, Portugal's left-leaning revolutionary ruler, may be of Jewish ancestry. A number of Jewish publications, including Washington's Jewish Week and New York's Jewish Post & Opinion, have cited evidence that Spinola's family may be of Marrano origin

The Marranos (literally, pigs were Jews living in Spain and Portugal during the middle age who pretended to become Christians in order to improve their business opportunities and avoid restrictions imposed of Jews. Many of them used their wealth, gained through moneylending and trade, to but positions of influence in the Portuguese government and in the Catholic Church.

The name Spinola has apparently been used by othe Marranos, and General Spinola' troops sometimes call hir "Dayan of the glass (eye)," reference to the monocle hwears, which gives him superficial resemblance to Israel's one-eyed General Mosh Dayan.

On July 27 Spinola announced that he intends to turn over thre Portuguese colonies in Africa – Mozambique, Angola, an Guinea-Bissau — to Negreterrorists, thus repudiating hi earlier promise to White Portuguese settlers living there

If Spinola is indeed Jewish, it would seem that history is repeating itself. In the eighth century Jews betrayed the inhabitants of what is now Spain

and Portugal to Moorish invader from Africa. Now Spinola in betraying the White inhabitant of Portugal's colonies to Black Africans.

(Issue No. 29, 1974)

ANTONIO DE SPINOLA

THIS IS WHAT PORTUGUESE COLONISTS CAN EXPECT when Spinola turns over Portugal's African colonies to Black rule. The Blacks will first butcher the Whites and then each other. A gang o Black "freedom fighters" raided this Portuguese-Angolan farm, killed the Portuguese family and all their Black servants, then lonned their heads off and stuck them on poles in the front yard.

The Best of Attack! And National vanguard tabloid

China has the largest population, the United States has the highest steadard of living, the content of highest level of literacy, and Germany has an industry without and Certmany has an industry without and Certmany has an industry with ends should a people most intentity direct list energies and aspirations?

As America's bicentennial draws near, one hears a great deads book such up question and living and approposes. As America's industry should be possible of their speculations on the question of what America's 'inational purposes' should be possible most intentity direct list energies and aspirations?

As America's bicentennial draws near, one hears a great deads book such up question and proposers in should be possible most proposers. The propose of the challenge of distory. His concern is that his purposes' should be possible to accept the challenge of distory. His concern is that his purposes' should be possible to be statisfactory answers are much scarcer.

More Fiberglass Speedboats

If there is any concensus at all it seems to be that America's 'inational grand filt and far-sighted, in the propose of the challenge of listory, His concern is that his long run prosperity may sap that

If there is any concensus at all it seems to be that America's manional grand filt and far-sighted, and the propose of the challenge of listory, His concern is that his long run prosperity may sap that

If there is any concensus at all it seems to be that America's manional grand filt and far-sighted, for more of what they align and filt and far-sighted, for more of what they align and filt and far-sighted, for more of what they align and filt and far-sighted, for more of what they align and filt and far-sighted, for more of what they align and filt and far-sighted, for more of what they align and filt and far-sighted, for more of what they align and filt and far-sighted and for what they align and filt and far-sighted and for what they align and filt and far-sighted and f

se" should be, but calcory answers are much greated and strong and fit and far-sighted, the most of, namely, after. After and foremost, and that that mission must take reassage still comes across we do in American driveways addition, of course, we do in American driveways addition, of course, we do in American driveways addition, of course, we do in American driveways addition, of course, we do in American driveways addition, of course, we do in American driveways addition, of course, we do in American driveways addition, of course, we do in American driveways addition, of course, we do in American driveways addition, of course we ways for economically sosing of the country's instituted that mission must take raise floor of concensus we have free as a mission must take raise floor of the material basis for an an an issue and that that mission must take raise floor and that that mission must take raise floor of the country's instituted that mission must take raise floor of the country's instituted that a mission must take raise floor of the country's instituted that continued the continued that that mission must take raise floor of the country's instituted that a mission must take raise floor of the country's instituted that a mission must take raise floor of the country's instituted that a mission must take raise floor of the country's instituted that the master of the country's instituted that the country's instituted that the master of the country's instituted that the master of the country's instituted that the master of the country's instituted that the master of the country's instituted that the master of the country's institute of the country's institute that the master of the country's institute that the master of the country's institute that the country in the destitute of the country's institute that the country in the country in the country's institute that the country in the country's institute that the country in the country's institute that the country in the country's institute that the country in

masters will enjoy relative luxury and a relaxed life-style. The consequence of this difference in the demande which life makes on the varlous peoples will be that the dominant people will gradually lose its fitness, while subordinate peoples will be the subordinate peoples will be more of the subordinate peoples will tend to retain theirs.

Eventually the time may come when one of the subordinate peoples will be more fit than its poppar to buy security by sting on the American dole all ose countries which might nerwise adhere to our national misser and will then supplant them and assume the dominant peoples will be more fit than its position for itself.

And the cycle repeats itself.

Turbulent Record

Turbulent Record

This is the principal cause of the subordinate which sife and the cycle repeats itself.

Turbulent Record

This is the principal cause of this tory's turbulence. Were it not for this built-in instability, the history's turbulence were in more billions, thus ulting in a net saving for our tional economy.

They forget that the only basis cannot circumvent Nature's laws, but he can go a long way lower they once ruled—from the Mediterranean basin to India they have so thoughly mingled their blood with that of other acces that they can new rotat areas where they once ruled—from the Mediterranean basin to India they have so thoughly mingled their blood with that of other acces that they can new rotat areas where they once ruled—from the Mediterranean basin to India they have so thoughly mingled their blood with that of other acces that they can new rotat areas where they once ruled—from the Mediterranean basin to India they have so thoughly mingled their blood with that of other acces that they can new rotations as where they once ruled—from the Mediterranean basin to India they have so tonday the White masters and will them supplant them and assume the dominant peoples will be more fit than its fitness, and now over vast areas where they once ruled—from the Mediterranean basin to India their blood w

Third World Threat

In order to overcome American healtation to embrace this and other schemes for eventually bringing us down to the level of Aslan coolies, media and government propagandists are making dire warnings of the threat to America which will arlsel five fall to meet Afro-Asian demands for American food. The gist of these warnings is that the world "will upset the world roder and end up taking from us what they want if we don't give it to them.

The world population, now growing at the rate of 70 million each year, will reach seven by the world 2009, each will be a possible to the produce more food from their land.

The BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VANGUARD TABLOID

Effect of Meddling

The net effect of the White man's efforts has been to leave the peoples in large areas of the on-white world worse off than they were before. Their lives were short and hard, but it was to make better use of their numbers were formerly kept in check by Nature's age-old methods: famine and disease.

The world population, now growing at the rate of 70 million each year, will reach seven before the world opposition, their numbers motives and partly from economic imperalist motives and partly from growing at the rate of 70 million each year, will reach seven the peoples in large areas of the bar white wars and they were before. Their lives were short and hard, but it was to the "development" brought by the "development" brought by the "development" brought by the world will upset to starve in vastly greater numbers produced their disease and helped to starve in vastly greater numbers of the man's efforts has been to leave the peoples in large areas of the bar's shoe to leave the peoples in large areas of the loave the peoples in large areas of the bar's shoe to leave the peoples in large areas of the loave the peoples in large areas of the loave the peoples in large areas of the loave the peoples in large areas of the loave the peoples in large areas of the loave the peoples in large areas of the loave the peoples in large

mit want they want they want the we mit economic fine to them.

The world population, now owing at the rate of 70 million chy year, will reach seven their land.

The result was an enormous and rapid increase in population, which has now brought many of them back to the brink of starvationagain. Indeed, hundreds of thousands have already starved to death in India and northern Africa in the past year.

In world population, now motives and partly from motives and partly from motives and partly from motives and partly from motives and partly from motives and partly from motives and partly from motives and helped them produce more food from their land.

The result was an enormous and rapid increase in population, which has now brought many of them back to the brink of starvationagain. Indeed, hundreds of thousands have already starved to death in India and northern Africa in the past year.

The world population, now missguided humanitarianism, cured their disease and helped them produce more food from their land.

The result was an enormous and rapid increase in population, which has now brought many of them back to the brink of starvationagain. Indeed, hundreds of thousands have already starved to death in India and northern Africa in the past year.

Africa in the partly from motive squalid, crowded, and unnatural conditions — than previously.

White Man's Burden

The White man's folly is two layers deep. First, he gratuitously assumed that he had some sort of moral responsibility to attempt to remake the other races of the earth in his own image: the so-called ''White man's burden' piously promoted

Scoot — and this is a more subtle but no loss grave error—the has labored under the assumption that, in undertaking to make an improvement on Nature, by doing for other peoples what they were patently unable to do for thermaelves, he was actually "helping" them.

Who Shall Sarvive?

The world food crisis now, of course, involves far more than moral issues. It involves the subtle but to the state of course involves far more than moral issues. It involves the state of course involves far more than moral issues. It involves the state of course involves far more than moral issues. It involves the state of course involves far more than moral issues. It involves the state of course involves far more than moral issues. It involves the state of course involves far more than moral issues. It involves the state of course involves far more than moral issues. It involves the state of course involves far more than moral issues. It involves the state of course involves far more than moral issues. It involves the state of course involves far more than moral issues. It involves the state of course involves far more than moral issues. It involves the state of course involves far more than moral issues. It involves the state of course involves far more than moral issues. It involves the state of course involves far more than moral issues. It involves the state of course involves far more than moral issues in the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the stat

Deodorants and Miscegenation talleast 90 per pulation—is good Blacks of the Most middle-class Negroes are good of Blacks of the Most middle-class Negroes are good of Blacks of the Most middle-class Negroes are good of Blacks of the Most of Friends of Blacks and having an of Black and having an African rather than a European heritage. Instead of trying to mittate Whites and their ways, they semphasize their own racial attributes.

They want to be White, and they take great pains to dress like Whites, act like Whites, talk like Whites, and adopt White lifestyles. They tend to be avid consumers of hair straighteners, deodorants, and skin-lightening creams.

Most toms are not full-blooded of White genes. For them, the next best thing to being White is

Liberals, the Jews, and Israel

The current Jewish power play in the Middle East poses the gravest imaginable dangers to America. Yet, in the midst of these dangers is a development which offers the promise of great good to the American people. That good is the disruption of the American liberal establishment and the extensive undermining of the traditional alliance between Jews and Gentile liberals.

Neo-Liberal Stalwarts

The Palestine crisis has caused a major falling out among the architects of American decline and degeneration. We are presented with the interesting spectacle of such neo-liberal stalwarts as Reverend Daniel Berrigan, Senator J.W. Fulbright, and syndicated columnists Rowland Evans and Robert Novak, among others, turning against both their fellow liberals and their Jewish patrons in the news media and siding with the Palestinians in the Jew-Arab conflict in the Middle East

One of the many ironies of this is that the very liberals who are now in such a state of ideological disarray and moral torment over the issue of Jewish imperialism and aggression in the Middle East laid the groundwork themselves for that imperialism and aggression more than a quarter-century ago by supporting the initial Zionist seizures of Arab territory.

Jewish Soap

At that time — in the years immediately following World War II — Jews could do no wrong in liberal eyes. They were then, even more successfully than now, exploiting their role as "victims" of National Socialist persecution. They parlayed pitiful tales of gas chambers and soap factories into a carte blanche for their postwar political designs, relying heavily on support from beguiled liberal Gentiles.

It is interesting to note that liberals, who have always insisted that a person must be judged only as an individual and not as a member of a racial or ethnic group, accepted without hesitation the thesis that the Jews, as a people, were entitled to immunity from criticism and to collective reparations for the disabilities which some individuals among them, no longer present for the most part, had suffered earlier in Germany

Butchers in U.S. Uniforms

Furthermore, the same liberals who so passionately commiserated with the Jews atter the war were startingly oblivious to atrocities committed against peoples far less blameworthy than the Jews in Germany: the postwar massacre of the Cossacks by the Soviel secret police, for example, or the slaughter of half-a-million anticommunist Croats by Tito's communist guerrillas in 1945. Liberal writers who condemned in the harshest terms the German practice of shooting Jewish political commissars whenever they were discovered among captured Soviet troops, refer in an indifferent and offhand way to the brutal torture and murder of tens of thousands of German SS men, the elite of their nation who, after they had laid down their arms and surrendered were turned over to Jews in U.S Army uniforms to be castrated used for bayonet practice, and subjected to other tortures to gruesome to recount.

Left-Wing Tradition

One cannot blame this historic inability of liberals to recognize persecution, except when a Jew happens to be the persecutee, on the liberal bias toward left-wing causes and governments with which Jews have traditionally been associated. The Soviet government, for example, was immune from criticism so long as it occupied itself with the butchering of Ukrainians, Cossacks Latvians, Poles, etc. But when the Kremlin decided the time had come to put a foot down on Zionisi agitators on its own doorstep liberal publicists suddenly turnec against the Soviet Union with a vengeance.

Professional Victims

No, there is a very special relationship between Gentile liberals and Jews, and it began long before World War II.

Jews, of course, have been playing the "persecution" angle for all it is worth throughout their long and turbulent history. In a sense they have made a living — generally, a very good living — off being "scapegoats."

Before the Germans it was the Russian Czars who persecuted this race of professional "victims," and before them it was the Polish peasants, and the Spanish Inquisitors, and the English yeomen, and the French Crusaders, and the Roman legions, all the way back to the Egyptian Pharaohs. Westerners, and not just the liberals among them, have always been suckers for a cleverly managed act of

Symbiasis

But there is more to it — much more. From the time when the Jews were emancipated from their European ghettos and began infiltrating the institutions and the cultural and political life of the Western peoples among whom they lived, there developed a symbiotic relationship between Jews and Gentile liberals.

Jews are, in a sense, the carriers of the neo-liberal virumental is, of the disease in its modern form, which differ substantially from what was called "liberalism" prior to the 19th century.

Having lived throughout 4,000 years of recorded history as an alien minority among other peoples, Jews have developed a unique modus vivendi which depends critically upon forming a united front against them and restricting their activities. They must, much in the way certain bloodsucking insects inject a venon into their host in order to break down its body tissues and permit the easier withdrawal of nourishment, break down all barriers of race and culture which protect a host people from them.

Potent Venon

Otherwise the natural protective reactions to their presence in the body of the host will result in their being either expelled or encysted, as has happened repeatedly throughout history

Neo-liberalism is the most potent tissue-dissolving venom which the Jews have developed for breaking down the institutions and the internal structure of the Western nations. Gentiles infected by the disease have opened the door of one Western institution after another to the Jews during the past 200 years and have then provided "cover" for their activities.

Automatic Suckers

The Jews are en extraordinarily clever, ambitious, and aggressive people, and they have used their cleverness to evoke an almost worshipful attitude toward them on the part of Gentile liberals, who have been hypnotized by the Jews' apparent "brilliance," "creativity," and "sensitivity." In this hyperreceptive state, the liberals have been automatic suckers for every new fad the Jews have trotteed out, from the most perverse and destructive trends in modern painting and sculpture to the pornographic "literary" blather of Philip Roth and Normar Mailer.

From the Jews they have earned to venerate the ugly, the weak, the deformed, the impure, the unnatural, the chaotic. The Jews have inverted their sense of values and taught them to coddle and promote Blacks, mongrels, criminals, moral cripples and perverts of every sort, and, above all, those rejected and "persecuted" by society.

Ill-Gotten Lucr

None have ever more successfully used the gimmick of

portraying themselves as a persecuted minority, the un fortunate and blameless victim: of religious and racia discrimination than the Louis

This was easy for them at a time when, as pushcart peddlers and pawnbrokers, they could speak only broken English and were ostracized from polite society. But only the special relationship which has grown up between liberals and Jews can account for their being able to maintain this pretense after they had gotten rid of their Yiddish accents (Henry Kissinger excepted) and were rolling in ill-gotten lucre from Hollywood to Broadway.

Monopolists

Liberals still thought of them as downtrodden people, especially deserving of sympathy and protection, after they had monopolized half the schools of their Gentile competitors out of their Gentile competitors out of their Gentile competitors out of the clothing industry and a dozen other major industries, and had established themselves as the single most powerful bloc on Wall Street, with Jewish financial couses (Kuhn, Loeb & Co.; Goldman, Sachs; J.W. Seligman & Co.; Lehman Bros.; Dillon, Read; Speyer & Co.; Ladenburg-Thalman; Salomon Bros.) overshadowing the older Gentile firms.

In recent years, lest all this opulence and power confuse their liberal admirers, the Jews have used their control of the mass media to crank out a steady stream of motion pictures, books, and Sunday-supplement articles rehashing over and over again their mistreatment at the hands of the Germans a generation ago, thus maintaining their status as a persecuted minority.

Easy Choice

sut, frony of frontes, it was this very bias in favor of the underdog which finally caused the liberals to miss an ideological turn the Jews had mapped out for them and to go off on the "wrong" road in the Middle East.

After all, here were a bunch of arrogant, militaristic, racist imperialistic Jews on one side (the Israelis), rolling in billions of dollars of "reparations" extorted from Germany and grants from the United States, and armed to the teeth with a renormous arsenal of fancy, new technological weapons, waging aggressive war against huddled penniless, tattered Arab refugees living in tents and armed only with rifles and hand grenade (the Palestinians). It was pretty obvious which side a persor conditioned always to favor the underdog should choose.

Over-conditioned Liberals

The situation is reminiscent of that accompanying the Italia invasion of Ethicpia nearly years ago, when the libersympathy for the Ethiopian brown and backward, wa Pavlovian. Since then they have been conditioned repeatedly the news media, most notably the Korean and Vietnames wars, to side with the guerrilla the irregulars, the "freedo

fighters," against the establish ment troops. In the Middle Eas all this conditioning has back fired on the Jews

They have tried to use their control over the mass media to paint a propaganda picture of Israel as an underdog nation and to identify the wretched, dispossessed Palestinians with their oil-rich Arab neighbors. But this portrayal has been too grotesque for credibility. The Israeli concentration camps, the racism practiced, against the Arab minority in the Jewish-occupied areas, the Israeli policies of imprisonment without trial, of collective reprisals against Arab civilians, of arrogantly trampling on the sovereignty of Lebanon, of torture of prisoners — all these have triggered conditioned reflexes in American liberals.

Ideological Consistency

And the result is, wonder of wonders, that the liberals — or at least, a significant fraction of them — are accidentally ending up on the right side of an issue for once. They are, in growing numbers, taking the side of Arafat and his Palestinian freedom fighters instead of the side of their Jewish oppressors

The pro-Palestinian position is by no means unanimous among liberals, of course. It is taken only by the honest ones, by the ideologically consistent ones.

The Jews still have a plentifustable of obedient liberal hacks on their payroll — 95 per cent on the Congress, for example, and thousands of newspaper prostitutes, pulpit prostitutes, and show biz prostitutes— all dancing to the Zionist tune in order to eartheir supper. For every Senato Fulbright there are half-a-dozen Hubert Humphreys and "Scoop" Jacksons, and for every Evans Novak there are three or four Joseph Alsops.

No Collaboration

Furthermore, it would be a severe miscalculation to plan or any sort of coalition or collaboration between hones liberals and patriots in order to break the Jewish stranglehold or America.

Liberals — with a very few individual exceptions — have had no real change of heart. They are quite insistent that their anti Zionist position in no way implies any basic change in their attitude toward Jews. They simply regarc Zionists as Jews who have gond bad and Zionism as a racis aberration, rather than as the essence of Jewishness itself.

Table-leg Therapy

Senator Fulbright and the Reverend Berrigan are still on the wrong side of every issue except Palestine, and they are on the right side of that issue for the wrong reasons.

In other words, liberals — including the consistent ones— are just as sick as ever and jus as dangerous to the future o America as ever. The only wa; the great majority of them wil get their thinking straight eventually, is with a sturdy, oa table leg applied smartly an repeatedly alongside the hear

Nevertheless, the present dissension in liberal ranks is of inestimable value. It is the most fervent and influential of the liberals who are now taking an anti-Zionist position, and their numbers and influence are growing daily.

Palestinian Victory Inevitable

The Palestinian people, through their perseverance, their sacrifices, their reckless courage, and their determination to use any and all means to keep the world from forgetting about them, have finally succeeded in obtaining, in the United Nations, a forum for presenting their case to the world. More and more liberals will be forced to listen to them, and more and more liberals cannot help but agree with them

And Israel's intransigence and arrogance, exacerbated by recent Palestinian propaganda

successes, will become more painfully obvious to her former admirers. Who could have failed to be repelled by that shrieking, cursing mob of swarthy, wiry-haired Israelites outside the United Nations building in New York in November, spitting and screaming for Yasser Arafat's blood as he eloquently pleaded his case for justice for his people inside?

Cracks Will Wider

All this can only lead to a widening of the cracks which have already appeared in the System: the liberal-Jewish power structure which rules America. These cracks offer patriots an opportunity they have not had in the last 35 years to build opposition to the System and to win support for an alternative.

The Jews, of course, are fully aware of this. They can feel the tide of liberal opinion finally turning against them or, at least, against their territorial ambitions in the Middle East — and they are far-sighted enough to see the long-range dangers this tide can bring them.

"The New Anti-Semitism"

They have frantically tried to head it off by denouncing as "anti-Semitism" every manifestation of anti-Zionism Their principal "enforcement' agency in America, the Anti-Defamation League of B'na B'rith, has sponsored the publication of a widely touted book, The New Anti-Semitism which singles out by name many prominent liberals who have taken a public stand even slightly critical of Israel and attempts to stigmatize them with an "anti-Semitic" label.

In days past, the threat of being called an anti-Semite was enough to send the bravest liberal scurrying for cover, but this tactic isn't working any more. In

Nature of the Beas

The Palestine issue is too clearcut, and the liberals who have finally made a moral decision on this issue are standing their ground. Being called "anti-Semites," instead of frightening them, is calling to their attention, for the first time, the true nature of the beast with which they are dealing. It is merely hardening their position, burning the bridges between them and their former unquestioning philo-Semitism, and — in a very few cases — causing them to re-examine the whole basis of their ideology.

Rising Panic

These developments are causing a rising feeling of panic in the Jewish community. Always

ready to cry beforethey are hurt some Jews have even claimed with a tinge of hysteria, "It's happening again!" (a reference to their growing unpopularity in

More than anything else, the changing tide of liberal opinion may cause the Jews to overreach themselves by attempting a "final solution" of their Arab problem in the Middle East before they lose too much more ground in America

If that happens, America will undoubtedly become involved in another war and will probably suffer grievous consequences. But, as General Brown suggested, it also might be exactly what is needed to change the present liberal ground swell against Zionism to a popular tidal wave against all Jewish in

(Issue No. 32, 1975)

Gov't Pushes Porn in Sex-Ed Classes

The Federal government, with funds channeled through the Department of Health, Education, and Welfare, is financing textbooks, films, and other educational materials for use in the nation's public schools which are designed to undermine traditional American values and beliefs. The putative justification for such a design is freeing children of "prejudices" and adjusting them for life in a multiracial society, where the mores of other racial and ethnic groups differ sharply from those of the White majority.

Many parents, not unnaturally, have objected strongly to the government's program, but the news media have generally distorted their objections so severely that persons not acquainted with the textbooks and other materials in question have wondered what the fuss is all about.

Probably nowhere has the controversy been more acrimonious than in the area of so-called "sex education" courses for high school and junior high school students.

An illustration from Zing Comix, a controversial sex-education pamphlet being distributed in many schools.

Here, unfortunately, the distortions by the news media have been most blatant. Parents objecting to sex-ed materials are regularly depicted as narrow-minded and puritanical, obsessed by a fear of sex and intention.

passing their own sexual neuroses and hangups on to their children.

Basing his judgment only on the examples reported by the controlled news media, a fairminded observer could not be blamed for coming to the conclusion that the Federally financed sex educators are only trying to teach the kids the facts of life, while their protesting parents want them to remain in ignorance. Alas, there is more to it than that.

Consider, for example, a comic-style sex-education pamphlet called Zing Comix, which is being widely distributed to school children all over the country. The author of Zing Comix is Dr. Sol Gordon, professor of family and child development at Syracuse University. (Despite his Scottish-sounding surname, Dr. Gordon's antecedents are in Grodno, U.S.S.R., rather than the British Isles).

Zing Comlx consists of a number of mod-style cartoon drawings accompanied by a minimal amount of text. Taken as a whole, it's message is "Everything goes." It is an open invitation to homosexuality, bisexuality, and sexual intercourse with animals and Negroes.

From the content of his pamphlet it is evident that Sol Gordon's philosophy is orthodox neo-liberalism. In his view, since the sole purpose of sex is personal pleasure, anything which may titillate a jaded hedonist is A-O.K.—anything at all.

He subliminally puts across the idea that the individuals involved in a sexual relationship have no responsibility beyond them selves. The interests of society simply don't count. Sol would probably have a stroke if anyon suggested to him that the primary function of sex is the preding of the race and that

purely personal considerator

In all fairness to Zing Comix, it should be pointed out that a modest effort is made to veneer its hedonism with morality — of a sort. For instance, on the last page is to be found the following moralistic dictum for girls: "No sex with a guy who isn't your your long-time lover, without a rubber. (If the guy is too cheap to spend 35 cents for condom, he shouldn't be allowed in.)"

And just inside the front cover is a disingenuous attempt to invoke in the young reader the fear of being thought un-liberal if he doesn't go along enthusiastically with the contents. Warns Sol: "This book has ideas in it.....If you cannot tolerate ideas....do not read this book. It might start you thinking or give you ideas you have not had before. This could be harmful for neanle allergic to ideas."

Oh, by the way. Sol Gordon's work is supported by a \$250,000 grant from the Department of Health, Education, and Welfare through the National Institute of Mental Health. The number of his Federal grant is MH 1371-01.

Thus are spent our taxes.

(Issue No. 33, 1975)

'PERVERSIONS'

A lot of people wonder about oral and anal sex and some people think it is "perverted." We think there is nothing wrong with any kind of sex if both

Part of a page from Zing Comix, designed to break down the traditional taboos of Whites and accustom them to the life-styles of other races. Bestiality (intercourse with animals) has always been abhorrent to persons who share the Western cultural and intellectual heritage, but those whose behavior is governed by the Talmud regarit in an altogether different light. The Talmud prescribes conditions for sexual intercourse not only with animals but with three-year-old children and with the dead. Thus, neither Sol Gordon, the author of Zing Comix, nor H.E.W. Secretary Caspar Weinberger, Gordon's source of financial support, find anything distasteful in this suggestive.

Labor Dep't Funding Human Slaughterhouse in Capital

The U. S. Department of Labor is giving approximately \$2 million per year to a Black "self-help" organization in the District of Columbia whose offices have been used by its employees as execution chambers for at least three slayings, according to witnesses in a bizarre Washington murder trial.

Testimony given in the January trial in D.C. Superio. Court of Black drug figure Willistrickland, Jr., painted a grisl picture of beatings, torture, an multiple executions in the office of Youth Pride, Inc., a subsidiary of the Pride, Inc., complex

Headquarters of Pride, Inc. Despite multiple murders and

headed by Black D.C. Coun-

Prosecution witnesses have described how Strickland and an accomplice, Hubert Hackney, on three separate occasions during a two-week period in 1973 took victims to the Pride offices and murdered them. Strickland and Hackney, a Pride employee, shot one of their victims and stabbed another to death with an icepick. A third man was beaten with an iron pipe, strangled, and finally drowned in a sink full of water. The corpses were left in the Pride offices until they could be con-

veniently disposed of elsewhere

The executive director of Pride, Marion Barry, has been very adept both at milking money for his organization from various agencies of the Federal government and at using it as a platform for his political wheeling and dealing in the nation's capital. In 1973, at the time his offices were being used as a combination torture chamber-slaughter-house-morgue by his employees, Barry was president of the District of Columbia School Board. Last year he was elected to his present position as at-large

city councilman

Launched on his "self-help" career in August 1967 by a \$291,000 grant from the U.S. Labor Department, Barry has since been successful at wangling massive grants from the Department of Health, Education, and Welfare and the Department of Housing and Urban Development, as well as an additional \$14 million from the Labor Department. His financial affairs, however, have been under a constant cloud, with repeated charges of improper use of funds.

At the time of a bankruptcy sale of a Pride-owned building in 1972, Barry explained his financial irregularities as due to the fact that he had on his payroll "many street dudes who, like, aren't work oriented." These apparently include a number of Washington Blacks active in the city's underworld drug trade, who find the Pride offices a convenient base for their criminal activities.

Despite this, the U.S. Labor Department has seen no reason to withdraw its support of Barry's operations and is currently funding him at the rate of approximately \$2 million per year, through the District of Columbia Office of Manpower Training.

One reason for Barry's ease in obtaining Federal funds may be his good relationship with the Washington Post. In a series of Post articles covering the recent trial for the murders committed in his offices by his employees Barry's name was not mentioned.

(Issue No. 33, 1975)

Education for Death

What have the busing riots in Boston, the textbook boycott in Kanawha County, West Virginia, and the massive unemployment among recent university graduates all over America in common? They are all consequences of the gradual transformation, since World War II, of America's educational system into an indoctrinational system.

The Three R's

The primary task of America's schools used to be teaching children certain basic cultural skills — reading, writing, and arithmetic — virtually essential to their being able to function effectively as adults in a modern technological society. A secondary task was imparting at leasi a smattering of knowledge ir certain other areas: history science, music, literature, and the mechanics of the Americar political/governmental system

The basic idea behind both these tasks was the imparting of skills and knowledge useful to the individual, with the hope that he would employ those skills and knowledge in a way beneficial not only to his own future well-being but also to the well-being of his community and nation.

Shifted Emphasis

Today all that has been changed. The former tasks of the schools have been subordinated to a new primary pursuit: the ideological and psychological conditioning of children to norms determined by a self-appointed elite of neo-liberal social engineers and mass-media propagandists. The emphasis has been shifted from teaching children facts and drilling them in techniques to indoctrinating them with beliefs and attitudes and manipulating their personalities.

The school child is no longer regarded as an individual with a unique personality, to be equipped by the schools with the understanding and the skills needed to more nearly realize his inborn potential. Instead he has become a formless lump of clay a malleable unit of human raw material, to be ideologically molded, emotionally adjusted and subliminally conditioned until he conforms to a standard pattern.

from the teaching-training function to the indoctrination-conditioning function has been

facilitated by a number of changes in the American educational process, some major and some relatively minor. The three most significant changes which will be considered separately below, have beer racial integration of the classroom, the introduction of new textbooks and associated teaching materials whose content is more propagandistic than instructive, and a deliberate shift from discipline as an essential ingredient in the educational process to permissiveness.

A fourth change, which applies to the nation's colleges and universities, has been a very large increase in the percentage of high school graduates who enter college.

The Great Balancing Act

Twenty years ago the great majority of the public-schoo classrooms in America, both North and South, were either al White or all Black. In those states where there was no de jure racia segregation, a scattering or Blacks could be found in schools which were predominantly White, but nowhere was there the massive racial mixing in the classroom which has occurred in the last few years as a result of the Federal government's crash grogram to racially "balance' the nation's schools.

Thus, each school had either a Black or a White (or Chinese or Indian or Chicano) character. The classroom environment, and the whole educational atmosphere, were fundamentally conditioned by this fact.

Race and Culture

Education is the transmission of culture from one generation to another. And all culture, whether epic poetry or the computational techniques of arithmetic, is the product of — and bears the peculiar stamp of — a particular race. Even where a cultural development is "borrowed" from one race by another, it is inevitably modified to bring it into conformity with the requirements of the racial psyche of the borrower.

Education, then, is a profoundly racial phenomenon. It can realize its full potential only within a specific racial context. Not only its content but its form, its technique, its style will, under natural conditions, be adapted to the needs and the characteristics of the racial group it serves.

One of the most important consequences of the educational process in a racially homogeneous environment is its integrative effect. By developing in each individual an awareness of a shared cultural heritage with his classmates, education establishes a common bone which draws all participants closer together.

"Education" artificially designed for a multi-racial population is a beast of an altogether different nature. Its tendency is to alienate from their specific cultures the members of the various racial groups in the population as it tries to relate everyone to a synthetic and composite multi-racial "culture" which, in attempting to belong to all, belongs to none.

Obliterated Pattern

Whether this alienation was a consequence planned by those who have engineered the transformation of America's schools or not, it serves their purpose well. Before a new pattern can be imposed on the human clay with which they are working, the old pattern must be obliterated; consciousness of the natural heritage must be destroyed before consciousness of an artificial heritage can be implanted.

The task of implanting this artificial heritage has fallen to the new textbooks and supplementary reading materials which have been causing such a furor recently. Parents have objected to their children being saturated with the gutter dialogue which is a characteristic feature of books intended to expose White children to "the Black experience." Many have also rebelled against so-called "sex-education" materials which have a strong orientation toward anal sex, bisexuality, interracial sex, and other perversions, reflecting, for the most part, the peculiarities of the Jewish attitude toward sex.

Pernicious Nonsens

Unfortunately, however, there has been no widespread furo about other aspects of the new books and the new curricular which, while they do not deal with such emotion-charged element of alien cultures as sexual practices, are actually much more dangerous in the long run American school children are being taught such peruiciou.

nonsense about history, anthropology, and biology that it is seriously warping their understanding of the real world and coloring their attitudes toward the vital issues with which they must deal as adults.

They are being taught that a Negro hero played a leading role in the American revolution; that Black cowboys, soldiers, and explorers helped win the West; that a Negro explorer discovered the North Pole; that Negroes created a high civillaction in Africa while our European ancestors were still running around in bear skins and horned helmets; that racial hybrids are "superior" to the pure parent stocks which are crossed to produce them; that the only reason Blacks don't do well on intelligence tests is that the tests are "culturally biased" against them; that World Wars I and II were fought to make the world safe for democracy; that 6,000,000 Jews were "gassed" during World War II and are, therefore, to be forgiven their subsequent excesses against the Arabs in Palestine; that the so called "McCarthy era" following the last war was a period of great governmental repression and

paranoia during which thousands of innocent persons were victimized in "witch hunts."

De-racialized History

Still more insidious than the pseudo-anthropology and pseudo history is the deletion or suppression of nearly all elements in school curricula which might give White children points of racial-cultural attachment to their own heritage. For example except when a chance can be found to give a plug to a Black explorer or a Black scientific genius, history courses have beer de-racialized, making it very difficult for a White student to relate to them — to tell himself "These are my ancestors, my flesh and blood, whose exploit and achievements and tribulations and catastrophes and aspirations I am studying."

Indeed, in some schools where a course in "Black history" is required of all students the standard course in the history of Western civilization (i.e., "Whith history") has been relegated telective status.

If parents are unhappy about some of the new textbooks, on

THE QUACK

might think the students themselves would be even unhappier
about the alienation caused by\nother changes. But the
professional mind-molders know
their business, and they have been
able to head off student
rebellion against — in fact, even
gain a certain degree of support
for — practically all their innovations except massive racial\nintegration. This success has
depended heavily upon a combination of bribery and flattery

Even when they have been properly appreciative of the value of a formal education, going to school has traditionally been a bitter pill for most young people. At best, they often squirmed in their seats and daydreamed of a thousand places they would rather be than Mr. Smith's Geometry I class or Miss Jones' Latin II. At worst, they simply cut their more demanding classes and then dropped out of school altogether as soon as they reached the maximum compulsory-schooling age.

In essence, the new breed of "educators" have sugar-coated the educational pill to make it more palatable, but only at the cost of drastically compromising its potency.

They have gradually phased out the Latin and the geometry and the other courses which require self-discipline and a continuing intellectual effort on the part of the student and replaced them with courses bearing such titles as "Soul in Cinema," "Hip Lit," and

Curriculum requirements have been relaxed — to the vanishing point, in many schools — so that students have a greater choice in deciding what courses they will take

And the traditional teachingstudy methods of classroom presentation by the teacher, with homework and classroom recitation by the student, followed by written tests and course grades, have been either wholly or partly abandoned ostensibly in the interests of greater "flexibility" and more "freedom" for students.

Dullsville

These changes have, no surprisingly, been well received by most students.

It is flattering to be told that they are as capable of planning their own curricula as are adults.

It is nice to have less homework than before and not to have to ge uptight about tests and grades

And it is even nicer to be given credit for a course in science fiction or basket weaving than to be asked to master the concepts of solid geometry.

Now, except for the presence of so many Blacks, school has become "fun" The old way was "like, dullsville, man."

Even the most basic courses in reading, writing, and arithmetic have been drastically transformed, as educational theorists have attempted to restructure the entire educational process to bring it into line with their ideas for molding children into citizens of their brave, new, multi-racial world.

The consequences of thi meddling have been tragic. The reading ability of high school

JEWESS at Univ. of Minnesota typifies prevailing intellectual level on America's campuses. This student, a Ms. Lehmann, is protesting the refusal of a traditional-minded English professor to use an obscene essay in his classes. "Fuck society," screamed Ms. Lehmann, expressing the attitude of most Jewish students toward Gentile America. Jews have played a disproportionately large role in debasing the university environment.

graduates has declined sharply. Spelling ability has declined even more sharply. And the effect on writing ability has been catastrophic

Speaking of today's high school graduates, Jesse Hartley, director of the freshman English program at the University of Houston, said: "Students can't carry through an idea in writing; they have no idea what a paragraph is; they are unable to string details together in a logical sequence."

Ideological Conformit

Most of these changes are not attempts to bribe children but are intended to satisfy the demands of neo-liberal ideology. All form, all structure, all discipline, all standards of performance, all demands on the child must go. Everything must be "spontaneous"

Thus, one school superintendent ruled out the use of coloring books in kindergarten classes because children had to keep each color within fixed, identifiable lines. That was deemed harmful because it required the child to "conform whether he wants to or not."

It is the same kind of sick twisted reasoning which ha condemned the long-user phonetic method of teaching children to read by breaking words down into their elementar; sounds; to spell by memorizing long lists of words and rules fo treating special cases; to figure by memorizing the multiplication

table and the technique of long division.

The old methods may have been "authoritarian" — perhaps even "repressive" — but they dld accomplish what they were in-

HIGH SCHOOL CLASS in Berkeley, CA. Walls, grades, and attendance rules have been abolished in the name of "freedom." Plummeting performance of graduates from such "liberated" schools has caused alarm and some local efforts to re-establish traditional teaching methods, but national trend is still toward more permissiveness.

tended to, which was to teach children to read, spell, and deal successfully with simple arithmetical computations. The products of the modern methods may be wonderfully "well adjusted" to something or other, but a great many of them can't cope with words and numbers.

A proper schooling does more than teach skills and facts. It inculcates in young people the basic work habits and the capacity for self-discipline which are essential for productive adult living in a free society. It is for this reason that courses in Latin

and geometry continue to have value for children who have no intention of becoming either classical scholars or engineers.

A person who, in his formative years, has not been required to think analytically, to train his memory, to subordinate his whims and impulses to a systematic program of accomplishment, to either master difficult and unpleasant tasks successfully or face the consequences of failure, and to work under pressure is a severely handicapped person.

By the time a child begins to realize his handicap, it is usually

LOWERED FACULTY STANDARDS have accompanied lowered student standards and the introduction of hundreds of Mickey Mouse courses at American colleges. Blacks, regardless of qualifications, are especially in demand as faculty members. Here "Professor" Edward Brown (sprawled on grass) lectures to White sociology students at Pennsylvania's California State College, near Pittsburgh. California State officials were embarrassed last year when they discovered that Brown had also accepted full-time faculty positions at two other schools, Bronx Community College and the State University of New York at New Paitz. He was communing between classes on the three campuses and collecting three paychecks, but university officials were so undemanding in their requirements of him that nothing was found amiss for several months.

two things : growing alienation, which Is affecting every segment or our society, and a declining decades. The l iberal instinctively abhors all authori ty, structure, form, order, disc ipline.

away from the former stress on problem -solvi ng , w itb i ts requirements for sufficient 1n-

tests.

"There is a decli ne in the verbal and m a th ematical the statements that the writin^g experience of our s tudents is not as rich as it used to be," said

RUSSIAN SCHOOLCHILDREN still have the benefits of order and discipline in their classrooms, not to mention a greatly superior racial environment. The slack-jawed "do your own thing" philosophy of U.S. advocates of race-mixing and permissiveness has been rejected by

Does America

Elsewhere in this ATTACK! is average Canadian remains an article about the loss of unconcerned. He is sure that the the

countries. Today, however, their passing is hardly noticed.

The average Englishman may be furlous with his government for insisting that he admit "sambos" and "wogs" into his social clubs, but he couldn't care less that his government is preparing to jail writers who warn of the growing power of organized Jewry. After all, he himself ordinarily reads nothing but the results of the latest soccer match. And when he is in the mood for something more, the same paperback romances will always be available at the nearest book stall.

While the Canadian police laumch nighttime raids on the homes of citizens suspected of the recountry certainly, his daily newspaper or the TV would tell him if it were anything for him to be alarmed about.

Those Britain be her empire world war demagogic. Capps, the doctors and the lawyers and the other members of the educated elite, can see the danger — that is, those of them who are willing to look. But they cannot afford to provoke the powers that be. They have their investments to think about.

Besides, thouse of the rempire world war demagogic.

Cartainly, his daily newspaper or the TV would tell him if it were anything for him to be alarmed about.

Those Britain be her empire world war demagogic.

Catainly, his daily newspaper or the TV would tell him if it were anything for him to be alarmed about.

Those Britain be her empire world war demagogic.

Catainly, his daily newspaper or the TV would tell him if it were anything for him to be alarmed about.

Those Britain be her empty her withing for him to be alarmed about.

Those Britain be her empty her world war with more insight than the Andy Capps, the doctors and the lawyers and the other members of the educated elite, can see the danger — that is, those of them who are willing to look. But they cannot afford to provoke the powers that be. They have their investments to think about.

Besides, they have always looked down their noses at the crude, physical tactics of those who oppose their governments racial policies.

Besides, the

of wounded innocence as they hotly deny this. They correctly control of many of the English-both of the Jewish nation, and whether he is merely a thinly veiled anticonism, with its call for an exclusive Jewish homeland comparising Palestine and portions of ther Arab countries, cannot be gearated from Judaism and the ewish people. In the words of chaim Herzog, Israeli amassador to the Un:

"Zlonism ... is the modern assador to the Un:

"Zlonism ... is the modern assador to the Un:

"Zlonism ... is the modern assador to the Un:

"Zlonism ... is the modern assador to the Un:

"Zlonism ... is the modern assador to the Un:

"Zlonism ... is the modern assador to the Un:

"Zlonism ... is the modern assador to the Un:

"Zlonism ... is the modern assador to the Un:

"Zlonism ... is the modern assador to the Un:

"Zlonism ... is the modern assador to the Un:

"Zlonism ... is the modern almost exclusively Jewish entering from its founding by in integral part of the Jewish nation, and whether he lise Jewish nation, and whether he lise Jewish nation, and whether he lise Jewish nation. South Africa and has made substantial inroads into Afrika and and he swapapers and magazines. He uses his media control to propagandize for Black-White individual has any real significance and that it is wicked even to take into consideration that its wicked officials. He is supported in his efforts by South Africa's very substantial Jewish community.

So, if nearly all Jews are essentially and eventual Black and in other prevailing notion of the day that its wicked even to take into consideration the biological and cultural substantial Jewish community.

So, if nearly all Jews are lounged news media in South Africa and has made substantial inroads into Afrika and and magazines. He uses his media control to propagandize for Black-White individual has any real significance and that it is wicked even to take into consideration has efforts by South Africa's very substantial Jewish community.

So, if nearly all Jews believe in racial mixing, how c

an integral part of the Jewish religion."

The Jews are essentially and the series of the moves cannot be against Zionism. Defense Fund, which has nemented by a participate actively in any of the integration declined participate actively in any of the political organizations, it is an undeniable fact that Jews, on-religious as well as religious ones, are nearly unanimous in their support for the government of Israel and for who are totally indifferent to it and the record of votes by are an utterly insignificant. Those who oppose Zlonism or who are totally indifferent to it are an utterly insignificant in Jews or all moves, including the allows seried Egypt's Sining fiction in Jews Seried Egypt's Sining fiction in Jews Seried Egypt's Sining fiction in Jews Seried Egypt's Sining about increased Jordan's West Bank, and Styria's real minority. As Israel's leaders are clone in the modern jews as more a Jewish religious in a sweep Jews whether he wishes a following the clarify the clored political political goise of Zionism.

Those who oppose Zlonism or who are totally indifferent to it and the record of votes by Jewish legislators ji the political goise of Zionism.

Those who oppose Zlonism or Jewish legislators ji the political goise of Zionism.

The work of the Jewish legislators in the political goise of Zionism.

The work of the Jewish legislators in the political goise of Zionism.

The work of the Jewish legislators in the political goise of Zionism.

The work of the Jewish legislators in the political goise of Zionism.

The work of the Jewish legislators in the Jewish legislators in the political goise of Zionism.

The work of the Jewish legislators in the Jewish legislators in the political goise of Zionism.

The work of the Jewish legislators in the Jewish legislators in the Jewish legislators in the Jewish legislators in the Jewish legislators in the Jewish legislators in the Jewish legislators in the Jewish legislators in the Jewish legislators in the Jewish legislators in the Jewish legislators in the Je

Jews are a distinct antionally described by the every Jew, whatever his country, his station, or his shade of belief, is necessarily a member."

The Zionist historian Simon Duhnow wrote in his book, The Foundation of National Judaism (published in 1966):

"Assimilation is common treason against the banner and ideals of the Jewish people... But one can never 'become' a member of a natural group, such as a famility, a tribe or a natural water the country of their birth, are members of a single tribe, separate from and superior to all other peoples of the earth. This idea that, all Jews, whatever the country of their birth, are members of a single tribe, separate from and superior to all other peoples of the earth. This idea that, all Jews, whatever the country of their birth, are members of a single tribe, separate from and superior to all others, site ecentral theme of Zionism and of Judaism. Nahum Goldmann, president of the World Zionist Organization, touched on it when he said:
"goyim" in the UN General Assembly as he contemptuously tears up their resolution condemning Zionism. It is arrogant between the contempt to the contempt to the contempt to the people of the world.

ISRAELI AMBASSADOR to the UN, Chaim Herzog, sneers at "goyim" in the UN General Assembly as he contemptuously tears up their resolution for a single tribe, separate from and superior to all other peoples of the world.

Israelly a tribe, or a nation. One may attain the rights or privileges of citizenship with a foreign nation, but cannot appropriate for himself it in the proper of the world zionist Organization, touched on it when he said:

"Bushing Idam the propole — the "chosen people," the "people of God," and, as such, superior to adistinct, separate, and very existence to its universality.

But Zioniston - whether one distinct, separate, and very existence to its universality. The whether one of a single tribe, separate from and superior to all other peoples of the world Zionist Organization, touched on it when he said:

"Bushing The fac

determined to see Solzhenitsyn as an anti-Semite will no doubt be reinforced in their prejudices by the fact that in his rogues' gallery of Gulag torturers Jews play a very prominent part. Is he to be blamed for recording a fact of history, when the evidence shows that a very disproportionately large number of Jews. until the toward his keepers turers," he remarks, punished most horrigate and they are turning into the see Solzhenitsyn as an anti-Semite will no doubt be reinforced in their prejudices by the fact that in his rogues' gallery of Gulag torturers Jews play a very prominent part. Is he to be blamed for recording a fact of history, when the evidence shows that a very disproportionately large number of Jews. until they are turning into the present that in his rogues' gallery of Gulag torturers. Is he to be blamed for recording a fact of history, when the evidence shows that a very disproportionately large number of Jews. until they are turning into the present that in his rogues' gallery of Gulag a blessing for for spiritual resources. In which they are turning into the present that a very disproportionately large number of Jews. This determined to see Solzhenitsyn as an anti-Semite will no doubt be reinforced in their prejudices by stronger man, one will stronger man, one will stronger man, one will stronger man, one will be presented his his tronger man, one will stronger man, one will stronger man, one will stronger man, one will stronger man, one will stronger man, one will stronger man, one will stronger man, one will stronger man, one will stronger man, one will stronger man, one will stronger man, one will stronger man, one will stronger man, one will stronger man, one will stronger man, one will stronger man, one will stronger man, one will stronger man, one will stronger man, one will stronger man, one will stronger man, one will stronger man, one will stronger man, one will stronger man, one will stronger man, one will stronger man, one will stronger man, one will stronger man, one will strong

blamed for recording a fact of history, when the evidence shows that a very disproportionately large number of Jews. until the Great Terror of the Thirties, did indeed serve in the ranks of the Soviet secret police?" (emphasis added)

Case closed? Hardly. Shapiro are departing de demantity, he has used — or as been used by — a variety of olitical interest groups.

America's "responsible conervatives" (Buckley and the lattonal Review crowd, Ronald teagan, the Hoover Institute ang) ecstacise over A.S.'s nuch-vaunted anti-Communism. It the same time, members of

has been used by — a variety of political interest groups.

America's "responsible conservatives" (Buckley and the National Review crowd, Ronald Reagan, the Hoover Institute gang) ecstacise over A.S.'s much-vaunted anti-Communism. At the same time, members of the Establishment Left (the New York Times, a clutch of labor leaders, and trendy-left lights of lesser renown) have treated Solzhenitsyn with a certain deference. They haven't bothered themselves much about A.S.'s anti-Communist panoply; beneath it they see a "dissident" (how they love that word) writer whose anti-Soviet stance sometimes serves their purposes.

Even the crazy-left Ramparts

e and the Trotskyite er Press, quick to bark hing they perceive as d, have found some uses for A.S. But they, th most of the Establish-fit, find a richer blend of brewed by the brothers ev, Yevgeny Yev, and Andrei Sakharov dy mixture of philomand communism) more taste.

viets, of course, aren'tat an with A.S. and his antiantics. They attempted a artack through the press agency, a govern-pendage with close ties to b, by selling the rights to a A.S.'s first wife, Natalyas skaya, to the American in the Soviet destructive-labor camps. For it was there he experienced communism's real essence. No Marxist dialectical shield could protect his body or intellect from the excruciating pain and mind-numbing brutality of that doctrine's practical application. He views the camps as a cancer which metastasized and spread throughout the entire country. Solzhenitsyn makes it clear that Stalin, far from being the "distorter" of the communist system he is portrayed as today, merely followed the master plan drawn by that system's chief architect, Lenin. A.S. also points to a program of extermination methodically plotted by the creators and overseers of the Gulag. It is among the major

Reshtovskaya, to the American publishing firm of Bobbs-Merrill. In her tortured confessional, entitled Sanya: My Life With A.S., she accuses her former husband of every manner of moral turpitude. And, significantly, Natalya's account smears A.S. with the tarbrush of anti-Semitism. The Soviets, mindful of the Jewish control of America's communications media, sought to destroy the emigre author by charging him with the one "sin" the flaccid Western world presently finds unpardonable.

Long before the release of Natalya's book there had been rumblings in the Jewish communication is work, "The Soul And The munity that A S might in fact.

Bushd versuers of the Guag. It is among the major ironies of the epoch that such creatures as Naftaly Frenkel, the Jewish communist who was the planner of the slave-labor system, fell victim to their own creation.

A.S. provides the reader with graphic descriptions of camp life. He demonstrates, through numerous examples, the animalization of the inmates (especially the younger ones), the suffocation of their spirit, and the annihillation of all human emotion. For others, however, the camps offered the possibility of spiritual rebirth. Part four of his work, "The Soul And The Barbed Wire" is extremely Allsix

concernation of all revolution— and his mistaken notion

National Socialism, in particul

will (and should) distress t most politically aware segme of our people. It must be borne mind that the fire of revolutican also purify. But it revolutionaries A.S. mo frequently excoriates are tho who have escaped from the inn pages of Dostoevsky's T Possessed — and who brooding, alien spirits must se only destruction in order justify themselves.

Gulag Two is a stern rebuke the Marxist mythmakers a certainly ranks as an importe contribution to our understandi of communism. Americans wor do well to read it.

memory."

Although I highly recommend
Gulag Two (despite its choice as
one of the ten best books of 1975
by the New York Times), a
certain amount of criticism is
due. For one thing, Solzhenitsyn

The Nathaly Frenkel

Rappoport

13. Matvei Berman

14. Lazar Kogan

15. Genrikh Yagoda

of Gulag Two, Solzhenitsyn gives us the photographs of six top administrators of the labor system during the 1930's — the only six Gulag commissars portrayed in the book. ews. Is Solzenbitsyn trying to tell us something?

Semitic Jews from the west amalgamated with the non-semitic Khazar Jews already in contact. Relations between the two races were not helped by the lendency of the Jews to monopolize trade, to ingratiate themselves with the nobility at the expense of the peasantry, and in general, to soak up all the available money of the country. Remembering that prior to the lith century much of what is now Russia was Poland, we can get an idea of Jew-Gentile relations there from the Jewish historian of faith among nearly one else — from mistible conservatives" to

some very troubling questions for the true believers in the TV religion of universal human equality. It has been hard enough for them to try to fit Blacks and Whites together into that scheme, without having to worry about Bassou.

What is Bassou? No one really knows. He displays both ape-like

secretary of state for African affairs, told to Schafeler, assistant addito the Schafeler assistant secretary of state for African affairs, told the Senate Foreign Relations African Subcommittee that the high that the that the decay may be subcommittee that the high that secretary of state for African affairs, told the Senate for against Modesia, which borders Relations of the U.S. and the secretary of the second multiple of the third that the secretary of the second multiple of the third that the secretary of the second multiple of the second multiple of the second multiple of the second multiple of the second multiple of the second multiple of the second multiple of the second multiple of the second multiple of the second multiple of the second multiple of the second multiple of the second multiple of the second multiple of the second multiple of the second multiple of the second multiple of the second multiple of the second multiple of the second multiple of the second multiple of the second multiple of the second multiple of the second multiple of the second multiple of the second multiple of the second multiple of the second multiple of the second multiple of the second multiple of the second multiple of the second multiple of the second multiple of the second multiple of the second multiple of the second multiple of the second multiple of the second multiple of the second multiple of the second multiple of the second multiple of the second multiple of the second multiple of the second multiple of the second multiple of the second multiple of the second multiple of the second multiple of the second multiple of the second multiple of the second multiple of the second multiple of the second multiple of the second multiple of the second multiple of the second multiple of the second multiple of the second multiple of the second multiple of the second multiple of the second multiple of the second multiple of the second multiple of the second multiple of the second multiple of the second multiple of the second m

whites of Rhodesia over to the tender mercles or agang like this.

During the long guerrilla war in Angola, the Blacks perpetrated bundreds of unspeakable artociltes, news of which was suppressed by the controlled media in America. One of the Black terrofist bands in Angola which was backed by the U.S. government was led by Holden Roberto. The following is an account of an attack by Roberto's gang on a Portuguese experimental agricultural station at M'Bridge, in northwestern Angola. It was related by one of the few survivors of that attack, a Portuguese subforeman named Manuel Lourenco Neves Alves:

"...At six o'clock that morning I woke up with the noise, and when I came to the window of my room I saw the house of the finanger being attacked by hundreds of Blacks, maybe 400 of them... I grabbed my hunting rifle and started to shoot at them from my window, but I was running short of ammunition, and my African (Negro) housebory, Joao, made a dash for the house next door to collect more ammunition. He never made it. A band of terrorists caught him, killed bim with the reary savages lifted those things in the air like trophies, and hey began jumping about in a dansel made and a sisters. And we, if not actaina (machete) blows, and their cut off his head and sexual organs. Then the crazy savages lifted those things in the air like trophies, and they began jumping about in a dansel made and eletting him on, are sitilations, and they began jumping about in a dask terrorist bands in who ever fived. The terrorists skinned him alive mind who ever fived. The terrorists skinned him alive in their own least cut their besides open and pulled their insides out..."

"Then camd the turn for the women and the children. The beast made no color discrimination. They slaughtered White, muiatto, and hildren. The beast made no color discrimination. They slaughtered White, muiatto, and hildren high into the air, better them for other than the bar least cut their beats of BELGIAN CHILD evacuated from Stanley and the cut of the word The

THIS PORTUGUESE WOMAN was raped and butchered by Blacks in Angola. It is harder to sympathize with the Portuguese than with the Rhodesians, because the Portuguese followed the same colonial policy in Angola that they did in Brazil, namely, a policy of racial mixing with the non-White parents not to be pushed off the land they have worked so hard to make productive. They must carry arms all times, since Black terrorists are stepping up their attacks on White farms.

THIS PORTUGUESE WOMAN was raped and butchered by Blacks in Angola. It is harder to sympathize with the Portuguese than with the Rhodesians, because the Portuguese followed the same colonial policy in Angola that they did in Brazil, namely, a policy of racial mixing with the non-White allowed to intermarry with them. This church-promoted policy of miscegenation and "equality" did not lept the Portuguese than with the Portuguese than with the Rhodesians, because the Portuguese followed the same colonial policy in Angola that they did in Brazil, namely, a policy of racial mixing with the non-White allowed to intermarry with them. This church-promoted policy of miscegenation and "equality" did not lept the Portuguese, but were allowed to intermarry with them. This church-promoted policy of miscegenation and "equality" did not lept the Portuguese than with the Rhodesians, because the Portuguese than with the Rhodesians, because the Portuguese than with the Rhodesians, because the Portuguese than with the Rhodesians, because the Portuguese to such that the Portuguese than with the Rhodesians, because the Portuguese to such that the Portuguese than with the Rhodesians, because the Portuguese than with the Rhodesians, because the Portuguese than with the Rhodesians, because the Portuguese than with the Rhodesians, because the Portuguese than with the Rhodesians, because the Portuguese than with the Rhodesians, because the Portuguese than with the Rhodesians, because the Portuguese than with the Rhodesians, because the Portuguese than with the Rhodesians, bec

Requiem for the Right
\nis dead. Long itself like Judas, recruited the its ownfuneral. It is hoped that the provided in this series some benefit to the people who, in the dictatorship." Such individuals could not recognize "freedom" or "fascism" if it bit them on their skind to its bosom, old Oreos like or, who married a conservatism's belly-crawling to the provided in this series some benefit to the people who, in the citatorship." Such individuals could not recognize "freedom" or "fascism" if it bit them on their shired quarters. They were utterly useless for real political struggle.

Conservatism's belly-crawling

thaniel Weyl, Victor Lasky, if fascism" if it bit them on their hind quarters. They were utterly useless for real political struggle. Conservatism's belly-crawling feter of the Enemy (real or imagined), its senile retreat into a largely mythical past, its insistence on seances to call back from the dead all that once was—these were some of the symptoms of a species on its way to extinction. And, by following a program of weakness and compromise, Conservatism of weakness and compromise, Conservatism became the death of the symptoms of as program of weakness and compromise, Conservatism became the death of the symptoms of as program of weakness and compromise, Conservatism became the death of Conservatism in good conservation in good conservation.

the Club. It wasn't long, of see, before Conservatism's tenance began to change. The conservatism became as, Conservatism became essively concerned with ters of the purse. Profits and people out of the Conservatism bed people out of the Conservatism bed people out of the Conservatism bed people out of the Conservatism bed people out of the Conservatism bed people out of the Conservatism bed people out of the Conservatism bed people out of the Conservatism bed people out of the Conservatism in good conscience? Are we required to shed tears for those who suckled the worst enemies of our race at their breasts, the same tribe which obligingly helped Conservatism fasten the noose around its own neck? Must we say kind words for the defense of a horizontal promised Armageddon never those who placed their faith in the server of the symptoms of a species on its way to extinction. And, by following a program of weakness and compromise, Conservatism in good conscience? Are we required to shed tears for those who suckled the worst enemies of our race at their breasts, the same tribe which obligingly helped Conservatism fasten the noose around its own neck? Must we say kind words for the defense of a horizon.

the latter-day advocates of breasts, the same tribe which obligingly helped Conservatism fasten the noose around its own neck? Must we say kind words for the promised Armageddon never came to pass; the contestants, it turned out, were brothers under the skin. Conservatism's economic theorists, the Friedmans and Rothbards, belonged to the same race of materialists that spawned Marx and Marcuse. Some Rightists, itching for a somewhat different sort of action, followed another New Moses of Conservatism, Ayn Rand, into

with this conception we stand as revolutionaries in the world of today and are also branded as such. But our thoughts and actions must in no way be determined by the approval or disapproval of our time, but by the binding obligation to a truth which we have recognized. Then we may be convinced that the higher insight of posterity will not only understand our actions of today, but will also confirm their correctness and exalt them."

wants to ditions governour us needs Who we may be determined by the approval or disapproval of our time, but by the binding obligation to a truth which we have recognized. Then we may be convinced that the higher insight of posterity will not only understand our actions of today, but will also confirm their correctness and exalt them."

To have the original to the proval or disapproval or disapproval or disapproval or disapproval or disapproval or disapproval or disapproval or disapproval or disapproval or disapproval or disapproval or disapproval or disapproval or disapproval or disapproval or disapproval or disapproval or disapproval or disapproval or disapproval or disapproval or disapproval or disapproval or disapproval or disapproval or disapproval or disapproval or disapproval or disapproval or disapproval or disapproval or disapproval or disapproval or disapproval or disapproval or disapproval or disapproval or disapproval or disapproval or disapproval or disapproval or disapproval or disapproval or disapproval or disapproval or disapproval or disapproval or disapproval or disapproval or disapproval or disapproval or disapproval or disapproval or disapproval or disapproval or disapproval or disapproval or disapproval or disapproval or disapproval or disapproval or disapproval or disapproval or disapproval or disapproval or disapproval or disapproval or disapproval or disapproval or disapproval or disapproval or disapproval or disapproval or disapproval or disapproval or disapproval or disapproval or disapproval or disapproval or disapproval or disapproval or disapproval or di

Beethoven and the great figures in European, American, and indeed, world history were Black descendants of Africa. Every Bilalian ought to know this fact know about these great men, and identify with blat in the lobby of our copular to be able to set Beethoven and great to be able to set Beethoven and identify with blat in the lobby of our copular bilalian and identify with blat and be able to set Beethoven and identify with blat in the lobby of our copular and identify with blat and be able to set Beethoven and identify with blat in the lobby of our copular and identify with blat and be able to set Beethoven and identify with blat and be able to set Beethoven and identify with blat and be able to set Beethoven and identify with blat and be able to set Beethoven and identify with blat and be able to set Beethoven and be able to set Beethoven and identify with blat and be able to set Beethoven and identify with blat and all and a contributions to hum advancement.

Why should we stored and advancement and advancement and advancement.

Why should we stored and advancement and advancement and advancement.

Why should we stored and advancement and advancement and advancement and advancement.

Why should we stored and advancement and advancement and advancement.

Why should we stored and advancement and advancement and advancement.

Why should we stored and advancement and advancement and advancement.

Why should we stored and advancement and advancement and advancement and advancement.

Why should we stored and advancement and advancement and advancement and advancement.

Why should we stored and advancement and advancement and advancement.

Why should we stored and advancement and advancement and advancement.

Why should we stored and advancement and advancement and advancement.

One advantage of a shotgun is its flexibility. Although No. 4 buckshot is recommended for general usage, giving a four-foot-diameter killing pattern at 40 yards, any 12-gauge cartridge that is handy can be used in a pinch.

The 12-gauge rifled slug extends the effective range of the shotgun to well over 100 yards; it will practically tear a man in half at that distance and will penetrate automobile bodies and wooden walls as well.

Finally, shotguns, because of their widespread use for sporting purposes, will probably be the last firearms to be banned by the government.

The 12-gauge rifled slug extends the effective range of the shotgun to well over 100 yards; it will practically tear a man in half at that distance and will penetrate automobile bodies and wooden walls as well.

Finally, shotguns, because of their widespread use for sporting purposes, will probably be the last firearms to be banned by the government.

(Issue No. 48, 1976)

The public schools have reall gone overboard in the last gone overboard in the last gone overboard in the last gone overboard in the last gone overboard in the last gone overboard in the last gone overboard in the last gone overboard in the last gone overboard in the last gone overboard in the last gone overboard in the last gone overboard in the last gone overboard in the last gone overboard in the last gone overboard in the last gone overboard in the last gone overboard in the last gone overboard in the last gone overboard in the last gone overboard in the last gone overboard in the last gone overboard in the last gone overboard in the last gone overboard in the last gone overboard in the last gone overboard in the last gone overboard in the last gone overboard in the last gone overboard in the last gone overboard in the last gone overboard in the last gone overboard in the last gone overboard in the last gone overboard in the last gone overboard in the last gone overboard in the last gone overboard in the last gone overboard in the last gone overboard in the last gone over

newspaper clipping reproduced below represents the latest stage in this galloping delusion of Black grandeur.
\nuslims. They
why.

(Issue No. 47, 1976)

courts in New York; and, finally, the revoking of her citizenship and her expulsion from her adopted country—these things as a warning to other Centiles of what happens to those who raise their hands against "the chosen people."

But, the Jews quickly add, there is a reason which sharped in the place of, or at least supplement of tanks or jet aircraft, will wash away some of the West's phawtor in this regard, and they are even more compelling. One of them is, like the fright engendered by Hilter, proximate and specific, while the other stems from more general considerations of long standing.

The proximate reason is Israel. This bandit-state, such a thorn in the side of all the Western nations since its misbegotten birth just three years after the end of World War II, owes its existence to one thing: an imagined "guill" on the part of the West for the Sometimes the first threat has been greater and sometimes the part of the West for the so-called "Holocaust" which supposedly "York has been greater and sometimes the part of the West for the so-called "Holocaust" which supposed the war. The world where years after the end of World War II, owes its existence to one thing: an imagined "guill" on the part of the West for the so-called "Holocaust" which supposed the western as as a consequence of this product the rise of six million by the majority and the safe defensive entry the part of the West for the so-called "Holocaust" which supposed the war. The world the war.

The way the Jews and the part of the Service and the place of, or at least supposition, and aloofness, necessary to the place of, which shaped a suspicious aloof interest to the place of, or at least supposition, and aloofness, necessary to the place of, which has been carried by most of which shaped a suspicious aloof starting the Jews to all of the years and the place of, or at least supposition, and aloofness, necessary to the place of, or at least supposition, and aloofness, necessary to the place of, or at least supposition, and solidarity at the

Sometimes the first threat has been greater and sometimes the summified out the lives of six million. Jews during the war.

The way the Jews explain it, the West could have stoped Hitler before he had a chance to begin de-Judaizing Europe—if the West had really wanted to stop him. The implication is that the West, deep down, was not at all sorry to see the Jews getting their lumps. Therefore, all the Gentiles of the West must share with Hitler (also a Gentile) a collective guilt for the dearest of the dearest of the dearest of the dearest of the dearest of the dearest of the dearest of the dearest of the dearest of the dearest of the dearest of the dearest of the dearest of the dearest of the dearest of the dearest of the dearest of the dearest of the dearest of the dearest of the dearest of the dearest of the dearest of the dearest of the dearest of the dearest of the dearest of the dearest of the dearest of the dearest of the dearest of the dearest of the dearest of the dearest of the dearest of the dearest of the dearest of the dearest of the dearest of the dearest of the dearest of the dearest of the dearest of the dearest of the dearest of the dearest of the dearest of the dearest of the dearest of the dearest of the dearest of the dearest of the dearest of the dearest of the dearest of the dearest of the dearest of the dearest of the dearest of the dearest of the dearest of the dearest of the dearest of the dearest of the dearest of the dearest of the dearest of the dearest of the dearest of the dearest of the dearest of the dearest of the dearest of the dearest of the dearest of the dearest of the dearest of the dearest of the dearest of the dearest of the dearest of the dearest of the dearest of the dearest of the dearest of the dearest of the dearest of the dearest of the dearest of the dearest of the dearest of the dearest of the dearest of the dearest of the dearest of the dearest of the dearest of the dearest of the dearest of the dearest of the dearest of the dearest of the dearest of the dearest o

MRS. HERMINE RYAN, a naturalized American married to a New York City electrical technician, was the first viction of the new Jewish campaign to keep the myths of World War II alive a little longer.

After years of victious harassment by New York Jews, Mrs. Ryan was deported to Geraman to force to keep the myths of World War II alive a little longer.

After years of victious harassment by New York Jews, Mrs. Ryan was deported to Geraman to force at least another year. After years of victious harassment by New York Jews, Mrs. Ryan was deported to Geraman to force at least another year. Mrs. Ryan was deported to Geraman to force at least another year, Mrs. Ryan was deported to Geraman to force at least another year. Mrs. Ryan was deported to Geraman to force to force the course of the first viction of the new Jewish campaign to keep the myths of World War II alive a little longer.

After years of victous harassment by New York Jews, Mrs. Ryan was deported to Geraman pin 1973, where she was immediately imprisoned. Under Jewish Carpon and Jewish Carpon and Jewish Carpon and Jewish Carpon and Jewish Carpon and Jewish Carpon and Jewish Carpon and Jewish Carpon and Jewish Carpon and Jewish Carpon and Jewish Carpon and Jewish Carpon and Jewish Carpon and Jewish Carpon and Jewish Carpon and Jewish Carpon and Jewish Carpon and Jewish Carpon and Jewish Carpon and Jewish Carpon and Jewish Carpon and Jewish Carpon and Jewish Carpon and Jewish Carpon and Jewish Carpon and Jewish Carpon and Jewish Carpon and Jewish Carpon and Jewish Carpon and Jewish Carpon and Jewish Carpon and Jewish Carpon and Jewish Carpon and Jewish Carpon and Jewish Carpon and Jewish Carpon and Jewish Carpon and Jewish Carpon and Jewish Carpon and Jewish Carpon and Jewish Carpon and Jewish Carpon and Jewish Carpon and Jewish Carpon and Jewish Carpon and Jewish Carpon and Jewish Carpon and Jewish Carpon and Jewish Carpon and Jewish Carpon and Jewish Carpon and Jewish Carpon and Jewish Carpon and Jewish Carpon and Jewish Carpon and Jewish Carpon and Jewish

where she was immediately imprisoned. Under Jewish pressure the West German government in 1975 put her on trial in Duesseldorf, along with 14 others. This massive "show trial" is expected to last at least another year. Mrs. Ryan's husband, Russell, has spent all the family's savings on seven trips to Germany since 1973 and on medical expenses for his wife after she became ill in prison. He says the strain of the Jewish harassment has aged his wife 20 years and made life a nightmare for both of them. But the Jews are not satisfied with what they have done to He Ryans, and they are loudly clamoring for more victims. At a Washington conference in January, Nahum Goldmann, president of the World Jewish Congress, warned other Jews: "The postwar 'guilt complex' among Western nations for falling to halt the Nazi slaughter of Jews—a factor which heightened sympathy and support for a Jewish state—has diminished." Goldmann and other Jews: a been so useful to the Jews for the last 30 years.

BISHOP VALERIAN TRIFA, head of the Romania Orthodox Church in America, is one of the naturalized Americans the Jews are trying to have deported for "war crimes." Bishop Trifa is specially venomous because his 45,000-member member. The reverse is true.

EWISH LEADER explains to fellow Jews the need to continue staging phony "war crimes" trials: "....If they [the Germans] are doing the marriage of the Jews's the staging of the Jews's the the Romania Orthodox Church in exile, is one of the very few organized Christian groups which have resisted all Jewish attempts to force a revision of their doctrines in a direction of the Jews's the the Germans, even those choosing. If the Jews are successful in forcing the successful in forcing the successful in forcing the successful in forcing the successful in forcing the successful in forcing the successful in forcing the successful in forcing the successful in forcing the proposed to the marriage and the successful and they did to us.

1830 Orthodox Church in exile, is one of the reverse of World

And yet ^self-interest is what th^e conservat ive and ^r i gh ^t -^w i ⁿg organizations k eep appealing to, because that is what gets an which are fundamental ly different from those of the Birch S^ociety . And yet so many people can se^e only the superficial resemblance between us and the Birchers that comes from our having similar ^stands on certain issues . Let me give you another ex^ampl^e. In this week ' ^sissue or Newsweek magazin^ethere is a gues^teditorial by a White conservative complaining about the ridiculous extent to which the courts and the Federal bureaucracy^espe^cially theEqual Employmen^t Opportunity Commission-have gone to assure minorities a bettert h aⁿ - ^ev en break. Reverse discrimi nation , he say^s , is un-Amer i· values that I say we would not even be interested in peace i r we could be guaranteed that it would not lead to mongrelization . Not even 'if the country or the world could be divided up into little enclaves for Blacks and Whites and

^os and Jews and so on, every on^erespecting the rights or hisneighbors and staying i nside his own boundaries . That, again, is the dream of a conservative soul, and it is a false dream . Our dream is a progressiv^e dream, a dream of unlimited progress over the centuries and the millennia and theeons which lie ahead of us. It is no conservative dream of peace, no sheeplike dream of ease and consumptioⁿ and safety, but a dream of the ^ach i ^{e v}e^{m en t}of our Destiny, which is Godhood . It is the only dream fitting for men and women of our rac^e ; it is the spirit of the Creator, it is the U niversal Urge with in us, expressing itself through our race-soul.

You know that is ^t rue; you know that is the only dream for us, that what I am tell iⁿg you ls righ ^t . Yet , when you leave here tonight it will be al l too easy, 1 am afraid, for you to sl ip back int^o old ways of thinking, into wrong

I'm afraid of that because I receive letters all thetime from our ^member^s , ^who' ^veb�-cn p^ayi ng ^theirdues and recei^v ing their bulleti ^nsregularly, who apparently do not understand what is ^wri ^tten in those bulletins. They arc teachers and policemen and lawyers-people for whom our message certainly should not be too abstract or too complicated to grasp-but they are also peopl^e thoroughly enmeshed in contemporary society, thoroughly in^vol^ved , every d^ay , with other people whose values and ideas all come from their TV sets. And because our values are so different from the TV values, it may be hard for some of our people to make the transition, to ^clear the conservative cobwebs out of thei ^rminds, so that ou^r dream, the dream of the White race-soul, comes through loud

Chicaⁿ

ways .

and clear.

have.

It is easier for WI, here In our little community, to understand our Truth, and it may be necessary for many of our other members, scattered al! across the continent-all across the world now, in fact-to also havt lhe moral re!Dforcement which comes from living and working togctbcf with others who have the same dream befor^ethey can achieve the same degree of understanding we

or course, we've all heard the Jews yelling the same th ing, as ^soon as Blacksstarted demanding their share or jobs in those occupations in^which J ^ews are over^represented, such asjo^{u r}nalis^{m a}nd university teaching . With the Jews it's clearly selfishness, pure ^and simple, because they're all for ^reversediscrimination when it's the White plumber or elec^{t r}ician or shee^t -metal worker who has to give up his job to a Black or ^a Chicano or an Asiati^c .

But I don't believe the White conservative writing for Newsweek is worried that some Negro is going to get his job. His worry is simply that the Jews and the guilt-^ri dden liberals and the corrupt politican^swho cater to the ^minority vole are overdoing the " equality" racket and are generating a backlash among Whites which is undoing what the Federal equ ality laws were supposed ^to do, namely, to ^create a society without discrimination of any kind, a color-blind society. He sees the EEOC fanatics ^stir^ring up a hornet's nest of hostil ity, of ^racial conflict, of divisiveness. Forcing equality ^on people, he says, is disuniting the ^United States and ^un^melting lh·e ^melting pot. And that means ^tro^uble and unrest ahead . And, like conservatives in general, he doesn't want trouble. He wants ^unity and prosperity and pea^ce-

at any price.

Now , perhaps we should try to be charitableand not accuse such conservatives of being motivated by nothing but egoism ^and materialis^m . Perhaps the fellow writing in Newsweek is basically a pa^trio^t who simply wants ^astrong and peaceful and united United States ^abov^eall else, completely asid^e from what these things will mean to his own income and safety and living s^tandard. And pe^rhaps he really believes that a truly colorblind government, which discriminate^sneither in favor of Blacks

can.

The essence of the pro bl em is ^thi ^s : The man who is against busing is g^eneral ly a man who is fai ^rly well satisfied with the othe^r things around him . Let's solve this busing problem, he think^s , and then 1 can go back to my TV . Or l ^et's defeat this gun-control law, and then I can go back to ^what I was doiⁿg befor^e . If you read conservative publications, you are overcome by the stench of this attitud^e . A merican Opinion, the magazine of the John Bi ^rch Society, reeks of it. And so does the weekly tabloid published by Li b^erty Lobby. They are outraged about the Federal bureaucracy because of the way it interferes in thei ^rlives . They doⁿ ' ^twant the governmen^t meddling with their property rights. They want to be left alone so they can continue mak ing money and spending money the way they want and doing what they want without interference. And about the last thing they want 'to do is have a revolution. Why, that would be even more of

^ance than busing, gun control, and all th ^eFederal ^m eddlers p ^{u t}toget her. That ^would really keep them away

Remember , there ar^eliterally tens of millions of peo ple out there, a substantial portion or them con^{s e r v}a^t ive, pa^{t r} i ^{o t} i^c Ameri cans, who re^ally care ^whetherLiz will leave John and go b^{a c} k to Dick ag^a inand whether the D odgers will winthe

I said it' ^sa problem of v^alues . Let me give you· a couplecir speci ficexamples. In American Opinion a few m^onths back th^er^e was an article complaining about Federal for^ced-h^ousing efforts. The author didn't want anyone to think he was a racist, and he said that no true conservative has any ^obj ^ection to Black ⁿeighbors, so long as they are good , quiet, middle-class Blacks. He said con^servative^swould rather have hardworking, middle-class Blacks for ⁿeighbor^sthan poor Whites , or, as he put it, wel fare-class White^s . The conservative ^o bj^ection to forced housing, he s^aid, is only that it is forced, that conservatiV.es don't want to be told they have to have Blacks for neighbor^s , especially di rty , disorderly, welfare-class Blacks, whom they regard in exactly the same light as

immediate respons^e .

army.

a n us

from their TV .

^world series.

poor Whites .

Well, we certainly must admit that there are some Bla^cks who

^are also opposed to these thing^s . In general, the more concret^e , ^speci fi ^c, and immediate a probl ^em is, the larger and more enthusiastic will be the public response to right-wing efforts. Some of the ad hoc ^{o r}gani ^{za t}ion^sopposed to forced school busing claimed more than a mi l lionmembers at one time. The National Rifle Association , which is certainly the principal group opposed to g^un control , has more than a millioⁿ members now, ! believe. The people who joined the antibusing group^sdid so, generally, because they felt imm ediately threatened by a specific ^and con^crete menace. The people who support the NRA b^ecause of its ^opposition to gun-registra^t ion and gun-coⁿ fi^scation laws feel-and rightly so-that their fundamental right or ^sel f-defense is in immediate d anger or being taken away ^questions about taxes and gun control the same way.

^must understand .

busing!"

threat.

war .

values .

! was talking to our guest, Ed Fields, after ^our last meeting, and he told me about a speech he gave at an anti-busing rally in Louisville, Kentucky, last year. He had been talking f^or about 10 minute^s , he said, about the importanceof preser^ving the White race and ^saving W hite culture and stopping non-White immigration and halting intermarriage, when he wa^s i ⁿ terrupted by a sh^{o u}t fro ^m someone in the crowd who yelled , "We doⁿ 't care about all that ^cr^a p ! Tell us how to ^{s t}op this

Now, I believe that was an extreme case. Most opponents of busing and certainly most ordiⁿary, decent White peopledo car^e about the ^{t h}ings Ed Fi ^eldswas talking about . They just don 't ^car^eenough about them to leave their TV sets and go to rall iesand risk . being labeled· "racists" by· a yappiⁿg pack of Jewish media houⁿdsand their liberal camp followers. They'll only put ou^t that effort and take that risk to oppose something which they see as an immediate and personal

So, the big conservative and ^right-^wing groups concentrate on those things-the immediate, concrete, and personal things-and the White race ke^epslosing the

The problem is a matter of ^mo^t iva^t ion, of prio^r i ti ^es , of

The great majority of our peoplewho are not liberals-that is, who have not joined the enemy-are not really concerned ^with winning the war . They just want to avoid becoming personal ^casualtie^s . No army in history with that sort of ^motivation has

But answers of that so^r t, about the mechanics of the struggle, are not what I'm interested in tonight. We have a general and funda^mental question before us, which is: Why do the enemies of White America k eep on winning? Why are ^t hey stronger th ^antheir opponents? How is it tha^tthey have been able to slip the sack over our heads so easily? Why does th^e White m^ajo^r ity always lose? The answer we want to understand tonight is th i s: R ight winger\$ and conservatives, and the White majority generally, have bem losing battle after battle -and are obviously losing the whole war as well-simply because all they are really willing to fight for are immediate, concrete, and specific things-and, in particular, things which affect them personally. That is the answer we

from them.

gun control .

raising outfits.

that?

schools?

year?

When the issue becomes less imm^ediate or more abst ^ract, ^righ^twing groups can still gain suppor^t -but not so much. Americaⁿ f^oreign pol i^cy in theMiddle East and in Rhodesia is horrendou^s , but there is far less organized opposition ^to it than to busing or

Even more abstract issues, such as miscegenation and non-Whit^e immigration , still bring forth a good bit of right-^wing rhetoric, but t here is almost no public response lo this rhetoric. Now, everyone has obser^ved ^t his, and the consequence is tha^t people or groups who want to wiⁿ public support for thems^elve^s , for ^whatever reason, honest or dis· honest, concentrate their propaganda ^on immediate, concrete, ^s pecific p ^robl ^em^s . That wi ^{n s} elections. And it brings the contribution^srolling in to the moneyhungry, " conservative," f^und-

But, interestingly enough, the im^{m e}diat^e , concrete, specific problems remain with us and continue to gro^wworse. Why is

Why is it that with so many people belonging to or supporting ^organization^sopposed to forced busing, we have every year more ^and more school districts being ordered by the Fed^er^al courts to bus Whitechildren into Black

Why, wi ^t h all ^t he rh etoric against ^taxe^sand with so many conservatives and right winger^{s s}uppo^{r t}ing anti-tax organizations, do income taxes and social security ^taxes and prope^r ty taxes become worse practically every

Actually , th^ere are two ways of approaching the questioⁿ . We can

The Importance of Conan

The adventure fiction of American author Robert E. Howard (1906-1936) has, in the last few years, begun to be publicized and appreciated on such a scale that it is becoming a formative element in the spiritual-iedological development of a substantial portion of American youth. Howard's growing popularity is of some significance, because his creations are not only of high technical accomplishment and satisfying to cultivated literary tastes, but they exemplify Aryan heroic vitalism at its best and transmit basic

Howard's primary genre, known popularly as "heoric fantasy" or "sword and sorcery," is actually a modern resumption of the Aryan mythology which was interrupted 1000 years ago. This class of literature began to re-emerge in the mid-ninetenth century, mainly through the efforts of Britisher William Morris (who, among many other accomplishments, translated the Volsunga Saga).

About 15 years ago, the rage for lan Fleming's "James Bond" series ignited the popular craze for lone-hero "dragon slayers," and this phenomenon was soon followed by a wave of enthusiasm for the fluidly written fantasies of J.R. R. Tolkien. In 1967 Howard's "Conan" stories were released by Lancer Books, selling over two million copies worldwide since then and giving rise to a huge and continuing interest in the author's fiction and life.

In the late 1970's the Howard cult has reached significant proportions as numerous publishers have issued almost all the rest of his works in low-priced paperbacks and in top-quality library editions, record firms have produced disc and tape versions of his yarns, millions of Conan posters by fantasy-artist Frank Frazetta have been sold, and scores of comic books have been printed featuring Conan and other Howard heroes. Furthermore, Howard has been translated into all the European languages and languages.

Howard's books carry a positive, encouraging message to any white with "race" within him, and they instill in receptive minds the vital, forward-leaning, assaulting temperament which empowers us to realize our inherent might and to seize the offensive in the coming world conflict between man and subman.

This is of particular importance at a time when the minds of so many young people have beer poisoned by the racially incompatible ideas, viewpoints, sentiments, and values of an alicnontrolled culture — the lies, fallacies, idiocies, and deceits of the hideously lethal, artificial mental world of the Jew. Through his genius Howard has provided us with a medium for re-awakening and generously nourishing our inner-Aryan essence and re-infusing ourselves with the instincts and intuitions — the crucial personal qualities — which put us back in contact with ourselves individually and collectively.

In his career, Howard wrote profusely about cowboys, detectives, explorers, and sundry adventurers, but his effect on the Aryan soul comes mainly through his lone-adventurer heroes: King Kull of Valusia; Bran Mak Morn, Pictish leader; Cormac Mac Art, Keltic chieftan; and Conan the Cimmerian, his best-known creation. Conan is the most fully developed of these characters and is a fitting paragon for White youth.

One reason for Conan's tremendous popularity is his lifelike impress, for, despite being a super-hero, he always acts within believable human limits and has a robust sense of humor and lust for life. Additionally, he appeals to our healthy instincts with his driving energy, tireless vitality, and irrepressible dynamism: Conan strides across a wide and hostile world-continent, scattering enemies with mighty sword-strokes and winning treasures and women as he moves ever onward Besides personifying the Faustiar sense of constant forward motion the Cimmerian, as the quint-essential hero, is the antitype of the sniveling, puling anti-heroes (e.g., Salinger's Holden Caulfield of Catcher in the Rye infamy, with whom Jewish hacks have tried all too successfully to sicker our nost-1945 youth

And it is all the more encouraging that so many White youths are reacting against this cunning poisoning by embracing a hero whose exploits re-teach them the wild, primordial ferocity which the coming clash will demand of its victors.

What quickens the long-slumbering and suppressed Aryan race-soul in the Conan adventures is their pounding action and hammering violence: The barbarian storms from episode to episode, running,* climbing, swimming, dueling one monstrous beast after another, slashing through foemen, and fighting hand-to-hand to the death. An outstanding scene of savage action is the following description of Conan's assault on some Negro pirates:

"... A tall corsair, bounding over the rall, was met in midair by the Cimmerian's great sword, which sheared him cleanly through the torso, so that his body fell one way and his legs another. Then, with a burst of fury that left a heap of corpses along the gunwhales, Conan was over the rall and on the deck of the Tigress.

"In an instant he was the center of a hurricaue of stabbing spears and lashing clubs. But he moved in a blinding blur of steel. Spears bent on his armor or swished empty air, and his sword sang it death song. The fighting madnes of his race was upon him, and with a red mist of unreasoning fury wavering before his blazing eyes, he cleft skulls, smashed breasts, severed limbs, ripped ou entrails, and littered the deck lik a shambles with a ghastly harves of brains and blood." (Conan of Cimmeria)

Blood-soaked horrors occur frequently in the adventures, and these inure the readership to the awful realities and the crimson gore which the future holds:

". . . But as the point sang toward his throat, Conan ducked deeply. The blade slit the back of his neck, and Conan straightened driving his saber upward as a manight wield a butcher knife, with all the power of his mighty shoulders.

"So terrific was his headlong drive that the sinking of the saber to the bilt into the belly of his enemy did not check him. He caromed against the wretch's body, knocking it sidewise. The impact sent Conan crashing against the wall; the other, saber torn through his body, fell headlong down the stair, ripped open to the spine from groin to broken breastbone. In a ghastly mess of streaming entralls the body tumbled against the men rushing up the stairs, bearing them back with it." (Conan the Adventurer)

The two dozen or so Howard paperbacks now available are primarily valuable because they provide a stimulus which, in an effeminate age, seeks a response in the essential virility of the White race — a virility which can lift us out of our present degradation and disunity and bind us into a tight throng of warriors who, possessed of the hard ferocity of all the ages, in a brightening fire of hate and blood-vengeance will wipe out every restraint and obstacle in our way.

Will, honor, and power are idealized and personified by Conan, the archetypical hero: He is undashed and unintimidated by any enemy or obstacle, and he moves ahead spiritedly to do the impossible — scaling sheer cliffs, undoing the spells and machinations of evil priests, or defating

unseen forces from elder ages. He is a man of "direct action," whose keen intelligence, irresistible drive, and quiet valor power him through every danger and terror to his objective.

Conan teaches the critical lesson that intelligence coupled with will is what brings victory and survival: only when mind operates with muscle, brain with bulk, will their possessor: triumph. In today's struggle the technician must be imbued with the ancient Aryan warrior spirit in he is to defeat the Jew and the colored swarms. He must become in short, one of Nietzsche's "new barbarians," that superior stool of highly evolved White men who have blended their pure, natural instincts with the scientific out look. Howard's Conan is avaluable catalyst in this blending of essences.

The Conan series, orlginally published by Lancer Books, now bankrupt, is available in Sphere Books paperbacks, imported from England. T-K Graphics (Box 1591, Baltimore, MD 21203) sells Sphere editions by mail, and for Buropean customers Sohere is

reached through Box II, Falmouth, Cornwall, United Kingdom.

Most of the Lancer and Sphere editions are numbered incorrectly, and to read the 12-volume epic biography of Conan, the books should be gotten in this order: Cordan; Conan of Cimmeria; Conan the Freebooter; Conan the Wanderer; Conan the Adventurer; Conan the Buccaneer; Conan the Usurper; Conan the Conqueror; Conan the Avenger; Conan of Aquilonia (not yet released); Conan of the Isler

According to a Howard fanzine, the Lancer bankrupter proceedings are closing and an unannounced U.S. publisher is to release the Conan series, including Conan of Aquilonia. Most of Howard's other adventure stories are sold in paperback by Zebra Books (53 E 11th St., New York, NY, 16092)

W. J. Gulllaume

(Issue No. 52, 1977

Conan battles the frost glants

Jewesses Head Both Treason Factions

in Southern Africa

To the world it may seem that the struggle in South Africa and Rhodesia is between the Whit minorities and the Black majorities in those two countries. But it truth the White-Black conflict i only the consequence of the Whites' inability to squarely fac and deal with an infinitely mornostile and deadly opponent if their midst: those "Whites' who have taken the side of the Blacks.

In both South Africa and Rhodesia there are "White" political parties whose openly avowed aim is Black rule for their countries. In South Africa it is the Progressive Reform Party, headed by Helen Suzman, and in Rhodesia it is the Rhodesia Party, headed by Muriel Rosin

Both Mrs. Suzman and Mrs Rosin are Jewesses.

(Issue No. 52, 1977)

HELEN SUZMAN

The Essence of Judaism

The Jewish problem is as old as the Jewish race. Over three thousand years ago the Jews were formed as a racial and national community in Egypt. There the former slave Joseph had parlayed his talents for necromancy and grain-speculation into a virtual dictatorship at the side of the Pharaoh. "As for the people, he reduced them to serfdom from one end of the land to the other." (Genesis 47:21) Then Joseph threw open Egypt to his Jewish brethren: "You shall feed on the fat of the land" and "the best that the land of Egypt offers is yours." (Genesis 45:18, 20)

When a more national-minded Pharaoh turned the tables on the Jews they were forced to flee, but not before relieving the Egyptians of their gold and silver (Exodus 12:35-36). And so the pattern of Jewish history was set: from outcasts to fellow-citizens, then trusted advisers, and finally, ruthless masters. Then follow the persecutions, pogroms, and expulsions which have won for the Jews so much undeserved sympathy.

The great mass of American Whites seems indifferent to the Jewish question. This is not to say that Americans are unmindful of the Jews — far from it. The Jews are presently more prominent in American life than they have ever been before, and they feel less need to dissimulate and disguise the outward traits which have traditionally brought upon them suspicion and dislike. A name change or a nose job is no longer the prerequisite for social and political acceptance by Gentiles. On the contrary, to qualify as unprejudiced in today's America, non-Jews must appear amenable to Jewish jokes, Yiddish slang, wosher hotdors, and Israel bonds.

Doubtless this increased visibility of Jews and Jewish characteristics is a good thing, for in the long run White Americans cannot fail to be struck by the alien nature of the Jew. Unfortunately, in the non-White racial chaos which disfigures present-day America the fact that the Jews are just as alien to Western society as are Negroes and Orientals tends to be lost on all too many men and women of our race.

One important factor in the general ignorance of the Jewish problem is a widespread misconception as to the nature of the Jewish religion. Most Americans seem to think of Jews primarily as adherents of Judaism, the religion of the Old Testament. For these Americans, Jewish radicals with their beards and bombs, Jewish businessmen with their sharp practices, or Jewish Zionists with their questionable loyalties are fair game. But the pious Jew of the synagogue, head bowed in prayer to the tribal god of Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, is a figure all too often accorded tolerance and even respect.

America's — and the world's — Jewish problem makes it a neces sity that we understand the Jew and Judaism thoroughly. If it is recognized that the destructive phenomena which accompany the Jewish presence in non-Jewish societies — Marxism, Freudianism, Zionism, and so on — spring from the Hebrew race-soul and are of a piece with the writings and rituals of that quintessential manifestation of the Jewish soul, Judaism, a great deal of confusion about the nature of the Jewish problem will be eliminated.

What, indeed, is Judaism? In the first place, Judaism is a system of beliefs and practices which are profoundly alien to the spirit of our race. Most Westerners will have some notion of the alienness of Judaism through a superficial acquiantance with the various trappings of Jewish ritual: prayer shawls and phylacteries; morbid, Levantine chants; the obligatory yarmulkas; and so forth. The guttural sounds and mysterious script of Hebrew will strike most Americans as strange, as will the physiognomies and modes of dress of Judaism's more traditionbound adherents. Yet even these indications of Jewish differentness are only symbolic of the profoundly anti-Western essence of Judaism.

Although the translations of the Old Testament into Western tongues are not without evidences of Judaism's alien essence, it is perhaps understandable that they should have been so well received in the West. The Old Testament took on an altogether different tone in the Latin of St. Jerome, the German of Martin Luther, and the English of the King James version. Not infrequently, these translations differed even in meaning from the origina Hebrew and Aramaic. Thus, the injunction to "love thy race-kin' in the Hebrew became "love thy in the Hebrew became "love thy neighbor" in Western Bibles.

The same impulses which led European painters and sculptors to depict Biblical personages with Nordic rather than Semitic features led Western Christians to ascribe their own mentality and behavior to Old Testament figures. As one Jewish writer, Susan Taubes, observed, "The Old Testament has had the benefit of the most sublime spiritualization through centuries of Christian interpretation." In fact, Jews have reacted to this Western tendency with a certain bitter humor. As a Jewish character in a story by contemporary Jewish writer Cynthia Ozick puts it, "Please remember that when a goy from Columbus, Ohio, says "Elijah the Prophet," he is not talking about Eliohu hanovi! Eliohu is one of us, a folksmensh running around in second-hand clothes. Theirs is God knows what. The same biblical figure, with exactly the same history, once he puts on a name from King James, comes out a different person."

The religion of the Jews arose among Semitic nomads in the Near East, on the desert fringes o what American Egyptologis James Breasted called the "fertil crescent." This area was fertile it more than fruit and grain, for a bewildering and repellent array o orgisatic fertility cults sprouted and flourished there, often in volving ritual masturbation and

Contemporary Israelis immersed in the study of the Talmud, the most authoritative collection of Jewish religious law. Blasphemous references to Jesus in the Talmud, now cheerfully acknowledged by Jews, have not been a bone of contention in "ecumenical" discussions in which Jews and their fifth-columnists in the Christian clergy have attempted to tailor traditional Christian theology and liturgy to Jewish desires.

sodomy. Elements of these perverse rites inevitably found their way into the religious practices of the Jews.

Circumcision is one present-day vestige of these phallic fertility rites. According to the Hebrew Torah, it was instituted by Yahweh, the tribal god of the Jews, and is at the very core of his covenant with Abraham, the mythical progenitor of the Jews. During most of Israel's independent political existence, under the

kings succeeding David, the Hebrew religion was probably indistinguishable from those of the surrounding Semitic tribes. Temple prostitution, attended to by male "dog priests" as well a by female acolytes, flourished until King Josiah "pulled dow, the house of the sacred mal prostitutes which was in the Temple of Yahweh and where the women wove clothes for Asherah." (II Kings 23:7)

The conviction has been grow-

unity among biolical scholars unbiased by considerations of piety that the rigid strictures against unnatural sexual practices in the Old Testament and the conception of Yahweh as a pure, sexless desert god are an outgrowth of the situation of the Jews after the Babylonian exile (587-538 B.C.). In line with this view, the sexual ethics of post-exile Judaism grew out of the need for sexual self-discipline necessary to ensure national and racial survival in a

hold the child), the mohel exposes the parts by removal of garments, etc., and instructs the sandek how to hold the child's legs. The mohel then grasps the prepuce between the thumb and index-finger of his left hand, exerting sufficient traction to draw it from the glans, and places the shield (see Fig. 1, next column) in position just before the glans. He now takes his knife and with one sweep excises the foreskin. This completes the first act. The knife (see Fig. 3) most commonly used is double-edged, although one like those ordinarily used by surgeous is also often employed.

Ferunt After the excision has been completed, the mobel educate in inner lining of the prepuce, which still covers the glans, with the thumb-nail and fudga finger of each hand, and tears it so that he can roll if fully back ever the glans and expose the latter completely. The mobel usually has his thumb-nail suitably trimmed for the purpose. In exceptional cases the inner lining of the prepuce is more or less extensively adherent to the glans, which interferes somewhat with the ready removal; but

Mogah: By this is meant the moking of the blood from the wound. The mobel takes some wise in his mouth and applies his lips to the part involved in the operation, and exerts suction, after which he expels the mixture of wine and blood into a receptacle (see Fig. 4, belsew) provided for the purpose. This procedure is repeated several times, and completes the operation, except as to the control of the hiering and the dressing of the wound.

The elaborate and bizarre nature of the circumcision rite, with its oral-genital contact, as practiced by Jews through the ages makes it clear that circumcision's limited hygienic advantages were not the controlling factor in its adoption by the Hebrews. Numerous sayings of the rabbis give proof of the exaggerated regard in which Jews have always held the rite. The Talmud boasts, "So great is circumcision that but for it the Holy One would not have created the universe." (Nashim: Nedarim)

period of dispersion. Regulations against homosexuality and birth-control inhibited any Jewish tendencies toward decline in population, while stringent prohibitions against racial intermarriage (still enforced in modern Israel) attempted to safeguard the Jews from assimilation.

That the prescriptions of Old Testament Judaic law on sexual matters are strictly functional, and, indeed, are in constant tension with normal Jewish predilections, is evident from later Jewish law. The Talmud, the most authoritative and influential source for Jewish law, is replete with sexual considerations of a nature repellent to Westerners. As Rabbi Adin Steinsalz, a contemporary Talmudic scholar admits, "After you have learned the right passages in the Talmud, you have learned about every perversion, in the greatest detail."

The Talmud regards bestiality as no bar to matrimony. In the section of the Talmud entitled Yabmuh (59a), a woman who has copulated with a dog is pronounced fit for marriage to a Jewish priest. (A dog-priest, perhaps?) Children three years and one day old are considered suitable for intercourse. (Yabmuth 57a) "Is there anything permitted to a Jew which is forbidden to a heathen? Unnatural intercourse is permitted to a Jew." (Sanhedrin 58b) And so it goes, throughout the gigantic work of which Jewish law claims, "Yahweh himself studies the Talmud standing, he has such respect for that book."

Modern writers have emphasized the vast differences between the Western ethic of courtly love and the purely pragmatic approach of contemporary Jews in matters romantic. Psychoanalyst Ernst van den Haag writes in The Jewish Mystique that love "as ar esthetic exhilaration and a romantic feeling never made much of a dent on Jewish attitudes toward the body or toward the opposite sex. Love or 'sweet suffering' was too irrational. If you want her, geher ..."

According to the American sociologist John Murray Cuddihy Sigmund Freud, the Jew who "invented" psychoanalysis sensed the organic relationship between Western concepts of low and other Western attitudes and institutions, and he was repelled by it. Our culture's traditional companies attitudes and automorphisms.

have been grievously undermined by Freud's and his Jewish followers' insistence on the primacy of a sexuality divorced from reproduction and even from love. In the light of the Talmud, the sexual and excretory obsessions of modern Jewish writers and psychologists become more understandable.

An aspect of Judaism even more consistently emphasized in Jewish religious writings than the fascination with sex is the insistence on the Jews' privileged status as a special people, a "chosen people." No race, religious group, or nation has succeeded in institutionalizing the conception of its own superiority in its religious beliefs and practices to the extent the Jews have

Each morning, every Orthodox Jew in the world thanks his god "who has not made me a goy, a slave, or a woman," in the words of the prayer. (Goy is a particularly slighting Jewish name for non-Jews.) According to the Jewish conception, Yahweh, who saw fit to elevate the Jews above all the other nations, is not merely the tribal god of the "chosen" race, but the Lord of all creation. As they see it, their god is the God of the Gentiles, the God for the Jews.

It must be stressed that this theological notion, for the Jews, does not derive its importance from a heightened consciousness of an obligation to the Divinity. The meat of the doctrine, for Jews, is Israel's sanctity, not God's. Passages in the Old Testament referring to Israel's divine election are customarily interpreted in an allegorical sense by Christians, who take them as presentiments of a beatitude and salvation accessible to all men. For believing Jews, however, lines such as, "For the nation and kingdom that refuses to serve you (Israel) shall perish, such nations shall be utterly ruined," (Isaiah 60:12) are justifications for a frenzied chauvinism.

The Talmudic literaturabounds in legally binding characterizations and definitions of the status of the people of Israel "Heaven and earth were created only for the sake of the Jewisl people." (Vayikra Rabba 36" "You (the Jews) are human beings, but the nations of the world (goyim) are not human beings, but beasts." (Baba Mezia 114b) "Yahweh created the non human form so that the

70-Yr. Old Convicted On Testimony of Ex-Israeli

A few weeks ago, Dr. William Perl was convicted of conspiring to have someone about out the windows of a Russian official. Rabbi Meir Kahane has obtained part of the court record that speaks for itself. The following is Rabbi Kahane's reaction to the facts leading up to the court trial and the court records themselves.

By Meir Kahane

A short time ago I spoke in Chicago and during the question period, I was asked about the role of the Jewish Agency in cooperating with the British authorities in Eretz Yisroel in aborting the Joel Brand mission that might have saved the Jews of Hungary. This, and questions concerning the General Kastner case as well as the sinking of the Irgun ship Altalena with the murder of 19 Jews was raised. Someone commented that it was improper to bring up "issues from the past that are better off buried." I wonder, I wonder if the past is not a thing that must always be resurrected and studied and

remembered lest we repeat it in the future. I wonder whether the tragedy of the gentillized febrews who turned over Irgun soldiers to the British in the Infamous "season" of the '40's; who betrayed Jews in Europe and who murdered Jews on a Jewish ship, should not be made mandatory study for every young Jew — especially since I know that the same Jewish leadership continues to commit the worst of all Jewish sins and critumed—nesira — the Informing on Jews to genifics.

(Continued on Page 40)

Prohibition against mestra, the cooperation of law-abiding Jews with Gentile authorities where Jewish criminals are involved, remains in force in Jewish law. The Talimud mandates death for moserim, or informers: "I is permitted to kill a Jewish informer everywhere!" (Schulchan Aruch, Choszen Hamiszpat 388) Rabb Kahane's condemnation is all the more vitriolic since the Jewish religion allows Jews to lie while under oath The Kol Nidre, recited each year by observant Jews on the eve of Yom Kippur, sanctions oath-breaking: "Al vows, oaths, promises, engagements, and swearing, which, beginning this very day of reconciliation until the next day of reconciliation, we intend to vow, promise, swear, and bind ourselves to fulfill, we repent before hand; let them be lilegalized, acquitted, annihilated, abolished, valueless, unimportant. Our vows shall be no vows, and our oaths no oaths at all." (Schulchan Aruch, Edit. 1, 136) The clipping above is from the fron page of the Jewish Press for December 24, 1976.

Jew would not have to be served by beasts. The non-Jew is consequently an animal in human form, and condemned to serve the Jew day and night." (Midrasch Talpioth, 225-L)

To allow Jews to deceive non-Jews as to their beliefs and practices, Jewish law provides sanction for secretiveness, perjury, and conspiracy. The Talmud mandates that "Every goy who studies the Talmud and every Jew who helps him in it ought to die." (Sanhedryn 59a, Aboda Zara 8-6, Szagiga 13) The Kol Nidre ("all vows") prayer, beloved of the Orthodox, condones violations of oaths and vows, whenever necessary or convenient. Jews who testify against other Jews before non-Jewish authorities are

If one doubts that the attitudes inculcated in Jews by Judaism regulate Jewish conduct in the present, let him look to Israel. Since the Zionist seizure of Palestine 29 years ago, "the land flowing with milk and honey" has once again streamed with the blood of its rightful inhabitants, the Palestinians. While any blood.

vative, Reform, atheist, or what ever, has a right to citizenship and a life of luxury underwritten by the American taxpayer, the Arabthey have dispossessed huddle is squalid, disease-ridden refugecamps.

Interestingly enough, the letter of Jewish law is often neglected or even violated in Israel, at least in matters not pertaining to the determination of an individual's membership in the Jewish people, still firmly in the hands of the rabbis. This indifference to the observance of every jot and tittle of the laws of the Sabbath is perfectly acceptable to the vasi majority of the world's religious Jews.

Besides, theologically-minded Jews have new worlds to conquer Not satisfied with having created and maintained Judaism as a supple tool for the advancement of the Jewish race, they now seed to enlist Christianity in the same cause. If it was enough for Christian clergymen to pronounce the Jews innocent of Christian clergyment of Christian clergyment of Christian clergyment of Christian clergyment of Christian clergyment of Christian clergyment of Christian clergyment of Christian clergyment of Christian clergyment of Christian clergyment of Christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian christian

tism." Ever on the lookout for new frontiers of effrontery, Jewish leaders are increasingly demanding that Christians incorporate the idea that the Jews are a "chosen people" in Christian theology!

The essence of Judaism should now be clear; it is not a religion or an expression of piety in the Western sense, but a codified, formalized program of Jewish self-promotion. In this regard perhaps it is fitting to let a Jew, Baruch Spinoza, have the last word: "Thus the love of the Hebrews fortheir country was not only patriotism but also piety and was cherished and nurtured by daily rites until, like their hatred of other nations, it was absolutely perverse (as it well might be, considering that they were a peculiar people and entirely apart from the rest). Such daily reprobation naturally gave rise to a lasting hatred, deeply implanted in the heart: for of all hatred, none is more deep and tenacious than that which springs from extreme devoutness or piety, and is itself cherished as pious."

(Issue No. 52, 1977

General Patton's Warning

At the end of World War II one of America's top military leaders accurately assessed the shift in the balance of world power which that war had produced and foresaw the enormous danger of communist aggression against the West. Alone among U.S. leaders he warned that America should act immediately, while her supremacy was unchallengeable, to end that danger. Unfortunately, his warning went unheeded, and he was quickly silenced by a convenient "accident" which took his life.

Thirty-two years ago, in the terrible summer of 1945, the U.S. Army had just completed the destruction of Europe and had seup a government of militar occupation amid the ruins to rul the starving Germans and deal ou victors' justice to the vanquished General George S. Patton, commander of the U.S. Third Army became military governor of the greater portion of the Americal

occupation zone of Germany

Patton was regarded as the "fightingest" general in all the Allied forces. He was considerably more audacious and aggres sive than most commanders, and his martial ferocity may very well have been the deciding factor which led to the Allied victory. He personally commanded his forces in many of the toughest and most decisive battles of the warr in

Tunisia, in Sicily, in the cracking of the Siegried Line, in holding back the German advance during the Battle of the Bulge, in the exceptionally bloody fighting around Bastogne in December 1944 and January 1945.

During the war Patton had respected the courage and the fighting qualities of the German — especially when he compared them with those of some of America's allies — but he had also swallowed whole the hate-inspired wartime propaganda generated by America's alien media masters He believed Germany was a menace to America's freedom and that Germany's National Socialis government was an especially evi

institution. Acting on these beliefs he talked incessantly of his desire to kill as many Germans as possible, and he exhorted his troops to have the same goal. These bloodthirsty exhortations led to the nickname "Blood and Guts" Patton.

It was only in the final days of he war and during his tenure as nilitary governor of Germany—\nifter he had gotten to know both he Germans and America's 'gallant Soviet allies'"— that Patton's understanding of the rue situation grew and his pinions changed. In his diary and in many letters to his family, 'riends, and various military tolleagues and government of fi-

cials, he expressed his new under standing and his apprehension. for the future. His diary and his letters were published in 1974 by the Houghton Mifflin Company under the title The Patton Papers

Several months before the end of the war, General Patton had recognized the fearful danger to the West posed by the Soviet Union, and he had disagreed bitterly with the orders which he had been given to hold back his army and wait for the Red Army to occupy vast stretches of German, Czech, Rumanian, Hun garian, and Yugoslav territory which the Americans could have easily taken instead.

Three Rays of Light

The Last European War: September 1939-December 1941, by John Lukacs, published by Anchor Press/Doubleday, \$15.00. Adolf Hiller, by John Toland, published by Doubleday, \$14.95. Hiller's War, by David Irving,

It may well require the passage of another thirty years before historians begin to take a less lopsided view of Adolf Hitler and National Socialism. Lukacs' The Last European War, Toland's Hitler, and Irving's Hitler's War are, if nothing else, a beginning: Hitler is no longer a hobgoblin. Taken together, these works make nearly three thousand pages of reading. Each, in its own way, makes some positive contribution to the revisionist cause. None, however, is the repository of the complete truth, and all err with regard to the famous "Holocaust" and the mythical "six million."

The Last European War is a major historical work which, as one reviewer put it, moves "phototropically toward truth." John Lukacs, an estimable conservative revisionist, writes with great erudition and grace, but there is almot as much to object to as there is to agree with in his 500-plus pages. Despite his many faults, Lukacs displays a superior understanding of some of the cultural forces in European history that many left-leaning "intellectuals" miss altogether. Furthermore, his study is far more objective than most. (I realize that isn't saving very much for it.)

Lukacs' voyage toward the truth is a fitful one. Time and again he begins to grope toward the light, only to slide off into some dark corner. For example, Lukacs sees Hiller simply as an "extreme prototype" embodying the traditional German virtues and vices; he compounds this error by suggesting that some of Hitler's policies (particularly the anti-Jewish measures) accidentally contributed to the perils now facing the West. This proposition is the shared "wisdom" of certain elements of the patrician European Right. Still, Lukacs makes clear that Germans "from Nietzsche to Spengler to Hitler" were "more thoughtful" than other Europeans and repeatedly warned against the "dangers to Western civilization, to the White race, to Europe."

Of Hitler, Lukacs writes: "The mind of Adolf Hitler was a very powerful instrument . . All of the stories of the dictator (sic) foaming at the mouth, throwing himself at the carpet and chewing it in a mad rage are false. The contrary was, rather, true . ." As seen by Lukacs, Hitler is a brave man with a generous nature. (Biographers Toland and Irving hold a similar view.)

However, Lukacs also refers to Hitler as "cruel," a judgemen which falls wide of the mark. No force of nature can be said to be "cruel," except in a metaphorica sense. Adolf Hitler was not a mere mortal: both he and his philosophy represent a powerful force of history. A different standard of measure is required in this instance, and it is doubtful that

sentimental and myopic would-be aristocrats like Lukacs are fit to pass judgement.

In other matters, Lukacs' perceptions prove more reliable. He rightfully defends Hitler against British historian A. J. P. Taylor's charge of "opportunism." Instead, Lukacs substitutes "fanaticism" and demonstrates that Hitler's foreign policy proceeded from idealism coupled with a "cruel [that word again] kind of realism." But Lukacs still saddles Hitler with entirely too much blame for the outbreak of the war. Both Taylor and Lukacs agree that Hitler might have been prepared for short-term military conflicts on the continent but not a world war. There is far more truth in Neville Chamberlain's bitter declaration (which Lukacs quotes) that "the Americans and the world Jews had forced him Hitler lipto the war."

Although his understanding of National Socialism is incomplete and often mistaken, Lukacs is able to see that "the great majority of German people lived better and fared better under Hitler's National Socialist regime than had the Russians under Stalin . . [there was] far more individual and political freedom in National Socialist Germany than in Communist Russia."

In John Toland's biographical study, Hitler is "a warped archangel, a hybrid of Prometheus and Lucifer." References to the positive components of Hitler's personality seem too carefully balanced by the inclusion of negative traits, which are often reported by less-than-reliable witnesses. Yet Toland claims to have produced a book having "not thesis" and states that "any conclusions to be found in it were reached only during the writing.

..." This is difficult to believe, but let's not put too fine a point on the matter. The fact is, he places stock in the "great man" theory of history.

The greatest strengths of Toland's work are that it brings into print hundreds of little-known vignettes and shatters a good many of the Jew-promoted myths about Hitler. The Fuehrer was not insane, physically malformed, or sexually aberrant. (This is more than can be said for many of his critics.) He was "Uncle Adi" to the children of his intimates, a kind and appealing individual. His early life was prosaic and gave no hint of the extraordinary talents he would demonstrate as a soldier and statesman.

Toland takes a view of Hitler's objective greatness as a leader which is remarkably similar to that of German editor and historian Joachim C. Fest, the author of an earlier study. The comparison is worth noting. Here is an excerpt from Toland: "If Hitler had died in 1937 . . . he would have gone down as one of the greatest figures in German history. Throughout Europe he had millions of admirers." Now this from Fest's biography: "If Hitler had succumbed to an assassination or an accidental death in 1938, few would hesitate to call him one of the greatest

German statesmen, the consummator of Germany's history." The dates are significant, in one connection, because both Toland and Fest appear to be saying something under their breath that Lukacs expresses plainly: it is primarily due to Hitler's war against the Jews that National Socialism suffers disrepute.

Toland goes further afield wher discussing the causes of Hitler's anti-Semitism, bringing in al manner of psychological claptrap Anyone who has read Mein Kampf or knows anything abouthe destructive role the Jewplayed during the Weimar eracing and earlier) can easily understand the causes of Hitler's fully justified hostility toward the Jews. (I was Hitler, after all, who saved Germany from the Reds; and the communist movement, at tha time, was largely led by Jews. This animus was evidently shared by the German masses, for, at Toland himself points out, the Reichstag elections of 1933 gave the National Socialists 92 per cen of the vote. Toland feels these results were "a true barometer of German feeling" and goes on to say that Germans needed "not whip to follow a Siegfried whe was bringing them out of economic depression and wiping outhe dishonor of Versailles." To his credit, Toland mentions some of the sweeping social and economic reforms inaugurated by the National Socialists which revital ized Germany.

At the center of Toland's biographical study is an inquiry into the causes of the so-called "Holocaust." As Toland sees it, the Jewish problem was an everpresent consideration in all major National Socialist policy decisions. Following the lead of several Jewish historians, Toland claims that the "final solution" was not only a conscious part of Hitler's master plan from the beginning of his political career, but that provisions for actually carrying out the program were in the works as early as 1938

British historian David Irving shows this set of assumptions to be totally false. Although Irving submits that some enthusiastic National Socialists (notably SS chief Himmler) executed thousands of Jews, they did so without Hitler's consent. "There is no acceptable evidence that Hitler gave orders to kill the Jews. He was aware of the concentration camps but not the extermination camps," says Irving.

Irving's Hitler is not the stuff dictators and warlords are made of. He was insufficiently ruthless when dealing with his enemies Furthermore, Hitler "lacked the ability to be ruthless where is mattered most; e.g., he refused to bomb London itself until the decision was forced on him in the late summer of 1940." Mr. Irving understands National Socialis racial policy well enough to know that Hitler had no desire to spill a drop of British blood. He also notes that Hitler had "a maudlin unrequited affection [for the British] that caused him to pull himilitary] punches throughou 1940, to the exasperation of histrategic advisors."

NEVILLE CHAMBERLAIN AND ADOLF HITLER

This is not to say that Hitler was a "military nincompoop" (a phrase he used in describing Churchill). The opposite is true Irving shows numerous examples of Hitler's uncanny perspicacity in military matters, which ofter astounded members of the High Command who disagreed with him.

Irving's book includes much new material, as does Toland's biography. However, Irving is a superior historian and an absolutely first-rate researcher. While Toland, who doesn't speak German, interviewed about 150 people (among them the daring SS commando Otto Skorzeny), Irving spent twelve years researching Hitler's War and interviewed some 400 persons, including members of Hitler's personal staff who refused to talk with Toland.

There are some difficulties connected with Irving's account — his portrait of Hitler isn't especially flattering — but his history is probably closer to the truth than most. Some of his earlier statements on the subject caused quite a row with the Jews; these days, Irving seems much more cautious. However, his treatment of Churchill (Hitler fares better than old Winny) is bound to raise a few eyebrows back home.

It might be the case tha Toland, Irving, and Lukacs will bring about some awareness on the positive aspects of Nationa Socialism, but that seems a bimuch to hope for at this junctur in history.

Nick Camerota

(Issue No. 53, 1977)

The Stranger

The stranger within my gate,
He may be true or kind,
But he does not talk my talk—
I cannot feel his mind.
I see the face and the eyes and the mouth
But not the soul behind.

The men of my own stock, They may do ill or well, But they tell the lies I tell. We do not need interpreter: When we go to buy or sell.

The stranger within my gate,
He may be evil or good,
But I cannot tell what powers control,
What reasons sway his mood,
Nor when the gods of his far-off land
May reposses his blood

The men of my own stock,
Bitter bad they may be,
But, at least, they hear the things I hear
And see the things I see;
Whatever I think of them and their like:
They think the likes of me.

This was my father's belief,
And this is also mine:
Let the corn be all of one sheaf
And the grapes be all of one vine,
Ere our children's teeth are set on edg
By bitter bread and wine.

Rudyard Kipling

Has the White Race Become too Liberal to Survive?

This editorial is acondensation of a talk given by Dr. William Pierce at tM weekly Sunday-evening meeting of Washington-area members, supporters, and friends of the National A lliance on June 5, 1 977.

If you h^aven'tyet read Jean Ras pail's best-selling horror story, The Camp of theSaints, you should. Reading it is not ^a pleasant experience, but it is ^a valua ble experience, a consciousⁿess- ^raising experience.

The essence of Ra^spail's book is an una ^rmed, non-violent invasion of Europe by a starving horde of refugees From India. The Europeans, who are morally paralyzed by a ter^minal case or liberal ism, are u nable to resist the i ⁿvasion. In partic^ular, they are unable to ^accep^tthe only feasible method For opposing it, which is simply to ^{ex t e r m} i ⁿa^{t e}the invaders en masse. So the wave or brown subhumanity rolls over Europe, and Western civi lization is extinguished Forever.

Raspail's fiction is especially terrifying for White Ameri^can readers, because we can clearly recognize, all around us, exactly the symptoms or the liberal disease which Raspai l describes so ^starkly in his book. In fact, we can see a painfully close analogy between the European reaction to the fictional invasion which takes place in ^t he book and our own reaction to the very real i nvasion of the United States by il legal immigrants from Mexico which is taking place today.

Chicanos from Mexico and other parts or Latin America and Blacks from the Caribbean are swarming across the U.S.-Mexican bord^er at a rate of more tha^{n a}millioⁿa year now-and that's not counting the additional halfmill ion non-Whites who immigrate into this coun^{t r}y legally each year - and all we seem to be able to do about it is debate the issu^e .

There is uⁿdoubtedly a certain element or conspiracy behind this non-White immigration problem. For exampl^e, the U.S. Borde^r Patrol, which has the j ob of keeping illegal i^mmigrants out, has been deliberately kept under^manned and underequipped , so that it cannot do its job effectively. The Border Pat rol has been ^sabotaged by the subcom^mittee in the U.S. House of Representatives which deals with matters of immigration and naturalization and ^which oversees the Border Patrol and a ppropriates the funds for its ^operatioⁿ . This subcommittee is headed by Joshua Eilbe^rg (D-PA) , who is a Jew.

The man formerly in charge of the Bord^er Patrol (before Jimmy Carter appointed Chicano Leonel Casti llo as his replacement earl ier this year), retired Marine Corps General Leonard Chapman, repeatedly told the Congress about his problems and requested ^mor^e money and more men , but Congressman Eilberg deliberately sat on hisrequests. The result has been that the Border Patrol is able to put ^only one man on du^ty for eac h 10 mi les of bord^er, along some stretche^s , and the immigr^{a n t s}come pouring across almost without resistance .

And there are other Factors. We have politically powerfu l alien groups already in this cou ntry most not^a bly the Jews , but also ^others - who see a futur^efor ^themselves which is brighter th^e darker it becomes for the White ^majority. They see the greates^t opportunities for themselves in ^a racial ly cosmopolitan society, just as they sec the greatest threat to ^t hemselves in a uni fied and racially conscious White m^aj ^ority.

And we also have all too many White renegades in the pol itical ^and economic power ^{s t ru c}t^{u re}of this count ^ry, people who habit^u ally pr^ostitute themselves for alieⁿ interests or who see their own politic^al power b ase among aliens: the Hubert Humph reys and Teddy Kennedys and Jimmy Carter^sof America; and people who ar^emaking money from the al ien presence here: the sweatshop owners and the exploiters of ^m igrant f^arm labo^r .

But in addit ion to these causes a ^more fundamen tal reason why we ' re unable to deal decisiv^ely ^with the im^m igra^{n t}probl^em is th^e moral paralysis of the American p^u bli^c.

An editorial in a recent issue of U. S. News& World Repor^t(May 30, 1 977) gives what I b ^eliev^eis an ^accurateassessment of the inabil· ity or most W hite Americans today to f^ac^etough issues and deal with them realistically. Th^e editorial is ^aplug for Ji^mmy Carter's clever proposal to " solve" the proble^mof the enormous number of illegal immigrants in the United States by the ^simple expedient of legalizing them, i.e., of granting most of them automatic citizen^ship o^r legal-resident status - which is ^about l ike "s^o lving " the crime problem in ^t his country by abolishing all ou^rlaw^s .

After asking the question, "Should all those now illegally in ^the U.S. be sent hom^e? , " the USN& WR editorial gives its own answer: " Whatever one may say in theory, Americans are not going to clamor for a mass deportation in which millions of w^omen are hounded out of closets and children are dragged from under beds by theirfeet. Since these people are not going home, theⁿ we have a choice: Leave them as ^outlaws ... or giv^ean opportuⁿity for citizenship or legal residence to thos^ewho have already established themselves here, thus bringing them into society where they can contribute and be counted ."

Now , the author of that editorial is U. S. News & World Report ed itor Marvin Stone, a Jew. He has the same interest in increasing the number and variety of non-Whi^{t e}sin A ^me^rica - thus rurther weak^{e n}i ⁿg the political strength of the White m^ajori ^ty as h^ave Mr. Eilb^erg and the other Jews on the Congres^s ional subcommittee overseeing the U .S. Border Patrol . And he, therefore, jumps a bit too eagerly to his conclus ion that "these peopl ^eare not going home. "

Nevertheless, Marvin Stone is almost certainly correct in s^{t a}ting that the American maj ority has no ^stomach for forcibly removing the aliens who are already here or, as he points out later in his editorial, for us ing " machine guns and mine fields" along the border to keep more aliens o^{u t}.

The ^essential truth to note here is that ^t his inability to act agains^t the rising tide of colored immigrants is, at root, not p^rimarily due to the fact that W hite Ameri cans are disorganized , or to the fact tha^tthey are being betrayed by their government, or to the fact that they have been deliberately con fused and dem^{o r}al ized by tne l y i ⁿ g , alie n-contro l l ed ^{n ew s} media. It is primarily due to the fa^{c t}that they have b^ecome too liberal.

Perhaps "liberal" is a misleadi ng word to use here , for we ar^e talking about a condition which affects all ^{s e}gme^{n t s}of the p ^o l i^t i ^ca l spectrum , so-c^a l led " ^c onserva ^t i ^v es " as we)] as l ib^erals. " Morally spineless " or ^morally irresponsible" might be ^abetter adj ective to describe peoplewho simply refuse to deal ^with probl ^ems which require ^tough or unpleasant deci ^sions.

Americans pale at the thought of dragging all those millions of brown-skinned children and their moth^ers out from under beds and herding them back across the border at bayone^tpoint into Mexico, where most of the^m would undoubtedly starve to death . So they grope for a " ⁿice" solution to the problem - but there is null.

There is no 0nice" solution , because those millions of non-White immigrants are breeding like flies. Within the next ten yearsthe illegal immigrants who are already here will have produced approximately 15 mil lioⁿ more offspring - and, in acco^rd with the jus soli, those offspring will automatically be full-fledged U.S. citizens, whether the status of their parents has been legalized or not. Present U .S. law grants ^aut^{o m}atic ^c i ^t i ^zen^s h i p to any feath^erless biped born inside ou^r borders, even if both parents are aliens and even if they' re her^e illegally . That may sound crazy, but it' s a fact .

Actually, the situation is much worse than that. Not only will we ^st ill have virtually all the present illegal aliens with us ten years from now, plus thei ^r15 million or so naturalized-by-birth childr^en, but also all the new illegal (and legal) aliens - who ^ar^ecoming across the border at an everi ncreasing rate - and their children.

And if Mr. Carter grants citi^zenship to all or part of the ten million or so illegal aliens already here - I suppose I should say when he grants them citizenship, rather than if - then they will b^e entitled to send for their dependents still in Latin America. They average five such depeⁿd^ent^s each, for a total of as many as another 50 million .

The great majority of these i l legal ^a li^{e ns}are Chicanos (mestizos, Amer indi an-White ^mongr^els), and they are the fastestbreeding race on the face of the earth. There is literally an inexhaustible supply of them in Latin America. No matter how bad th^e economy gets here, and no matter how many half-measures w^etake to makeit hard^erfor them to find jobs, they'll keep pouring in, if we let them, because conditions will always be even worse where they ^cam^efrom.

So the " ⁿi^ce" White American majority, which doesn't have the guts to do what needs to be done now, is guaranteeing ihat its own g ^{r a n} dchi l d ^{re n}will become a ^min^{o r} ity race in the Uni ^{t e}d Sta^{t e}s.

Perhaps some Americans - the on�s w ho have t he courage to even think ahead 50 years to the Whiteminority United States their i ^rresponsibility is guaranteeing bel ieve that when we become the ^minority we 'll receive the same consideration we're giving to other minorities now. That is the sort of hop^eone might expect of ^a race of moral jellyfish, and it is ^a forlorⁿhope. Once we allow the non-White races of this world to gain the upper hand , we'll get from them exactly what we w ill deserve, which is extinction . The muddle-headed l iberal i ^sm wh ich makes us shrink in horror from proddi ⁿg picaninnies with bayo· ⁿe^{t s}is a uniquely Wes ^tern diseas^e .

Why is that so? Why, for in^s tance, do Whit ^es sheepishly accept the condemna· tion of any of ^t heir ^e fforts to ma in^{t a} inWhite excl usivity in ^sc ho^o l ing or housing, while the la rgest and most ac^t iv^eChicano group in this co^{u n}try la Raw Unida (The United Race) proudly supports among Chicanos the same kind of racial solidarity or whi^c h Whites seem to be ashamed?

Why, for instance , are White Americans of all social strata and political persuasions horri fied by ^t he fact that Ug^anda 's ldi Amin i^s exterminating, root and branch, the tribe^sin his country he doesn'^t trust, when A fricans consider such behavior perfectly normal even if some of them are unhappy with " Big Daddy" Amin at the ^moment for other reasons? W hen the N igerian maj ority was sup· pressing a rebellion by the Ibo ^minority a few years back, they kil led everyone they could get their hands on, women and ^chi ldrenas well as meⁿ , and often in the most gruesome ways imaginable. The Watusi and the Bahutus are ^{t r}e^ating each other the sam^eway today in Burundi. That's the way A fricans hav^e always behaved .

W hy, for instance, are White Americans importing uncounted thousands of hal [-breed chi ldren from Vietnam, Thailand , and ^other Asian countries, when the ⁿativesof those countries reject them precisely because they are half-bre^eds?

Why, for instance, do the hearts of White Americans - and Canadian^sand Englishmen ache for the hundreds of millions of destitute brown people in India and Pakistan, in their rags and filth and hunger and hopelessness, when their better-off browⁿ countrymen couldn 't care less about them?

And we might also ask why conservative and ^r ight-wing Americans are so fascinated by ^the present controversy over how many Jews wer^eactually killed by the Germans during World War II

why they are so anxious t^o prove that ^our W h ite cou^si ⁿs in G^ermany didn't actually commit g^{e n}ocide - when the Jews them· selves have just chosen as ^t heir prime minister in Israel their fore^most advocate and practiti^{o n}erof . l ^arge-sc^ale g^enocide^against Pales· tinians? Does anyone believe ^t ha^t the Jews are ashamed of the fact that Menachem Begin massacred the Arab inhabit^ants of whol^e Palestinian villages , that he had hi ^smen in the /rg un slit th^e throats of h ^undr^eds of Palest inian women and ^c h i ldreⁿ , or that he tort^{u re}d to death British s^o ldiers who fell i ⁿto his hands? Begin h i msel f has written a book bragging about these t hings , ^{a n}d they were eveR admitted in Time and Ne ws week ^{m a} g^{a z} i ^{n e sa} couple or weeks ago.

Professor A rthur Butz has w r it^{t e}n ^avery fine book, The Hoax of the Twentieth ( ·en tury, w h ich the Nation^a l Alli ance sells, in wh ich he conclusively prove' that the Jews have vastly exaggerated their l ^osses at German hands, but so what? Why sho^u ld we think better of the Germans and, ther^e f^{o re} , or ^o urselves just because they did ⁿ 'tactually gas six million Jews during the war?

Part of the answer to these questions is that Whites h ave , as an i ⁿ born racial characteristic, ^a more highly d^evelop^ed altruism than other races. The impulse in ^t he White race-soul which gave rise to chivalry, for ^example, is ^{u n}known to the mestizo, to th^e unas�imilated Jew, and to the A frican Negro. It may very well be that we have child abuse in thi^s country, that we are often b rutal ^t oward women and prisoners and others over whom we have an ad ^vantage, but these things arc ⁿothi ⁿg com pared to the brutality which is nat^{u r}al and habitual among the non-White races of this earth

Our altruis^mis a wonderful thing, and we must never lose it. But we must learn to di rect it ^exclusively toward the member^s of our own racial community. W hen it is not coupled with ^a h^{e a}lth y xenophobia reg^{a r}d i ng other races, t hen it becomes an ^especially swift fonn of mass suicide.

Misdirected altruism, undiscriminating altruism, is part of the answer. Another part is that our over-civilized life-style during the last century or so has made us too ^morally soft, too squeamish in the presence of Nature' ^srealities . The old cylce of birth, struggle, and death still holds, but we like to pretend that it doesn't.

We don't want to accept the fact that the ^world and Its ^resources are finite, and ^t hat the ^mor^ethere are of them, of other ^races, the more tightly we wiU be squeezed .

We don't want to face the truth that when a race's birth rate is high, then either its death rate must be correspondi ⁿgly high or it must expand at some other race's expense - as is the case wi ^th the Chicanos and us today. We arc afraid to accept the responsibility for making sure that the former of those two possibilities is the one

We don't want to realize that, had our ancestors not killed a great many American Indians and squeezed the rest of them into reservations, we'd all be mestized now, Chicanos, and there would be no United States as such.

In the old days, when each of us had to kill his own meat before he could eat, our understanding of these things was less clouded. Nowadays we still like our steak rare, but we look down on the butcher.

And we still enjoy all the luxuries and advantages of our White birthright, but we have become ashamed of the fact that a great deal of blood — non-White blood — was spilled in establishing and maintaining that birthright during tens of thousands of years of prehistory and history. If our ancestors had been "nice" to the non-White and the partly White races they came in contact with, we wouldn't be here today.

Relative to the current immigration crisis, what this all boils down to is that, while we may still be ready to shoot down armed troops storming across our borders, we are not ready to do the same to unarmed, brownskinned women and children, who are just as dangerous as armed troops in the long run.

Unwilling to shoot, we instead indulge ourselves in liberal fantasies about America being "big enough for everybody" and optimistically assume that if we

grant citizenship to the non-White hordes already here and pass a few laws to make it a little harder for the ones still pouring across the border to find jobs, everything will work out all right, with no unpleasantness for anyone. We seem to have forgotten that granting citizenship to our Negro slaves more than a century ago has made them no less Negroes than they were before — but has made them infinitely harder to live with.

And so we find ourselves, as a race, slowly sinking in a cesspool of colored subhumanity, able to calculate that within another two generations the fifth will be over our heads — and yet unable to act to save ourselves. That is where the White majority of America stands today.

And the situation is different only in degree throughout the rest of the White world. In southerr Africa the situation is more critical than it is in the United States. In Canada, Australia, Britain, and most of Europe it is not yet as critical as it is here, but we are essentially all in the same boat. When the boat goes down we all drown, those on the upper decks just as surely as those on the lower decks even if a bit later.

And it need not be so. If we could snap out of the mora paralysis which grips us, we have the physical means to settle the racial threat facing us in ar instant and for all time. If we could once again, as a race, facup to the simple but profound the transfer of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the sample of the s

some huge, worldwide nursery school, where all we have to do is enjoy ourselves and be nice to everyone else, and some kindly schoolmaster up in the sky will keep us from getting into any really nasty jams — if we could wake up from that dream — then we would be well on the way toward a solution to our problem.

Ultimately we need to go a bifurther and relearn the eterna wisdom that there can be no lifunless there is also death; that there can be no progress, no evolution, except when the king dom of life is hierarchical in structure, not equalitarian; and that the hierarchy of life is determined by struggle.

No race remains long at the top of that hierarchy unless it retains its moral superiority — its will — as well as its physical superiority. It has always been that way, and it is that way today.

If one wants to be perverse, one can distort that wisdom into something altogether different, and that is exactly what the disseminators of the liberal poison which keeps us paralyzed have done. They tell us that man used to live according to the Law of the Jungle, which says "kill or be killed," but that now we have risen above that law, and it no longer applies to us.

In the old days, they say, man lived a very brutish and unpleasant existence, always fighting and killing, all his energies absorbed in just staying alive, all his ingenuity devoted to plans for

killing his neighbors. Then grad-\nually we learned that killing is
wicked; that inequality and domination are wicked; that everyone\nis really the same, regardless of
race, creed, color, or national
origin; that no group has the right
to decide the fate of another
group; and that if we will all love
one another and abide by the
Golden Rule instead of the Law of
the Jungle we will all be healthy,
wealthy, and wise and live to a
ripe old age.

It was only when we rose above the Law of the Jungle that true civilization became possible, with station wagons and backyard barbecues and Sammy Davis, Jr., for everyone. And, of course, we will lose all these wonderful things if we abandon the Golden Rule and go back to the Law of the Jungle again — that is, if we drag all those little mestizos out from under the bed, hustle them back across the border, and then do whatever it takes to make sure they stay there.

Very roughly, that is the philosophical claptrap which is used to justify our present rate of moral paralysis. For the more sophisticated moral basket cases among us it is dressed up with lots of additional rhetoric about world opinion and the brotherhood of man and the necessity of staying in the good graces of the Third World, but that is its essence. And it is, of course, total nonsense.

There is nothing brutish about accepting the facts of life. Being realistic, being mature, being

morally responsible, does not mean a descent back into the jungle — quite the contrary.

Nor does it mean being bloodthirsty. The morally responsible person is not an insensitive person or a crude and violent person or a person motivated by hatred. He may love animals and children and poetry — but he faces the facts, whatever they may be.

He accepts his responsibility for the state of affairs in the world around him whenever he is in a position to influence those affairs. And he is ready to kill — without hatred, without passion — when killing is necessary, instead of wringing his hands and moaning about not having the right. He understands that the Creator bestows the right upon those who are fit to bear it.

Contrary to liberal dogma, not only our civilization but our very existence today is a consequence of the fact that our ancestors understood the above truth, a least intuitively, and acted on it We will lose both our civilization and our existence in very shor order if we do not begin to under stand it also.

(Issue No. 54, 1977

The Buying of Mr. Churchill

The man most directly responsible for the demise of the British Empire and its replacement as a world power by the Soviet Empire is Winston Leonard Spencer Churchill (1874-1965). The policies which he advocated as a member of the British government in the period just before World War II and the policies which he followed as prime minister during that war were diametrically opposed to the interests of the British people and led ultimately to the sad plight in which Britain finds herself today. Churchill acted as he did, because he consciously and deliberately serving alien interests from 1938, at the latest, until the end of the war.

Winston Churchill was the descendant of a noble family, the son of Lord Randolph Churchill, who was the third son of the seventh duke of Marlborough. As a young man Winston was a dilettante who early developed a lifelong taste for expensive clothes, imported cigars, old brandy, and the other amenities of "the good life."

Although he enjoyed a brief and desultory stint as a newspaper correspondent in his early twenties, he soon decided that he could more readily support the style of life to which he wished to become accustomed by claiming a place for himself at the public trough. At the age of 26 he entered Parliament

As a politician young Churchill continued his dilettante ways, serving in a number of minor posts and switching from one party to another whenever he thought such a move would further his career. Although he displayed only minimal qualities of statesmanship, his family connections and his sharp eye for the main chance led to his steady advancement, and in 1908 he was promoted to the cabinet. When World War I broke out Churchill became first lord of the admiralty, with the job of supervising the British Navy.

In the latter post Churchill's lack of a mature sense of responsibility and his ineptness as a military strategist led to disaster. He directed the utterly bungled Gallipoli campaign against the Turks in 1915, which led to a total defeat for the British, with more than 100 000 casualties.

Forced to resign his admiralty post in disgrace, Churchill decided to concentrate his energies on developing his one talent: a gift for theatrical oratory. Spending as much as six weeks preparing for a single speech, he would carefully rehearse every intonation and dramatic pause, carefully practice every gesture and facial expression before a mirror. He became a demagogue of rare ability.

Neither his disgrace as a military bungler nor his subsequent success as a political spell-binder abated his taste for expensive living, however, and in the period between the first and second world wars Churchill habitually lived far beyond his means. Finally in 1938, when he was 64 years old, his creditors prepared to foreclose on him, and he was faced with the prospect of a

forced sale of his luxurious country estate.

At this hour of crisis a dark and mysterious figure entered Churchill's life: he was Henry Strakosch, a multimillionaire Jew who had acquired a fortune speculating in South African mining ventures after his family had migrated to that country from eastern Austria. Strakosch stepped forward, advanced the aging demagogue a "loan" of 150,000 pounds just in time to save his estate from the auctioneer, and then quietly slipped into the background again. In the years that followed, Strakosch served as Churchill's adviser and confidant but miraculously managed to avoid the spotlight of publicity which thenceforth illuminated Churchill's again-rising political career.

Churchill immediately became the sharpest Parliamentary critic of his own party's (at that time he had once again switched from the Liberals back to the ruling Conservatives) policy of detente with National Socialist Germany. He took up the Jewish cry. "Delenda est Germania — Germany must be destroyed," and urged his government, in a series of jingoistic and blood thirsty speeches, to join the Jewish "holy war" against Hitler This was the same Churchill who in September 1937, had said o Hitler: "If our country were de feated, I hope we should find champion as indomitable to restore our courage and lead u back to our place among th nations."

CHURCHILL liked to think of himself as a great warlord, but he cam across at the personal level as a petty gangster: theatrical, irresponsible and immensely value.

ILLUSTRATED SUNDAY HERALD, FEBRUARY 8, 1920

ZIONISM versus BOLSHEVISM.

A STRUGGLE FOR THE SOUL OF THE JEWISH PEOPLE.

By the Rt. Hon. WINSTON S. CHURCHILL

OME people like Jews and some do not; but no thoughful man can doubt the fact that they are beyond all question the most formidable and the most remarkable race which has ever

Discard, the Jew Prime Minister of England, and Leuden of the Conservative Party, who was dways true to his race and proud of his origin, said on a well-known occasion; "The Lard deals with the nations as the nations deal with the Jove." Certainly when we look at the miserable state of Russia, where of all countries in the world the Jewwere the most cruelly created, and contrast is with the fortunes of our own country, which seems to have been as providentially preserved until the autological for these times, we must admit that mothing that has since happened in the history of the world has falsified the truth of Disraeli's confident

fiend and Pad leve

The conflict between good and evil which proceeds an easingly in the breast of monsteer reaches such an intensity as in the Jewish race. The dual nature of mankind a nowhere inner strongly or more terrible exemplified. We now to the Jews in the Christian revolution a system of efficie which even if it were entirely separated from the supermatural, would be incomparably the most precious possession of mankind, worth in fact the limits of all other wisdom and learning put together. On that system and by that faith there has been built out of the wreck of the Roman Empire the whole of our entire to entire the relief of the Roman Empire the whole of our entire to entire the relief of the Roman Empire the whole of our entire to entire the relief of the Roman Empire the whole of our entire to evidence the residence of the Roman Empire the whole of our entire relief on the life of the residence of the Roman Empire the whole of our entire or evidence and the relief of the Roman Empire the whole of our entire or evidence and the relief of the Roman Empire the whole of our entire or evidence and the relief of the Roman Empire the whole of our entire or evidence and the relief of the Roman Empire the whole of our entire or evidence and the relief of the relief of the relief of the relief of the relief of the relief of the relief of the relief of the relief of the relief of the relief of the relief of the relief of the relief of the relief of the relief of the relief of the relief of the relief of the relief of the relief of the relief of the relief of the relief of the relief of the relief of the relief of the relief of the relief of the relief of the relief of the relief of the relief of the relief of the relief of the relief of the relief of the relief of the relief of the relief of the relief of the relief of the relief of the relief of the relief of the relief of the relief of the relief of the relief of the relief of the relief of the relief of the relief of the relief of the relief of the relief of the relief of the

And it may well be that this same aslounding race may at the present time be in the actual process of producing matther assets of morals and philosophy, as malevolent as Christianity was benevolent, which, if not accessed, would shatter irretrievably all that Christianity has rendered possible. It would almost seem as if the gospel of Christ and the gospel of Antichrist were destined to originate among the same people; and that this mystic and mysterious race had been chosen for the supreme manifestations, both of the divine and the diabolical.

" National " Jews

There can be no greater mistake than it attribute to each individual a recognisable share in the qualities which make up the national character. There are all sorts of men—good, had and, for the most part, in different—in every commy, and in every can make the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the stat

At the present fateful period there are three main lines of political conception among the Jows, two of which are helpful and hopeful in a very high degree to humanity, and the third absolutely destructive.

First there are the Jews who, sheeling is every country throughout the world, identify themselves with that country, enter into it anional life, and, while adhering faithfully to their own religion, regard themselves a citizens in the fullest sense of the State which has received them. Such a Jew living in England would say. "I am an English men practising the Jewish faith." This is a worthy conception, and useful in the highest degree. We in Great Britain well know that during the great struggle the influence of what may be called the "National Jews" is many lands was east preponderatingly on the side of the Allies; and in our own Arm Jewish soldiers have played a most distinguished part, some rising to the command of armles, others winning the Victoria Cross fo

fr. Churchill lumeeting his old regiment, the 4th Hussars, at Aldershot last week,

The National Russian Jews, in spite of the disabilities under which they have suffered have managed to play an honourable and use ful part in the national life even of Russia San San Russia's conomic resources, and they wer foremost in the creation of those remarkable organisations, the Russian Cooperative Societies. In politics their support has beegiven, for the most part, to liberal and pressive movements, and they have her among the staunchest unbolders of frient ship with France and Great British.

ternational Jews

In violent opposition to all this sphere of Jewish effort rise the schemes of the luter national Jews. The adherents of this siniste confederacy are mostly men reared up among the unhappy populations of countries where Jews are persecuted on account of their race Most, if not all, of them have forsaker the faith of their forclathers, and divorces from their minds all spiritual hopes of the nest world. This movement among the Jewis not new. From the days of Spariness Veishaupt to those of Karl Mark, and dowe to Trotsky (Russia), Bela Kun (Hungary). Rosa Luxembourg (Germany), and Emma Goldman (United States), this world-wide conspiracy for the overthrow of civilisation and for the reconstitution of society on the basis of arrested development, of envious malevolence, and impossible equality, has been steadily growing. It played, as a modern writer, Mrs. Webster, has sably shown, a definitely recognisable part in the targedy of the Prenci Revolution. It has been the main-pring of every subvective movement during the Nilmetenth Century; and now at last this hand of extraordinary personalities from the underworld of the great cities of Europe and America have gripped the Russian people by the hair of their heads and have become practically the undisputed masters of thair

Terrorist Jews.

played in the creation of Boishevism and it the actual bringing about of the Russian Revolution by these international and for the most part atheistical Jews. It is certainly a very, great one; it probably outweight all others. With the notable exception o Lenin, the majority of the leading figures are Jews. Moreover, the principal inspiration and driving power comes from the Jowish leaders. Thus Tchitcherin, a pure Russian, is eclipsed by his nominal subording the leading figures are supported to the subording the subording the subording the subording the subording and the subording the subording the subording the subording the subording the subording the subording the subording the subording the subording the subording the subording the subording the subording the subording the subording the subording the subording subording the subording the subording the subording the subording the subording the subording the subording the subording the subording the subording the subording the subording the subording the subording the subording the subording the subording the subording the subording the subording the subording the subording the subording the subording the subording the subording the subording the subording the subording the subording the subording the subording the subording the subording the subording the subording the subording the subording the subording the subording the subording the subording the subording the subording the subording the subording the subording the subording the subording the subording the subording the subording the subording the subording the subording the subording the subording the subording the subording the subording the subording the subording the subording the subording the subording the subording the subording the subording the subording the subording the subording the subording the subording the subording the subording the subording the subording the subording the subording the subording the subording the subording the subording the subording the subording the subording the

like Bukharin or Lunacharski cannot be compared with the power of Troisky, or of Zinovieff, the Dietator of the Red Citadel (Peteograd), or of Krassin or Radek—all Jews. In the Societ institutions the predominance of Jews is even more astonishing. And the promisent, if not indeed the principal, part in the system of terrorism applied by the Estratordinary Commissions for Combating Counter-Revolution has been taken by Jews, and in same untable cuses by Jewsesses. The same evil prominence was obtained by Jews in the brief period of terror during which field Kun rated in Hungary. The same phenomenon has been presented in Germany (especially in Bawaria), so far as this madness has been allowed to prey upon the temporary prostration of the German people. Although in all these cruntries there are many non-Jews very whit as had as the worst of the Jewish revolutionaries, the part played by the latter in proportion to their numbers in the pupula-

Protector of the Jews."

Needless to say, the missi intrine passions of reverge have been excited in the hirasts of this Russian people. Wherever tieneral Denkint's authority could reach, protection was always accurded to the Jewish pipulation, and strenuous efforts were made by his officers in prevent reprisals and to punish those guilty of them. So much was this the case that the Petluris propaganda against General Denkin denounced him as the Protector of the Jews. The Misser Healy, nieces of Mr. Tim Healy, it relating their personal experiences it Kieff, have declared that to their know ledge on more than one occasion officers with committed offences against Jews were reduced to the ranks and sent out of the city to the trunks and sent out of the city whom the whole vast expanse of the Russian Empire is becoming infested do not hesitate to gratify their lust for blood and for revenge at the expense of the innocent Jewish population whenever an opportunity occurs. The brigand Makhno, the hordes of Petlura and Gregorieff, who signalised their every success by the most brutal massaeres, every where found among the half-stupefied, half-infuriated population a eager response to

The fact that in many cases Jewish interests and Jewish places of wurship are excepted by the Bolsheviks from their universal hostility has tended more and more to associate the Jewish race in Russia with the villainies which are now being perpetrated. This is an injustice on millions of helpless

people, must of whom are themselves suficres from the revolutionary rejeme. It to comes, therefore, specially important to luster and develop any strongly-marked lewish movement which leads directly away from these fatal associations. And it is here that Zimism has such a deep significance for the whole world at the present time.

A Home for the Jews

Zimism offers the third sphere to the political conceptions of the Jexcist race. In viofeur contrast to intermotional communism, it presents to the Jew a national files of a communding character. It has fallen to the British Government, as the result of the conquest of Palestine, to have the opportunity and the responsibility of securing for the Jowish case all over the world a home and a secure of national life. The state-manship and historic sense of Mr. Bulfour were proupt to seize this opportunity. Declarations have been made which have irreventibly herdled the policy of Great Britain. The litry corgios of Dr. Weissmann, the leader, for practical purposes, of the Zionist project, headed by many of the most prominent British Jews, and supported by the full artherity of Lord Alfourly, pre all directed to achieving the success of this inspiring move-

Of course, Pulestine is for too small to communicate more than a fraction of the lewish race, nor do the majority of national lews wish to go there. But if, as may well appear, there should be created in our own detime by the banks of the Jordan a Jewish State under the protection of the Brit... Trown, which might comprise three or four nillions of Jews, an event would law scurred in the history of the world which should, from every point of view, be beneful, and would be expecially in harmony with the truest interests of the British

Zionism has already become a Jactor in the political convulsions of Rossia, as a priverful competing influence in Bolshevik circles with the international communistic system. Nothing could be more significant that the fory with which Trotsky has attacked the Zionisis, generally, and Dr. Weissmann in particular. The cruel penetration of his small leaves him in no doubt that his alternes of a world-wide communistic State under Jewish domination are directly thwared and bindi red by this new ideal, which directs the energies and the larges of Jews in every land towards a simpler, a truer, and a far more attainable goal. The struggle which is now heighoring between the Zionist and Boshevik Jews is little less than a struggle for the sou of the levish neodle.

liuty of Loyal Jews

It is particularly important in these circumstances that the national Jews in every country who are toyal to the land of their dopinor should come forward on every occasion, as many of them in England have fready those, and take a prominent part in every measure for combating the Bolshevik mappracy. In this way they will be able o vindicate the homour of the Jewish name and make it clear to all the world that the folshevik movement is not a Jewish movement, but is repudated vehemently by the great mass of the Jewish race.

in any field is not enough. Positive and practicable alternatives are needed in the moral is well as in the smelal sphere; and in building up with the utmost possible rapidity a text of the neutron of the present of the present of the present of the present of the present of the present of the present of the present of the present of the present of the present of the present of the present of the present of the present of the present of the present of the present of the present of the present of the present of the present of the present of the present of the present of the present of the present of the present of the present of the present of the present of the present of the present of the present of the present of the present of the present of the present of the present of the present of the present of the present of the present of the present of the present of the present of the present of the present of the present of the present of the present of the present of the present of the present of the present of the present of the present of the present of the present of the present of the present of the present of the present of the present of the present of the present of the present of the present of the present of the present of the present of the present of the present of the present of the present of the present of the present of the present of the present of the present of the present of the present of the present of the present of the present of the present of the present of the present of the present of the present of the present of the present of the present of the present of the present of the present of the present of the present of the present of the present of the present of the present of the present of the present of the present of the present of the present of the present of the present of the present of the present of the present of the present of the present of the present of the present of the present of the present of the present of the present of the present of the present of the present of

CHURCHILL'S relationship with the Jews changed markedly during his political career. In the 1920's and the early 1930's he was not afraid to criticize Jews occasionally — or to praise Hitler — but after receiving 150,000 pounds from Henry Strakosch in 1938 he thenceforth uttered only the most extravagant praise for Jews and the most vitriolic condemnations of Hitler and Germany. Even as early as 1920, however, Churchill was careful to salt his criticisms of "bad Jews" and their destructive activities with obsequious references to "good Jews" and their supposed benevolence. This article in the Illustrated Sunday Herald of February 8, 1920, roused the Jews to a fury against Churchill, because it exposed communism as a Jewish plot for world domination. Churchill's praise of Zionism and his erroneous attribution of Christian morals and philosophy to Jews did little to salve their outrage. It is difficult to decide whether the rose-colored view of Zionism expressed here is due to naivete or hypocrisy. Perhaps he genuinely believed that Zionism was a movement "in harmony with the truest interests of the British Empire," rather than an alternative Jewish plot for world domination fully as evil and dangerous as communism.

perhaps not. In any event, it is clear that, despite the fulsome Jew-fawning of the first few paragraphs of his article, Churchill was issuing a thinly veiled warning to the Jews in Britain: "Behave, or else; repudiate the communist activities and doctrines of your fellow Jews and belp us keep the communist menace from taking over Britain, or we'll all know whom to blame." After 1938 Churchill never came close to making as frank a public statement on the Jewish problem as this; the struggle for his own soul had been decided, and the Jews were the victors. And having sold out to the Jews, Churchill then had no qualms about dealing with communists as well; he sat down with Joseph Stalin and planned the post-WW II dismemberment of the British Empire. There is one minor error in the article above: Lenin was actually at least one-quarter Jewish; and one major piece of hypocrisy: Churchill knew well that the "national" Jews he praised for their contribution to the British war effort actually came over to the British side only after helping their Zionist brethern extort from the British government a promise of ald in securing Palestine as a future Jewish state.

lantly commented that "one of the most shameful and racist chapters in the history" of America is now closed.

Then on July 20 in Los Angeles the California Court of Appeals referred to the same atmosphere of permissiveness invoked by Judge Simonson when it reversed the conviction of a man for raping in the case of a punishment citonate to the Court Justice Lynn D. Compton said: "Under such circumstances it would not be unreasonable for the defendant here to believe that the female would consent to sexual relations."

The next step will be for America's courts, as anxious to stay

lantly commented that "one of the most shameful and racist chapters in the history" of America is now closed.

Then on July 20 in Los Angeles the California Court of Appeals referred to the same atmosphere of permissiveness invoked by Judge Simonson when it reversed the conviction of a man for raping at woman hitchiker. Noting that "it may not speak well of the prevailing standard of morality," Justice Lynn D. Compton said: "Under such circumstances it would not be unreasonable for the defendant here to believe that the female would consent to sexual relations."

The next step will be for America's courts, as anxious to stay ruled that rape does not constitute

these lodes are exhausted, there may be no economically feasible way to recover the minerals in them elsewhere — especially in the case of the less abundant elements. But even in the case of such elements as iron and aluminament. But even in the case of such elements as iron and aluminament that the supply of them is virtually inexhaustible, the ores from which they can be most easily and economically extracted in the last in the last ingreason for domestic congry and other eley, national elements are forced to resort to ores of lower and lower quality, the cost in the case of such elements as iron and aluminament. Such that the supply of them is virtually inexhaustible, the ores from which they can be most easily and economically extracted to resort to ores of lower and lower quality, the cost in the case of such elements as iron and alumination where economic considerations are to find the going difficult less, it is encouraging a strong effort has be recent years by control projects.

on of energy and other ces: namely, national y through self-sufficiency. It is only through self-sufficiency. It is only one at ime, are the conservation romational patrimony, the tion of our environment, the rebuilding of our national ter.

Similar considerations apply to petroleum. There is a great deal of it still in the ground, but not all of it is equally easy to recover. Oil from deeper wells, from oil shale, or from tar sands is all more costly oil than that from the domestic oil fields which we are rapidly depleting today. There may still be petroleum left for our great-grandchildren, as well as

Conserving the Patrimony

America is (or was) richly aduval resources: petroleum and atural gas, timber, fresh water, a riety of metallic ores, vast tracts of grasslands for grazing and ritle soil for farming. Some of ese resources have been used ith at least a modicum of foreght and consideration for future onerations of our people, but ost have not.

We have, for example, created undreds of thousands of acres of experience of the many still be petroleum left for our great-grandchildren, as well as quantities of all the other minerals which we are presently taking from the lodes in which Nature spent tens of millions of years concentrating them, but our descendants will be obliged to work harder to recover what is left of these resources than we are working.

Beyond Economics

hundreds of thousands of acres of new farmland in previously infertile areas of our country, and, with some glaring exceptions, we have, in recent years, generally followed sound soil-conservation practices in other parts of the country. But we have simply obliterated the greatest part of America's original endowment in timber.

Part of this obliteration has been through the gradual cn-croachment of farms and highways, factories and suburbs, on previously forested areas. And part of it has been through a sort of get-rich-quick style of exploitation by timber and paper companies.

But there are more than economic considerations. When a primeval forest is cut down or a lake "killed" by using it as a convenient cesspool, far more is lost than the monetary value of the imber or the fish involved. The same is true when an ore-filled mountain is converted to an unsightly heap of tailings or a meadow is bulldozed and asphalted over to make a supermarket parking lot.

Consumption and pollution are strongly linked; generally, the more there is of the former, the more there will be of the latter.

But there are more than economic considerations. When a primeval forest is cut down or a lake "killed" by using it as a convenient cesspool, far more is lost than the monetary value of the timber or the fish involved. The same is true when an ore-filled mountain is converted to an unsightly heap of tailings or a meadow is bulldozed and asphalted over to make a supermarket parking lot.

Consumption and pollution are strongly linked; generally, the more there is of the former, the more there will be of the latter.

But at any evalue of the timber or the fish involved. The same is true when an ore-filled mountain is converted to an unsightly heap of tailings or a meadow is bulldozed and asphalted over to make a supermarket parking lot.

Consumption and pollution are strongly linked; generally, the more there will be of the latter.

But at any evalue of the timber or the fish involved. The same is true when an ore-filled mountain i

much one is willing to pay.

Historically, Americans have not been willing to pay very much to preserve "non-economic" environmental features.

Today there is a great hullabaloo about "protecting our environment," and laws have been passed — some of which are actually being enforced, in some instances — limiting the amount of pollutants which automobile exhaust pipes and factory smokestacks can pour into the air and municipal and industrial sewerage systems can dump into our lakes and rivers.

But, with few exceptions, these laws became possible only after we discovered that there is a direct relationship between the concentration of certain pollutants in the air we breathe, the water we drink, and the food we eat and the likelihood of our dying an

pletely aside from considerations of conserving resources or maximizing profits.

Fundamental Considerations
\ner
Even more fundamental spiritual considerations are another thing. They argue against waste

e modern mania for consumption has devoured the land, blotted out the sk; The American people acquiesce in the unbridled exploitation of America sts and the developers so long as they remain convinced that it brings them "n never quite return to the simple, village life which many Americans experso; the past cannot be recovered. But there is a better way than the cluttered rat race which is becoming the norm today. White Americans can have onal patrimony can be conserved. The natural environment can be restored lent in resources and remain militarily and economically strong. None of the inder the present political-economic system, because it cannot discipline itself.

1 00 TH E B EST OF ATTAC K! AND NATIONAL VAN G UARD TABLOI D himself, and his concern for its slate should be that which he has for the state of his own soul. He who defiles the world defiles himself. By the same token, however, man is no stranger in N ature's house, no mere guest bound by the requirements of propriety to observe but not to medd le. Just as he is somet imes obliged to purge himself or even to cut a cancer or environmental ists, as "socialisl meddling. " Related Facts ll is a fact that in the last century the industrialized West has generated a vastly higher per future, less faithful to their friends and less relentless against their enemies, less willing to bear hardship and less able to face adversity with equan imity, less determined to find meaning and purpose in their lives than to enjoy themselves, less responsible, ciencies wrought by science and tech nology, but at the same time imposes a regimen for dai ly living which avoids the debilitating pitfalls inherent in this technological age; a program which , above all, is firmly fixed on the purpose of carrying the race a step closer to 25 centuries ago in Greece , a democracy limited to participation by the Hellenes alone, who were a small racial and cultural elite ruling over a much larger indigenous population of helots. Possible, but not likely: Racial Suicide Under the condit ions prevail ing today, and with a total lack or

from his body in order that it may continue to funct ion, so he is obliged to take a hand in the affairs of the natural world, sometimes pruning and sometimes fer-Slaying Heallhy capita income - expressed in the numbers of automobiles, telephones, refrigerators, TV sets, and motorized gol f carts per citizen - than the world has ever berorc known (and also vastly higher than the much more populous Th ird World now k nows or cnn ever hope 10 know). The U n ited S1a1es is among t he top hal f-dozen Western nal ions in this rega rd. II is also a fact that the indus-1rialized West - includi ng, in part icular, White America - is less dignified , less honorable. Pusil l animity, Nonchalance How otherwise to explain White Americans' pusillanimous response to forced racial busing and to governmental favoritism toward non-Whites? How otherwise to explain their nonchalance iri the face of the massive invasion of non-White aliens from Mexico now taking place? How otherwise to explain their godhood , rather than al lowing it to fall bac k again to the level of sub-man. With such a minority in a guid ing position - with such a program elevated to the level of national policy - America can have national self-su fficiency in energy and all other necessary resources; a non-pol luting i ndustry and a non-pol luting citizenry; an unmatched level of e fficiency in its indusiry. its transportation, and ils defense establishment; and at the same time a hard, tough , qualifying limitations on participation, democracy is tantamount to national and racial suicide. In particu lar, a d emocratic America will n ot and cannot exercise the health.

tilizi ng, often guiding, often rearrangi ng - but always with reverence, always keeping in mind the greater Whole of which both he and the natural world are inseparable parts. This is the Cosmotheisl viewpoint . But there is also another reason for restraint in our mad rush to convert the natural resources of the world around us into billions of hula hoops and plastic hair rollers and Chevrolets and softdrin k contain ers and pocket calculators and fast-food d rive-ins - and lots of money in the bank for everybody. Thal reason is our moral health, our national character, the fi tness-for-survival of our collcc1 ive race-soul: White Americans have always been a nalion of doers and morally in extremis today. T h e t w o facts arc not unrelated . 11 is no1 surprising 1 lm1 a people which is no longer obliged to hew ils own firewood and haul its own water no longer has a full appreciation of the value of these commodities and tends to waste them . 1 t should also not be surprising that a people which spends an average of 21 hours each week sprawled in front of its TV sets, spends \$32 billion each year on liquor and cigarettes (40 per cent unwillingness to speak out against their government's abominable policy toward southern Africa? H ow 01 herwise LO ex plain 1 heir con tinued inability to k nock t l 1e Israeli monkey off their backs? How 0 1 herwise to explain Jimmy Carter? Wcallh and comrorl arc in themselves morally debi litating, in the long ru n. But what can be done aboul 1hat? Who can reasonably be expected to willingly opt for privat ion when wealth is at hand , for hardship when comfort disciplined , physic ally and morally fi1 citizenry. Furthermore, ii can have all these things and ^a cit izenry which is also reasonably happy (as happy as one can reasonably hope to be in this life; happier, al the very least, l han it is now). And the reason America does not have any of these things now - the reason its citizenry is behaving collectively with about as much dignity, res1raint, and foresight as a gang of niggers at a watermelon feast - is that the self-d iscipline needed to ach ieve self-su f ficiency in energy and other national rcs<Jurces; to conserve 1he national patrimony; to adeq uately pro1ect the natural environment; and, especial ly, to rein in consumption to a level more consistenl with morol The i nability of America and its corporation- for-profit economy to cut back on foreign oil imports was detai led in the previous ATIACK! The present spectacle of the Congress rejecting one part after another of Mr. Carter's halfhearted collection of half-measu res which he calls an "energy program" is j ust another con firmation of the s ame fact: a democracy is inherently incapable or disciplining itself, even when its col lective life is at slake. A New Sia rt

makers, a race on the move. and it is perhaps understandable that they have become i n fected by the as much as it spends on national de fense, eight times as m uch as il spends on basic scientific research), and owns an average of 1 . 7 motor vehicles per household has lost some of the moral toughness of the pioneer stock · from which it is descended . A life of ease and consumption is availab le? Who can reasonably be ex pected to walk w hen he can ride instead? The answer is easy . There has always been a minority of men and women of our race able to forgo an immediale pleasure in order to realize an ultimate benefit - and also with a high-minded and long-range view of what concountry is neither guided by its most fil and high-mi nded citizens, nor does it have a firm national policy - of any kind. Manipulaled Mass Despite the mind less asserlion of 1he Right that " America is a republic, not a democracy; let's We can conclude that our government, as it is presently constituted . will adop1 no adequa1e, long-r ange resou rce-conservation plan; and 1hat, even if it did, 1he plan would no1 be success ru l under the p rese nt economic S)'Slem. These hard facts ma) be

spurious notion t hat economicindustrial activity i• a good thing in u11d of itself. aside from the ends toward which the acti vity is directed . Use ii up, wear il out, throw it away - then buy an-01her; 1hat a p1>roach is jus1ified on the grounds that ii keeps the wheels of industry turning and the economy healthy. In a similar vein, the unrestricled exploitation of natu ral resources is justified on the grounds that it makes a better life for everyone. Often this simply is not so, even if one's noLion of 1 1 ^a better life" is only a life cluuered with more ''conveniences. , , In is not a life which builds strong character. A life without daily danger and daily hard work and the daily necessity to improvise does not tend to develop selfdiscipline or will or resourcefulness or the ability to make stern decisions. As White Americans have become more arnuent and more comfortable, they have become less morally fit: Jess vigilant and less tough-minded in .their outlook , less conscious of their proud racial heritage, Jess demanding of themselves and others, Jess disstitutes a benefit and what d oes not. There have always been a few incorru ptibles, a few i mmune to t he temptalions of wealth, a few willing to do things the hard way whenever they see it as the better way . And we are not referring to masochists or flagellants, to those who would neu rotically reject the easy way even when they saw it as the better way or lhe necessary way . We are tal king about the minority of clear vision , strong will, and common sense, able to Bohemond and keep it that way," the fact is that America is a democracy - at least, a pro /orr11a democracy. In real ity, ii is a head less, sou lless, cosinopolitan mass of human (and sub-human) aloms, exploited and m anipulated _by a d iverse arr-ay of uuerly selfish specialinteresl groups, the Slrongesl or which are racially and spiritually alien to the White majority. It may be possible to make a convincing argument for democracy under some conditions and within certain limits - possibly under the conditions which existed delicacies which Alexius sent to his quarters outside the city before he would touch them himself. The mutual suspicions of Greek and Norman were well founded . Bohemond was aware that Alexunpalatable 10 those enamored of the d emocra1ic form of government - as well as to those who are u n alterably opposed to "socialisl' ' solutions -- but 1 hey are facts, nevert hele<>. And they a re 1he facts which must be used as n 'tarting point by 1 hose Americans who bel ieve that 1he survival of the race is infini tely more i mportant than any set of political, social, or economic institutions. (Issue No. 56, 1977) regaining the heartland of the empire in Anatolia (the modern Turkey), which had been lost to the Seljuk Tu rks fol lowing the catastrophic Byzantine defeat at Manzikert in 1 071. But Alexius's

any event, the true motivation for exploitat ion is more often the enrichment of a few capitalists than the betterment of a people. Thus, it is unders1andable that the the First Crusade Almost everyone has some acquaintance with the Crusades, those great, collective ventures in which the men of Europe s trove to regain the Holy Land for Christendom . The aura of romance which clings to the exploits of the flower of European chivalry against the infidel usurpers of the holy places of the East needs no apology. Yet , as important as religious ardor was in this great oulpouring of our Western civilization's nascent energies, it was contest, even more fundamental than the religious sentiment." The Crusader leaders were m ore eager to conquer the Near East for themselves than to make it safe for pilgrims, and they came to despise the Levantine Christians as much as they did their Moslem brethren. Perhaps the greatest of all the Crusaders who flocked to the Levant in search of conquest and adventure was the great Norman, Bohemond of Taranto. On April 9, 1 097, Bohemond the Norman's journey from Italy across Macedonia and Thrace, he harked back to their previous encounters, in that same territory over 15 years before , when the emperor had met the predatory Norman on the baulefield instead of in the con ference room. Bohemond interrupted . There was no profit in dredging up the past, he pointed out. Now he had come as an ally, and he and his fellow Normans stood ready to help the Greeks recover the eastius's and his courtiers' gl ittering facade of polished manners masked an Oriental propensity for scheming and treachery which the word "Byzantine" has connoted to this day. For his part, the Greek emperor mistrusted all the Western barbarians who were marching east to Byzantium , but most of all the rut hless and cunning Normans, who had already given ample evidence of their designs on his realms. Since his accession in 1 081, Alexius Comnenus had successfully fought off one threat to his empire afler another: fierce request for a force of Western mercenaries to spearhead the reconquest had been transformed by Pope Urban II at Clermont into the proclamation of a great Crusade, not only to aid the beleagured Greek Christians, but also to regain the holy places in Palestine where Christ and his disciples had walked more than a millennium before. Urban's call had first borne fruit in a wave of religious fanaticism which had swept through the peasantry of France and Germany . In their enthusiiasm, they carried out a series of

ern lands they had J ost to the Turks. Despite the honeyed words with which the meeting ended,

Pechenegs from the nort h, Bohemond and his Normans from the West, marauding Turks from the east. By the early 1 090's it seemed that the emperor could think of bloody pogroms against the Jews of the Rhineland , whom they regarded (with much justice) as alien usurers and agents of the Moslems. This Peasants' Cru-

nae Palace in Constantinople. After Alexius had inquired as to however, Bohemond ordered a subordinate to sample the costly

and Emperor Alexius I Comnenus confronted each other in the ornate chambers of the Blacher-

not the chief factor in the drive

As the Oxford historian William Stevenson wrote, "There is a national and racial aspect of the

against the Levant.

sally forth against the remaining Crusaders, who threw them back with some difficulty.

Despite these successes, the Franks still lacked food. The poorer foot soldiers and pilgrims began to flee to the mountains and the coast. In January, Peter the Hermit, who had joined the Crusade after the failure of his Peasants' Crusade, tried to desert. He was collared by Tancred and brought back in disgrace. His attempted defection was kept quiet, in view of his prestige among the humbler Crusaders.

In early February 1098 the Byzantine general Taticius fled, on the pretext of obtaining supplies. He told Alexius Comnenus a dubious story of a plot orchestrated by Bohemond to put him in fear of his life from the other Franks. Taticius, a Turk who had entered the Byzantine service, was in truth widely disliked by the Franks, but his desertion resulted more probably from the privations of the campaign and from the news that a great force of Moslems under the leadership of Ridvan, Emir of Aleppo, was approaching Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos Antipos A

On February 8 Bohemond lured Ridvan's army into a narrow plain between the Orontes and the Lake of Antioch, where the Turks were unable to exploit their numerical superiority. At the critical moment Bohemond committed his reserve, and his constable Robert Fitzgerald "chased them so vehemently the flames of his banner flew above the heads of the Turks," in the words of the anonymous vassal of Bohemond who wrote The Deeds of the Franks. Ridvan and what remained of his army fled eastward.

Supplies landed at the port of St. Symeon by a Greek fleet manned by Anglo-Saxon refugees from Norman England enabled the Franks to construct improved siege engines and thus tighten their hold on Antioch. Throughout the spring Bohemond pressed his claims to the city in the councils of the Crusader leaders. There was a good deal of justice to them, for the Norman had been the real leader of the siege, although Stephen of Blois exercised a nominal authority as a sort of executive officer and quartermaster — until his precipitate departure shortly before the fall of the city. Raymond of St. Gilles vehemently opposed Bohemond's demands, ostensibly out of his anxiety to uphold the emperor's rights, but moved, in fact, by his own ambitions. Not even the news that yet another Turkish army had set out for Antioch, this time from Mosul, could induce the Frankish leaders to renege on their assurances to Alexius, and Bohemond was forced to bide his time.

Even as he was dickering with his fellow barons over the contro of Antioch, Bohemond had suc ceeded in establishing contac with a certain Firouz, a turncoa Armenian who had thrown ir with the Turks and who was responsible for the defense of a strategic sector of the city walls At dusk on June 2, 1098, a large force of Franks marched east ward, as if headed away from Antioch. Under cover of dark ness, they circled the city south of Mt. Silpius and reached the western wall at the Tower of the Two Sisters. A handful of Bohemond's Normans scaled the wall

THE GRIM DETERMINATION with which the Franks faced their Asiatic foes is embodied in this bronze relief. It represents a German Crusader of the 12th century.

and were admitted to the tower by Firouz. It was short work to admit their fellows through a nearby postern gate.

As the Franks poured into the city, the stunned Turks were able to offer little resistance and were cut down mercilessly. Yaghi Siyan attempted to flee south over Mt. Silpius, but he was thrown from his horse. Deserted by his attendants, he was beheaded by an Armenian as he lay unconscious.

By dawn, Antioch was largely in Frankish hands, except for the citadel, which Yaghi Siyan's son Shams ad Daula had been able to occupy in the confusion. Bohemond was wounded in an unsuccessful attempt to dislodge the Turks from their strategic position high above the city. Two days after the fall of Antioch, Kerbogha, the atabeg (or regent) of Mosul, arrived with a large force

Kerbogha was the most prestigious military leader the Franks had faced in Syria, and his army was the largest of the relief forces which had moved on Antioch, incorporating troops from Persia and Mesopotamia as well as the Syrian cities. Doubtless if Kerbogha had reached Antioch before the city's capture the Crusader army would have been annihilated, but Kerbogha had wasted three weeks in a vain effort to wrest Edessa from Baldwin of Boulogne.

The Franks, nonetheless, found themselves in a difficult position. As always, food supplies were precarlously low. The general euphoria accompanying the seizure and sack of Antioch was succeeded by a decline in morale, especially among the common folk. Nor had Stephen of Blois helped matters by deserting, despite his grave responsibilities.

ing the defenses of Antioch and in maintaining the army's discipline He went so far as to set fire to au entire city quarter which served a a haven for numerous idlers and slackers, and, with Tancred's assistance, he supervised the building of an interior wall to contain the still-threatening Turk ish garrison in the citadel

At this juncture Peter Bartholomew, a peasant from the ranks of the Provençals, approached Bishop Adhemar with a story of certain visions in which St. Andrew had revealed to him the location of the lance which had pierced Christ's side on the cross. Adhemar was skeptical, but digging was commenced on June 15 at St. Peter's Cathedral, and, after scrabbling around for a time in the resulting excavation, Peter Bartholomew triumphantly produced a scrap of metal which he pronounced to be the holy relic.

Although the saintly Agnemar remained unconvinced as to the authenticity of the "Holy Lance," an outburst of religious fervor followed the discovery. Bohemond, although hardly a believer in the validity of the relic, knew how to turn the upsurge in morale to his own and the Franks' advantage. In an unprecedented step the other Frankish chiefs elected Bohemond the military commander of the Crusade, and he decided to stake the Franks' fortunes on a single pitched battle with the larger Turkish force.

On June 28 the Franks marched forth through the Bridge Gate on the north wall. Bohemond had formed them into six divisions: the French and Flemish, led by Hugh of Vermandois and Robert of Flanders; then the Lotharingians, captained by Godfrey of Bouillon; the Normans of Normandy, under their duke, Robert, the Provençals, led by Bishop Adhemar of Le Puy, since Ray mond was sick; and lastly, two detachments of Bohemond's and Tancred's Italian Normans. The first group negotiated the danger ous crossing of the bridge over the Orontes without incident, and then wheeled to the left and right to prevent the Turks from attacking the main force as it marched across the bridge.

For some reason Kerboghanesitated in pressing the attack. The Franks swept forward against the Turkish center in a mighty charge. A Turkish bid to outflank the Frankish left was thrown back by Reginald of Toul, whose force:

Bohemond had held in reserve for just such an eventuality. In the heat of battle the more impressionable Crusaders thought to discern a great company of knights on white horses advancing to their aid, at the head of whom rode St. George, St. Mercury, and St. Demetrius.

Shaken by the fury of the Crusaders, supernatural or other wise, the Turks began to give way First Emir Dukak of Damascus then the Emir of Homs, and finally Kerbogha himself headed south and east in headlong flight The Franks followed as far as the Iron Bridge, taking a heavy toll of the fleeing Moslems. Kerbogha and a pitiful remnant of his army straggled back to Mosul, his glory irreparably tarnished.

Once the Franks were secure in their possession of Antioch (the Turks in the citadel surrendered to Bohemond), the question of the city's ownership was again raised Bohemond's part in capturing the city and in its subsequent defense inclined the barons to favor his claims.

But Raymond of St. Gilles continued to insist on the emperor's prerogatives, all the while upholding his own, since his forces had occupied Yaghi Siyan's palace and the Tower of the Bridge Gate. The majority of the Frankish leaders decided to hold the final decision in abeyance until they captured Jerusalem. Of course, if and when Emperor Alexius arrived with his army, Antioch would revert to the Byzantine Empire.

But the emperor never came. Stephen of Blois had reached Alexius as he advanced through Anatolia. Stephen informed the emperor of the Franks' imminent destruction by Kerbogha. Although Bohemond's half-brother, Guy, a Norman in the imperial entourage, had begged Alexius to honor his oath and speed to his fellow Christians' aid, the emperor decided there was nothing to be done but return to Constantinople. Thus, the Greeks lost alclaim to Antioch and the other Crusader conquests in Syria and Palestine, although Alexius was not shy about asserting his rights to Antioch in the years to come.

Stephen of Blois returned home to his French lands, but his Norman wife Adele gave him no peace until he rejoined the Crusade. He died a hero's death at Ramleh in Palestine in 1102.

In late November the Crusaders left Antioch for Palestine. Bohemond accompanied them for a short way and then returned to Antioch. His men overpowered Raymond's small forces, and Bohemond proclaimed himself Prince of Antioch

While the rest of the Crusaders busied themselves with the conquest of Jerusalem, Bohemond
consolidated and enlarged his
principality. In 1102, while ranging north with a small force
against the Turks, he was taken
prisoner by the Emir of Danishmend. Ransomed in 1104, he
returned to Europe, married the
King of France's daughter
Constance, and raised a large
army. In 1107, with papal sanction, he returned to Greece,
determined to crush the perfidious
Alexius and replace the empire of
the Byzantines with his own
Norman empire. As in the expedition of 1081, however, Bohe
mond's resources proved inade
quate to defeat the Greeks. He
returned to his Italian territories
and in 1111, while raising ye
another army to lead agains
Alexius, Bohemond of Antioch
died at Otraptio

Of all the Franks, Bohemond perhaps best epitomizes the striving, Faustian spirit of our race which manifested itself so dramatically in the Crusades. As the contemporary chronicler of Norman Italy, Romuald of Salerno said of him, "He was always seeking the impossible."

In his determination to employ whatever means were necessary to attain his goals, Bohemond foreshadowed Machiavelli's prince. In the words of the hostile Anna Comnena: "Brought up in the school of Norman heroes, he concealed calculations of policy beneath the exterior of force, and although he was of a haughty disposition, he knew how to be blind to a wrong when there was nothing to be gained by avenging it. . . . He was not restrained by fear of God or by any man's opinions."

THE ARAK DES CHEVALIERS, one of the many casties he Crusaders built in the East. Dating from the reign of Fulk, Frankish King of Jerusalem (1131-1143), the fortress commanded the fertile plain inland from Tripoll, the present-day Tarabulus in Syria. It was garrisoned by the Knights of the Hospital, one of the great crusading orders of the 12th century, and it withstood numerous Moslem sieges before its fall in 1271. Like the other magnificant castle ruins of the Levant, the Krak des Chevaliers bears silent witness to the deeds of the Franks.

During the nearly 200 years which followed Bohemond's seizure of Antioch, successive Crusader armies poured out oceans of blood and squandered mountains of treasure in a series of vain efforts to secure Outremer (as the Crusader states came to be known to the medieval French). The Franks were never numerous enough to form more than a small ruling elite over the dark, teeming masses of Syria and Palestine.

As the originally hardy Crusaders accustomed themselves to the luxuries of the East, they became decadent. They began to rely on the racially alien Levantines for administrative and military support, and in many cases interbred with them. The doom of the Crusader states had been sealed long before the last Frankish stronghold at Acre fell in 1291.

For the racially conscious White of our era, the history of the Crusades has a dual aspect. In their inevitable failure the Crusades form yet another bitter chapter in our race's tragic history in the lands of the eastern Mediterranean. Like the Aryans who preceded them — Hellenes and Persians, Hittites and Mitannians, and all the others — the Franks flouted the laws of race, and the states they founded perished. We must not fail to draw from the consequences of the

Crusades a lesson for the preser situation of our own race.

On the other hand, the decision of tens of thousands of Europeans o leave their homes and face the inknown perils of campaigning in Asia sprang from that same urge which leads and will continue to ead our people to break the bonds of this planet and venture orth into the vast and lonely eaches of the universe. And the

indomitable courage and iron will with which men like Bohemond faced the enemies of their race should serve to inspire us to face them in the same spirit: without fear and without pity.

(Issue No. 56, 1977)

Whither America: Elitism or Racism?

This editorial is based on a talk given by ATTACKI editor Dr. William Pierce at the Sunday-evening meeting of National Alliance members, supporters, friends, and other interested persons in the Washington area on October 16, 1977.

In our universities today and in the pages of the scientific journals a battle is being waged between scientists concerned with racial matters on the one hand — biologists, psychologists, and anthropologists of professional integrity — and pseudo-scientists concerned with upholding the fundamental liberal dogma of universal human equality on the other hand. Despite the well-entrenched position of the pseudo-scientists and their powerful allies in politics and the communications media, encouraging progress is being made by the scientists. Bit by bit the truth is coming to the fore, and the forces of censorship, moral intimidation, and liberal bigotry are losing ground. Reference was made to this struggle in an article on sociobiology in a second integer of ATACK!

The battle is far from being won, however, even in the pages of the scientific journals. And on the popular front the pseudoscientists still rule almost without opposition. The same, tired, old lies about race are being fed to high school students and college undergraduates via their textbooks and their brainwashed teachers and to the general public via their television receivers and their daily newspapers. The slow and painful progress being made on the scientific front is not filtering down to the man in the street.

him if a dangerous trend now under way is not halted. That trend is cosmopolitan elitism, and it is flourishing most unwholesomely in those very segments of our society where the greatest progress has been made against the pseudo-scientific equalitarians.

Consider, for example, the scientists themselves. Their classes have been picketed on university campuses, and they have been heckled and sometimes physically attacked by gangs of Jewish, Chicano, Negro, and other non-White students who have accused them of being racists. The all-too-common response to this intimidation has been the claim by the heckled scientists that they are not racists; that they are not interested in promoting racism but only in establishing the truth in racial matters. William Shockley, a Nobel laureate physicist-turned-geneticist at Stanford University; Arthur Jensen, a psychologist at the University of California at

Berkeley; and Richard Herrnstein, a Jewish psychologist at Harvard University, are all in the forefrom of the battle against the equality myth, and all have repeatedly announced that they are not racists.

To the hecklers, of course, wanting to establish the truth is racism; the only way not to be a racist is to fervently believe the equality myth. For our discussion here let us adopt a somewhat less extreme definition of racism; let us define it as a subjective preference for living, learning, and loving among the members of one's own race — as a spiritual and emotional bond between the members of a racial group. That is a definition with which most reasonable people will agree. That is the definition most scientists have in mind when they claim they are not tacists: they are claiming that they have no subjective preference for members of their own race.

That does not mean that they regard their race as equal to all others. They recognize the manifest fact that individual men are unequal in intelligence, in aggressiveness, in creative ability, and ir every other characteristic you might name — and they also recognize that there are racial differences in all these characteristically demonstrated fact, for example that the Negro population as a whole is less intelligent than the White population as a whole. But they maintain that it is not the population as a whole with which they are concerned in making personal decisions about living learning, and loving but only the individual.

This attitude was illustrated especially well by an article which appeared in American Opinion, the magazine of the conservative John Birch Society, some months ago. The author of the article was complaining about the Federal government's forced-housing program. His position was that a person should have the right to self or rent a home to the kind of people he wants to, not those the government says he has to.

The Bircher said that he — and conservatives generally — have no objection whatever to living nex to clean, quiet, orderly, upper class Negroes — in fact, they prefer such Negroes as neighbor: to lower-class Whites; they just don't believe the governmen ought to stick its nose into the

business of choosing people's neighbors for them.

Now, I have a suspicion, although I can't prove it, that if that Birch Society writer were presented with the choice of living next to an upper-class Black — say, a Black neurosurgeon like we see on TV — or an upper-class White, he would choose the upper-class White; and if giver the choice of having his daughter marry a Black garbage collector or a White garbage collector, would again choose the White.

In other words, there is racism in all of us, even Birch Society members. It's in our genes, and even the unnatural and artificial life-style of today hasn't been able to suppress it entirely.

But the Birch Society writer — and, I am afraid, a great many other upper-class Whites who consider themselves conservatives — still consider race a matter of only secondary importance. It is the individual, not the race, which comes first in their scheme of values.

They recognize that the average Negro is less intelligent than the average White, but they're perfectly ready to accept the Negro who isn't average. The Black banker, the Black store-owner, the Black high school principal, the Black judge are perfectly acceptable to them, while they look down their noses at the White factory worker, the White coal miner, the White who pever finished high school and never earned more than \$600 a month in the 1560.

They judge a person by his socio-economic status — by his class — rather than by his race. They are elitists.

Elitism certainly isn't a new phenomenon — and, in fact, it is not inherently an undesirable phenomenon, under the right cir cumstances, and I'll get to that in a minute. But elitism is an especially important phenomenon to day, because it is gaining ground among White intellectuals, among upper-class Whites, among intelligent Whites who think of them selves as conservatives — and it is gaining that ground at the expens of White racial solidarity.

There are several reasons for this, and we should understand them. One of the reasons is that elitism is an acceptable alternative to equalitarianism.

As we are all painfully aware, lot of White people are not ver bright. They actually believe their TV and their morning newspaper and their minister when these oracles tell them that the races are really equal and that all indications to the contrary are illusory. They really believe that.

But that's a pretty hard thing for an intelligent White person to believe — a hard thing for a hardheaded, alert, successful White person to swallow. After all, he makes his living by having a good head on his shoulders and by using it, and it's just too obvious to him that Blacks and Whites aren't inherently, biologically equal. He just can't swallow the equalitarian lunacy the TV preaches. Such myths may be all right for the boobs, for the great unwashed, but not for him. He knows better.

So what is he to do? Is he to be a racist?

Goodness, no! That's not acceptable. That's disreputable. That's dangerous.

So he becomes an elitist "Equality is a bunch of baloney,' he says. "But I'm not a racist. don't have anything agains superior Blacks, against Black who are a credit to their race. despise only inferior Blacks, just I despise inferior Whites."

And why is this an acceptable alternative to equalitarianism? Well, it's acceptable because it is the position held by Mr. Herrnstein — and by a number of other Jews as well. The elite is an open club; Jews are admitted. Therefore, one will not be socially stigmatized by the controlled media for being an elitist. It's a safe position

Of course, the communists don't like elitists. They denounce elitism almost as vehemently as they denounce racism. But, then, one can live with that.

Elitism can be justified by the successful, aggressive White person in terms of his essentially individualistic outlook on life Furthermore, it jibes with the insidious idea, which was subtly planted deep inside his head by the brainwashers during his earliest years, that it is somehow un just to judge a person by his race but that each person should in stead to be judged only on hi individual merit.

The elitist reasons that a persor can't be blamed for his race because he has no control over that; but he can be blamed for his socio-economic status, because he does have control over that. If a White person — or a Black — had any intelligence and any ambition, reasons the elitist, he wouldn't be a garbage collector or a coal miner. If he isn't making a lot of money, then that's his fault, because in our free and democratic society it's only ability that counts.

Again, the communists disagree. They claim that a person's class is forced on him: that if a person is doing disagreeable work for low wages it's not his fault, not his lack of ability or ambition, but the fault of the capitalists, of the ruling class, which is holding him down. But, again, who cares what the communists say?

Finally, elitism is an unconscious and indirect way of satisfying—at least, partially—the inherent racism in all of us. Because, after all, it is really the lower-class Blacks—the field niggers—who evoke the strongest racial feelings in most of us. They behave more naturally, whereas the Black bankers and the Black judges and the Black neurosurgeons—the house niggers—have repressed their Blackness to a greater or lesser extent. They have learned to dress like Whites, to talk like Whites, to act like Whites. (Most of them, in fact, are more White than Black, genetically)

They are what the real Blacks refer to as "oreos" — Black on the outside, but White on the inside. And oreos just don't evoke as strong a feeling of racial antipathy on the part of most upperclass. Whites as genuine Blacks, as real niggers, do. It's easier to accept the oreos, easier to live next door to them, easier to convince oneself that they're really equals.

And, in a certain sense, they are equals. It is clear that, despite the low average intelligence of Blacks there are some who are quite intelligent. And if intelligence is all that counts, if IQ is all we measure a man by, then there are Blacks — or, at least, mulattos part-Blacks — who are roughly coual to most upper-class Whites

Intelligence, of course, is not all that counts, but there is a tendency in some circles today to believe that it is. This tendency is associated with one of the prevailing errors of our times: the error of rationalism, the error which leads a man to the concein

that, because he is capable of reason, he stands far above the animal world, which is merely mechanical. Reason, the rationalist believes, is the master of every-

The amazing accomplishments of Western science in the last century help to reinforce this conceit. And if one is a rationalist, then it is easy to slip into an elitist attitude and reject the primacy of race.

The elitist will say: "Reason is above race; it has nothing to do with race. Nuclear physics has no race; thermodynamics has no race. How can one decide the race of a mathematical equation or a chemical formula?"

"I recognize," says the elitist,
"that fewer Blacks than Whites
are capable of learning what the
mathematical equation or the
chemical formula means, but
there is still no race to it. The exceptional Negro, who is able to \nunderstand it, is just as good as
the White man who is able to \nunderstand it — and just as acceptable to me."

So elitism has what seems to be quite a substantial basis. That basis consists of three elements—\nif we ignore the fear of being considered a racist, the all-too-human tendency to have only socially acceptable oninions

First, there is the tradition in this country of individualism, a tradition which is used today to justify the claim that only the individual counts and not the group to which he belongs. It is considered wicked to categorize people, to stereotype them.

Second, we have a tradition closely related to the first one, and that is our tradition of meritocracy, the tradition that a man should be able to rise just as far as his brains and his energy and his character will carry him, and that no artificial barriers should be placed in his way.

And finally we have rationalism, the belief in pure reason as the highest faculty, coupled with the notion that reason is inherently raceless

Let's examine these elements one at a time.

First, an individual Black may be superior in some particular regard to the average White person, but he is still a member of his race, despite all our prejudices against stereotyping. That is, he is still genetically a Negro, and when he mates his genes carry not only his specific qualities but also the general qualities of his race. In other words, his genes carry two competing tendencies: the tendency to yield an offspring identical to himself and the tendency to yield an offspring representing the average Negro. This latter tendency is called by geneticists regression toward the mean.

What that means is that when two persons mate, who both exhibit some particular quality (e.g., intelligence) to a greater degree than the average for their race, their children will, on the average, not exhibit this quality as strongly as their parents. On the average they will exhibit it to a degree which falls somewhere between that of their parents and

And if these children material indiscriminately with each other generation after generation, the degree to which each generation exhibits the particular quality in question will approach more and

more closely to the norm for the race.

From the foregoing we can understand that racial intermarriage is not just a private matter between two individuals, as it is regarded by the equalitarians and the libertarians. In a very reasense, one does not marry an individual of another race: one marries the other individual's race.

There is nothing mysterious about this tendency of regression toward the mean — it is a statistical thing — and geneticists today understand it. But our genes have always understood it, and this gene-based understanding manifests itself as xenophobia, as an instinctive abhorrence of racemixing. This is just one more case of our instinct being ahead of our intellect.

Clearly, the natural, human tendency toward stereotyping, toward categorizing people according to the group to which they belong, is a manifestation of a much deeper wisdom than that which tells us not to stereotype, but only to see each person as an individual. Only because our ancestors stereotyped are we White today. And only if we continue seeing people not just as individuals but also as members of groups — as White men or Black men or Chinamen or Jews

Second, our tradition of meritocracy was largely responsible for America moving out ahead of the rest of the world economicall and industrially during a time when American society was, for all practical purposes, all White Allowing each man and each woman to contribute to society to the limit of his abilities, allowinhim to reap a commensurate reward and also to rise to a position of influence and control commensurate with his individual achievements — that is the social principle which, with certain safe guards, should govern any raciall homogeneous society. It is the principle of greatest social efficiency — in a racially homogeneous society. But it is one of the shorter paths to hell in a raciall mixed society, because it alienate the natural leaders of a race from the masses of their racial kinsmer

America today, of course, is no longer strictly a meritocracy. There is no reigning social principle at all, but rather a shifting an confused state of affairs in whicold institutions and patterns arbeing obliterated, and a general scramble is underway on the part of a great many factions to so new patterns most favorable themselves.

Thus, we have the grotesque and shameful situation in which White conservatives — ideological elitists and actual members of the former elite — are fighting desperately now, in the Supreme Court and elsewhere, not to restore the former precedence of their race, but rather to outlaw alforms of racial preference in ar attempt to salvage their own, individual rights. Even people with misgivings about cosmopolitan elitism are grasping for it as a counter to those who want specia rights for minorities.

Whites who object to favoritism for Blacks or Mexicans or other non-Whites can take one of two positions. They can take our position, which is that race should be considered in everything in

immigration, in hiring people, in promoting them, in assigning them to schools, or what haw you, and that it should be considered in such a way as to promote the welfare of our race. In other words, America should no be a country where Whites have equal rights, but where they hav the only rights.

And the other position, of course, is that which the pro-Bakke people are taking in the present Supreme Court case: the position that race must never be considered, in anything — that we must have an absolutely color-blind society — that individual merit must be the only criterion by which people are judged.

The especially insidious and dangerous character of elitism under multi-racial conditions is now becoming evident: Whites who feel threatened by the government's programs favoring racial minorities are locking themselves into a position which denies that any group should have priority. The present threat of special minority rights is leading people who might otherwise have some healthy racial feelings left in them to react in a panicky way and reject any claim to special status as a consequence of their White highly highly included.

They suppress all feelings of solidarity with their less able and less fortunate racial kinsmen, abandoning them to fend for themselves, and they grasp for the elitist straw. And once they do that, they're fighting on the enemy's terms. It's a no-wir position, a purely defensive position.

Third, we have rationalism The rationalist position is false for several reasons. It is false, in the first place, because even pure reason—or what appears to us to be pure reason—is influenced by race.

We speak, for example, of Western science, and the racial adjective, Western, is meaningful. That is because the way our minds work — not just how well they work, but the particular way in which we reason — is a function of our race. A White man, a Black man, a Chinaman, and a Jew have different types of minds, and the different types of cultures they develop, when left to themselves, are reflections of these differences.

The differences tend to be masked today, because of the uni versal dominance of Western science. When a Negro, fo instance, writes a mathematica equation the same way a White man would write it, it is not be cause his mind is the same as the White man's, but because the Negro has adapted himself to the White man's way of reasoning, to the extent that he can

Actually, it's difficult to imagine the ways in which a Negro science, a native African science, might develop differently from Western science, because the former has never existed. But there have been in the past, before Western science became the dominant model everywhere, other sciences, of sorts: what served the ancient Egyptians as science, for example, or the ancient Chippen

The former science was as distinctly Egyptian as the latter was distinctly Chinese, and they were both distinctly un-Western. We can read translations from ancient Egyptian or Chinese documents on scientific matters, and becomes painfully obvious that the thought processes of the beings who wrote those documents were rather different from ours.

Classical science, Hellenic science, was also different in many ways from modern, Western science, and philosophers of history who overemphasize the purely cultural aspects of history at the expense of its racial aspects (e.g., those of the Spenglerian school) make much of these differences. But the fact remains that when we read today the works of Euclid or Archimedes, there is no sense of alienness, as there is with the Egyptian or Chinese works. The reason of the Hellenes was our reason, because they were of our race.

But reason, as 1 mentioned earlier, is not everything. In particular, it is not the supreme faculty, not the master of our lives. Reason is a tool, a weapon, an instrument, a means. It is a servant — not the master.

Reason is a very powerful tool to be sure, an extremely importan servant — but still a servant. Purreason can tell us the easiest way to get from A to B, but it canno tell us, in the final analysis, wh, we should want to go from A to B. Reason cannot define our ultimate objectives for us; it canno give us our basic values, our fun damental criteria. Those thing are all purely subjective — that is they come only from within us while reason has power only ove objective things.

Why should a man live? Why should he shun death? He cannot answer, except to say that he should live because he wants to — which is another way of saying that he has an instinct to survive. It is in his genes, it is subjective, and reason has nothing to do with it. Reason can be used as a tool to make survival easier, to make it more nearly certain. But it is quite clearly the instinct which is the master, and reason the servant.

And the same applies to everything else. Reason cannot tell us what is beautiful and what is good and what we should strive for. It does not give purpose or fundamental meaning to our lives, but only helps us to achieve those things which our souls, our genes, tell us we should try to achieve.

Purpose, values, ultimate meaning are in our genes — which is another way of saying that they are all racially determined. When a society's racial composition changes — even if it is able to maintain its ability to reason, its average IQ — then its values change, its ultimate meaning changes.

And that is why elitism — race less elitism, cosmopolitan elitism — is a false and dangerous position.

It we are to survive as a race then we must be White before we are physicians or lawyers or other members of the professional class. We must be White before we arrich or before we have high IQ's We must prefer the White garbage man to the Black neurosurgeon of the Jewish psychology professor. We must, in other words, bracists rather than elitists. Elitism is only permissible after we have solved our race problem, and ther it must be an elitism which is coupled to a strong sense of racia consciousness.

The White elitists in America today may think that they have every justification for rejecting, for cútting themselves off from, their less successful racial kinsmen and allying themselves with Blacks and Jews and other non-Whites of their own educational level or income class, but the day will come when they themselves are the ones who are rejected and cut off and cast out. Then they can turn to their fellow elitists for help, but they will not find it.

(Issue No. 57, 1977

It's NO JUKE—this is Abednigo K. Hiope, an official delegate from Swaziland, addressing the General Assembly of the United Nations and demanding Black rule in White Rhodesia. Swaziland is a bona fid "nation" of 470,000 naked Negroes, ruled by a polygamous absolut monarch, King Sobbuza, who will have you skinned alive and staked down to an anthill if you look sideways at him. Swaziland has exactly a much a voice in the General Assembly as the United States does. The piece of filth currently occupying the White House agrees with the feather-bedecked Mr. Hiope that the White people ought to be forced out of Rhodesia, so the Blacks can take over and run things there the part the terms that the states of the states of the states of the states of the states of the states of the states of the states of the states of the states of the states of the states of the states of the states of the states of the states of the states of the states of the states of the states of the states of the states of the states of the states of the states of the states of the states of the states of the states of the states of the states of the states of the states of the states of the states of the states of the states of the states of the states of the states of the states of the states of the states of the states of the states of the states of the states of the states of the states of the states of the states of the states of the states of the states of the states of the states of the states of the states of the states of the states of the states of the states of the states of the states of the states of the states of the states of the states of the states of the states of the states of the states of the states of the states of the states of the states of the states of the states of the states of the states of the states of the states of the states of the states of the states of the states of the states of the states of the states of the states of the states of the states of the states of the states of the states of the states of the sta

"Nazi" Chic

Some years ago, Jewish producer Mel Brooks turned out a mildly amusing film called The Producers, which appears to have anticipated some of the murkiest currents in the present "Hitler wave." The Producers contained a wonky play-within-a-play entitled Springtime For Hitler, a splashy musical lovingly dedicated to the memory of the good old days of the Third Reich. Springtime For Hitler was an effective double-edged satire: while it maliciously castrated and trivialized Hitler, it also hacked Broadway musicals to death. In any case. Springtime For Hitler

marked Adolf Hitler's posthumous debut as the star of a musical extravaganza.

Around the time Alec Guiness was being filmed in his anemic portrayal of the German leader, a wit over at Time magazine compared Hitler to a rock star — he had a large following among the youth, you know, and swarms of adolescent girls swooned at the sound of his voice... You get the picture. A few years later, British rock 'n' roller David Bowie said much the same thing.

Now it seems the worst tonguein-cheek musings of the Time essayist have proven prophetic: Adolf Hitler is about to go the same route as Jesus Christ. Hitler is now the inspiration for a branc new "rock opera" entitled (what else?) Der Fuehrer. The Electrole Record Company has marketed a two-disk album, and preparations are underway for stage production. Der Fuehrer is the work of two young West German rock musicians who are, by the way stridently anti-Nazi.

Although he is not yet a sympathetic "superstar" like Jesus Christ, Hitler might have his day. Composers and performers addicted to the driving, insistent thythms of "heavy metal" rock music have a concomitant craving for "Nazi" stage effects.

One such group, KiSS, uses the double lightning-flash rune of the lelite German SS in its logo. However, their music — such as it is — has no discernible "Nazi" ideological content (the ravings of certain New Left sheets not withstanding); it has no ideological content, period. It is just a lot of howling and electronic noise. Your garbage-disposal unit, grinding away on a full load of chicken bones, will produce a more pleasing sound.

The Blue Oyster Cult, another half-baked collection of zit-faced rock 'n' rollers, also attempted to sport a Hollywood "Nazi" image. The fact that their lead vocalist is named Eric Bloom doesn't cramp their style a bit. The creepy group, Iggy Pop and the Stooges, were also said to be "Nazis," but their performances were like something out of William Golding's novel Lord of the Flies, with strong suggestions of human sacrifice and cannibalism. And there are a host of lesser-known groups — such as the Dictators, or Hitler and the Belmonts — that are similarly afflicted with the leather-and-swastika fetish.

Homosexuals, drug-glazed kids, racial undesirables, and other human dross are responding to the viciously distorted National Socialist image presented by these rock groups (indeed, they wrap it around their weirdest fantasies), just as the equally jaded pseudo-intelligentsia enjoyed exquisite spasms of masochism when they viewed such films as The Damned, The Conformist, and The Night Porter (see ATTACK!, February 1975, page 10). These rock 'n' roll acts, like the above-mentioned films, are often expressions of the composers' own hang-ups and aberrations. They imbue National Socialism with a spurious evil they themselves find most attractive, one which allures other warped minds.

To be sure, some of the rock groups doing their version of the "Nazi" thing are only attempting to make a buck off the shock effect. (And there are plenty of Jews who help to promote this 10 per cent of the profits.) Other do it as a way of being naughty (of anti-social) without much risk of being spanked by elders who have cased to care how youth amuse itself. These "artists" and their camp followers are the symptomatic waste products every terminally sick society excretes.

This, of course, doesn't explain why all the interest in Hitler exists in these circles, or why there is such a big turn-on associated with SS insignia and all the rest. These trappings are certainly almost as important as the music, for some

The majority of kids who flock to KiSS or Blue Oyster Cult "con certs" probably attend because i is considered "chic" or "campy" — or something. They lack direction and go with the flow. Bu there are others — very politica neo-liberals — who find the "Nazi" end of these acts delici

ous. Their idiosyncrasies compethem.

It must be understood that liberalism is essentially an effeminate ideology. National Socialism, on the other hand, is masculine, and liberals (who habitually eroticize everything in unhealthy ways) get a thrill out of riding boots and leather whips. Jean Genet, for example, a petty thief and a homosexual, eroticized the appeal of National Socialism in his novel Funeral Rites. Obviously, his is not the wholesome, masculine attraction to comradeship and natural male bonding seen in Leni Riefenstahl's masterful documentary, Triumph of the Will.

And Jean Paul Sartre, who led the campaign for Genet's release from prison, also wrote some rather revealing passages in his Troubled Sleep, a novel in which he describes the German army's march into Paris in 1940. Although Genet and Sartre dwell on the far side of the French political left, both novels exhibit an attraction for National Socialism with a distinctly homo-erotic stench. Daniel, one of Sartre's militantly anti-fascist protagonists, says he would have liked to have been a woman, so he could throw flowers to the conqueting Germans, and he murmurs, "How handsome they are!"

Jewish novelist Erica Jong said it well: every woman loves a fascist. That's why androgynous rock star David Bowie can call Hitler "marvelous" and say he "moved," on stage, "quite as good as (Mick) Jagger."

This so-called "fascist" rock and "Nazi" chic is not a wholly unexpected development. Since the counter-culture now relies even more heavily on massive injections of freakishness to keep itself alive, anything is possible. All I know is that their world is not ours.

Nick Camerota
(Issue No. 57, 1977)

Jews Boot Blacks

Israeli authorities have expelled another 25 members of the Black Hebrew sect from Israel — the fourth mass expulsion of American Blacks from Israel in recent months

The Black Hebrews, most of whom originally lived in the Chicago area, speak Hebrew, practice a form of Jewish ritual, and claim the right to settle in Israel like other Jews, under the "law of return," which grants automatic Israeli citizenship to every Jew in the world. Israeli officials do not recognize the Black Hebrews as genuine Jews, however, and have been engaged in a running battle with them since 1969, when they first began trickling into Israel.

According to Jewish law, only the child of a Jewish mother can be a full-fledged Jew. Speaking of the Black Hebrews, an Israeli official complained, "They obviously are not Jews. They are a nuisance, and we don't want them here."

PUNK ROCK and "Nazi" rock have a similar appeal to a jaded, Judaized, deracinated youth. The quasimilitary uniforms, the chains, the safety pins puncturing cheeks and earlobes, the painted faces have nothing whatever to do with the inherently healthy world view of National Socialism, but reflect instead the soul-sick "Nazi" image created in twisted Jewish minds and purveyed to Western youth as just the latest way to turn a profit from the accelerating tide of social, cultural, and moral decay engulfing the West.

(Issue No. 57, 1977)

Those Mitford Girls

A Fine Old Conflict, by Jessica Mitford, published by Alfred A. Knopf. \$10.00.

Unity Mitford: An Enquiry Into Her Life And The Frivolity Of Evil, by David Pryce-Jones, published by Dial Press/James Wade. \$9.95.

Jessica and Unity Mitford are two of six remarkable daughters of the Redesdales, an aristocratic British family. It would be an understatement to say that these two sisters blazed dissimilar political pathways.

Unity, three years older than Jessica, joined Sir Oswald Mosley's British Union of Fascists at 19 and later traveled to Germany and became friendly with Hiller

Jessica, a communist by age 15, eloped with her Red cousin Esmond Romilly (Churchill's nephew) to the Spanish civil war and then journeyed to America, where she eventually remarried (Her second husband, lawyer Robert Treuhaft, is a Jewish communist.) In the early 1940's Jessica joined the Communist Party, USA. Since then she has become a widely read muckraker, best known for her nicely done expose of the funeral industry entitled The American Way of Death.

A Fine Old Conflict is Jessica's second autobiography, a sequel to Daughters and Rebels (an accoun of her early life with her titled parents). More importantly, it is a brief on behalf of the Americar Communist Party, which Jessica justifiably argues was the earlies champion of the Negro "civi rights" movement and a precursor of a variety of left-radica groups which blossomed in the 1960's.

It contains much information of interest to ATTACK! readers. Among other things, A Fine Old Conflict points out that Jews were once the key sparkplugs of the CPUSA and the Black revolution. (Incidentally, it was Al Bernstein, father of Washington Post reporter Carl, who recruited Jessica for membership in the communist-dominated United Federal Workers Union.) We learn, for instance, that Bella Abzug, a doyen of the communist-front National Lawyers Guild, was an attorney for convicted Black rapist Willie McGee, whose case was a communist cause celebre. However, Jessica left the CPUSA in 1958 to work within more wellestablished mass organizations of the left because she believed the Party had become irrelevant to the wider struggle for "civi liberties."

Muss Jessica? Well, when she was Jessica? Well, when she was 14 Jessica spitefully told her sister Unity, "If you're going to be a fascist, I'm going to be a communist!" One wonders if she also stuck out her tongue. The girls divided their room down the middle, and Jessica festooned her side of the battleground with communist posters. For Jessica, a political infant, left-wing politica was no more than a child's game. The appendix to A Fine Old Conflict, her silly spoof of Communist Party jargon, is an expression of her puerile nature. In any case it certainly isn't the work of a fanatic. Philip Toynbee, an old friend of Jessica's, said that shispends a good deal of her considerable fortune "in ensuring that she herself shall never be threatened by the slightest avoid able discomfort. She likes good whiskey, good food, and sleel hotels." Odd how these convince Marxists manage to live it up.

It seems to me that Jessica' communism was, au fond, an ac of rebellion staged by a difficul child trying to attract the attention of her preoccupied father and glacial mother. Communism also set her apart from other member. of her family and gave her apersonal identity. It should be noted that both her parents were sympathetic to National Social ism. Lord Redesdale had ever

translated Houston Stewari Chamberlain's monumental Foundations of the Nineteenth Century into English from its original German. Her sister Diana married British fascist leader Mosley.

Furthermore, Jessica never showed the same promise as her sister Nancy, who achieved some prominence as a novelist. While, her other sisters — especially Diana and Unity — were exceptionally beautiful, Jessica was rather plain. Her younger sister Nancy became the Duchess of Devonshire, but Jessica became Mrs. Treuhaft. It is easy to see how Jessica's politics could be fueled by bitterness and resentment.

Jessica rejects Pryce-Jones's assertion that she and Unity represent two sides of the same coin. Jessica is correct, of course: Unity was far less frivolous than she. The Pryce-Jones book, with its long and pretentious title, is a cheap smear job which even Newsweek admitted was "badly organized" and "unsatisfactory." It is not worth reviewing as history, but has great merit as an example of calculated dishonesty.

First and foremost, Mr. Pryce-Jones's book is an exercise in ethnic axe-grinding. His hatred for his subject stems from the fact that his mother was a sister to Baroness Elie de Rothschild. Sir George Weidenfeld, the book's "British" publisher, has held his title for only a short time. He is one of those who fled Vienna after the Anchluss, for racial reasons. And while many British (genuine Britons, not the other kind) critics have damned the Pryce-Jones "history," Zionist John Gross attempted to assist the beleaguered author by killing the publication of a review that was hostile to his book. Gross is the editor of the London Times

Pryce-Jones gathered data for his book by misrepresenting himself as a friend of the Mitford family. Many of those he interviewed later denounced him for misquoting them. Lady Lamb, whose complaint is typical, saic that Pryce-Jones "twisted" her words "to give a very different

UNITY (left) and Diana Mitford at a 1937 raily in Germany. While their perverse younger sister Jessica turned toward Jews and communism, Unity and Diana had a deep and sincere enthusiasm for the Western renaissance which blossomed in Germany under the guidance of Adolf Hitler. On the day that Churchill and his fellow conspirators forced Great Britain to declare war on Germany, the grief-stricken Unity fired a builtet into her brain.

impression to what I intended." Furthermore, Pryce-Jones failed to send publisher's galley proofs to most of those who had asked to check them for mistakes. However, one person who requested and received these proofs, the late Sir John Heygate, wrote: "The bits he sent me were so full of errors it would have been useless and probably impossible at this stage to correct them." It is noteworthy that Lord Weidenfeld still has great "faith in the personal integrity of Mr. Pryce-Jones." Ethnic comradeship is a great thing: ask Mr. Gross.

The very liberal Hugh Thomas takes an enlightened view of Unity Mitford, one more in line with the traditional Anglo-Saxon sense of fair play. In a review in the New Statesman of Diana Mosley's recent autobiography, he wrote: "It is ridiculous to think that all of our enemies are charmless. I believe Hitler was bad, not mad. Diana and her sister Unity, two original and beautiful girls who made jokes and answered back, evidently brought out a benign side in Hitler, and, rather than condemn them for being so friendly, we should surely regret that they weren't with him more... It is ... to be regretted that Unity Mitford did not displace Eva Braun."

(Issue No. 57, 1977)

Roger Degueldre and the O.A.S.

When William Levy left his Algiers apartment on the evening of November 19, 1961, he failed to notice two men lounging non chalantly on a motor scooter hal a block from his door. As Levy walked down the street, the scooter kicked up and began to follow him, very slowly. As it drew even with him, the man be hind the driver pulled out a revolver and fired three shots at Levy's head. Levy collapsed in the gutter, dead instantly. Before they roared off, the executioners

scattered black cardboard trangles around Levy's body.

William Levyshould have been more careful. The secretary general of the French Socialist Party in Algiers and an outspoken opponent of Algeria's White colonists, Levy had drawn the inevliable wrath of the man the black triangles symbolized: Roger Degueldre, leader of the Delta commandos of the O.A.S. Degueldre had condemned Levy to death two months before. In the week Levy died, numerous Jews

and French liberals who opposed the last desperate effort of the European inhabitants of Algeria to preserve their homeland were gunned down mercilessly.

The movement on which the hopes of the European settler rested, the O.A.S.— the Organization d'Armee Secrete, or Secre Army Organization— had beet founded in early 1961 by a group of exiled French Algerians and Army officers. The O.A.S.'s moseffective operatives, Degueldr and his Deltas, were driven by the

cold and relentless hatred of mer betrayed. They struck again and again, not at the Moslems of the Algerian National Liberation Front, the F.L.N., whom they had already vanquished, but a the government of Charles do Gaulle, the man who had giver them his solemn word that Algeria was to remain "organically France now and forever."

Strange as it may seem, the cominal commander of the D.A.S., General Raoul Salan, rected violently to Levy's execu-

tion. Salan, like a number of the bigher officers who led the O.A.S., considered himself less a man of action than a politique. He passed for something of a socialist, and he had hopes of appealing to liberal and Jewish opinion in metropolitan France. The outery which French politicans raised at Levy's death horrified the general, and be wrote a hastily composed letter to Guy Mollet, the Socialist leader, disavowing the act.

The division over the execution

of Levy within the higher echelons of the O.A.S. was characteristic of the organization's split personality during its brief and bitter history. From its beginnings in the first months of 1961 to its death throes little more than a year later, the O.A.S. suffered from the same confused thinking and defliciency of revolutionary will which have frustrated every White political effort since the end of World War II. Yet, despite its flaws, the O.A.S., in its struggle against the alien-dominated government of France, came closer to success than any other postwar White resistance movement to date.

Roger Degueldre was the antithesis of the politicized officers and civilian theorists from whom he took his orders. Degueldre scorned his leaders' attempts to rationalize the O.A.S.'s struggle in terms of transcendant philosophical and moral schemes. A man of primitive instincts and loyalties, he lald bare his motives to his commanding officer more than a year before he joined the O.A.S.: "We have all sworn to keep Algeria French. As far as I am concerned, I keep my oath. That means I keep it to the end."

Roger Degueldre was born in 1925 in a small town near the Belgian border. To this day it remains uncertain whether Degueldre was a member of the French Resistance, as he claimed, or whether, as the French government maintained, he had fought as an enlisted man in the Wallonian Legion of Hitler's SS. He was tight-lipped about the past, brushing off questioners with a terse formula: "No photos, no letters, no memories."

After the war Degueldre enlisted in the Foreign Legion, under a nom de guerre which he continued to use until 1958. For the next 15 years he experienced unremitting combat, first in Indochina, then in Algeria. During this time he distinguished himself through his heroism and military skill, advancing through the enlisted ranks to first lieutenant, a rare occurrence in the Foreign Legion.

Like his tellow soldiers, Degueldre had been embittered by the political sellout of the French troops in Indochina. When the Arabs and Berbers of the F.L.N. initiated a campaign of terror against the French of Algeria in 1954, the French Army fought from motives even more compelling than military pride and the national honor.

The soldiers of the French Army — and particularly those of the Foreign Legion, which was headquartered in Algeria — had close ties to the more than one million French Algerians. Many Legionnaires had married local girls, and they planned to stay on as residents of Algiers or Oran after they retired. The pieds noirs, as the Whites of Algeria were known (from the story that their landless forefathers had arrived in Algeria without shoes, hence their "black feet"), idolized the French troops, especially the elite paratroopers and Legionnaires.

When, in May 1958, it became evident that the leaders of the corrupt French Fourth Republiwere ready to negotiate with the F.L.N., the military moved decisively. General Salan, the commander-in-chief of French force

LIEUTENANT ROGER DEGUELDRE was a true European, and when forced to choose between his race and his career, he chose his race. Unlike most of the top O.A.S. leaders, Degueldre was neither a liberal nor a deracinated conservative, but a straightforward fighting man. While other White leaders argued and compromised, careful always not to seem racists, Degueldre set about the necessary business of killing the enemies of his race.

in Algeria, made it plain to the government that the Army would not countenance another sellout like the one in Indochina, four years earlier. The Fourth Republic collapsed. By the end of May the government of France was firmly in the hands of the one man both the French Algerians and the French Army trusted to keep Algeria French: Charles de Gaulle.

De Gaulle's appeal to French nationalists was based on a number of myths, myths promoted by the small group of alien interlopers who wielded the real power in postwar France. One of the most effective of these myths was the one to the effect that Charles de Gaulle had single-handedly "saved the honor of France" by rebelling against the legally constituted French government of Marshal Petain and siding with the Anglo-Soviet Allies against Europe during the Second World War. A concomitant falsehood was the idea that de Gaulle, by presiding over the bloody purges of anticommunist and anti-Gaullist Frenchmen which were perpetrated after the war, had "purffied" France.

No one believed this nonsense more fervently than the officers of the French Army. Those who were old enough to have done so had railied to de Gaulle and the Resistance during the war. Under standably, there were few Petain ists left in the postwar French officer corps. If French soldiers were perplexed by the fact that their Jewish and leftist allies o the Second World War had proved to be France's bitteres enemies in the succeeding years they still harbored no doubts as to de Gaulle's sincerity.

Initially de Gaulle encouraged these illusions by journeying to Algeria, immediately after his election as president, and assuring the French population of his unwavering support. Behind the scenes, however, he was preparing to do the bidding of the men to whom he owed his position: the small nucleus of Jewish "advisers," media barons, and other assorted wirepullers who called the tune in France and the rest of the Western world, in 1958

For two years, de Gaulle, with the help of press czars like Pierre Lazareff, the so-called "Napoleon of the French press," hoodwinked the French people and outmaneuvered his more perceptive opponents. Gradually de Gaulle weakened his assurances on the future of French Algeria. In January 1959 he was speaking of a future Algeria "tightly associated with France." In September of that year he expressed his preference for "a government of Algeria by Algerians." After each trial balloon, Army officers who protested were transferred or forced into retirement.

In January 1960, de Gaultransferred the popular comman der-in-chief of the troops is Algeria, General Massu, for questioning his intentions for Algeria The pieds noirs took to the streets with the circumspect assistance of anti-Gaullist Army officers. Defaulte waited them out, and the "Affair of the Barricades," as is came to be called, failed to topphhim from power. But during the succeeding months the ringleader of the "barricades" affair, as well as a number of additional disaffacted of figure arms.

Madrid, where they laid th groundwork for the O.A.S.

By early 1961 de Gaulle had largely purged the French Army of suspected opponents and was ready to proceed with the abandonment of Algeria to the F.L.N. At this point he met unspected registrance.

The men who had organized the O.A.S. were hardly the "fascists" or "militarists" of the leftist stereotype. In addition to officers who had dabbled in left-wing politics, like General Salan and Colonel Joseph Broizat (who was later to edit the O.A.S. paper The Centurions), there were enthusiasts of Maoist-style guerrilla warfare, notably Colonel Yves Godard and Colonel Roger Gardes. And the cold, cerebral French Algerian student leader and political theorist, Jean-Jacques Susini, delighted in describing himself as a communist.

The ideologically disparate group who headed the O.A.S. were united in an additional respect besides their hatred of de Gaulle and their devotion to a French Algeria: all of them had declared their opposition to any sort of racism. It was the policy of the O.A.S. from its beginning to its end that Algerian racial and cultural problems could be settled only by the complete integration of the ten million Algerian Araband Berbers into the French community.

The O.A.S. leaders showed a distinctly philo-Semitic bias. It was thought that the Jews of France could be swayed to the O.A.S. out of sympathy for the plight of the 300,000 Jews of Algeria, who were despised by the Moslem Algerians as grasping usurers. Jean-Jacques Susini, who

emerged as the O.A.S.'s chief theorist and propagandist, even appointed a Jew, Andre Saada, as his secretary.

During the spring and early summer of 1961 the O.A.S organized clandestinely ir Algeria. Colonel Godard and Lieutenant Degueldre, who had left his Foreign Legion regiment for the O.A.S. in February created efficient intelligence and operational sections in Algiers and Oran. Cells were formed in

PIERRE MENDES-FRANCE, the Traitor of Dien Bien Phu, was he Jewish premier of France who urrendered French Indochina to the communist Viet Minh in 1954, etting the pattern followed later yde Gaulle — and by Kissinger and Nixon. The rule laid down after the Second World War by Mendes-France and the other eaders of his tribe, under the preense of abolishing imperialism, was: "No more White victories"; white men everywhere must learn o begin yielding to non-Whites.

the cities of metropolitan France. By the middle of the summer the O.A.S. was ready to act.

Degueldre's Delta commandos struck first at de Gaulle's police. Inspector Gavoury was stabbed in his apartment in Algiers. Inspector Goldenberg was shot dead as he drove home through the Algiers University tunnel. Soon Gaullist anti-O.A.S. efforts in Algeria had been fought to a standstill.

When the Deltas then began to aim their attacks at political opponents of a French Algeria, the softer members of the O.A.S. high command took umbrage. The reaction of the press to Levy's death alarmed Salan, who entertained notions of winning leftist support in the fight against de Gaulle. But Salan was not even willing to hazard an attempt against de Gaulle himself. When a group of right-wing freelancers unaffiliated with the O.A.S. narrowly missed assassinating the president in September, Salan hastily assured the press that his men had played no part in the operation.

Even as liberal-minded leaders of the O.A.S. were attempting to placate "public opinion" in France, de Gaulle's henchmer were readying a new and murderous weapon against the O.A.S. The barbouzes ("bearded ones" or "spooks"), as they came to be called, were organized under the aegis of the Gaullist Movemen for Cooperation, which had as its rationale the promotion of European-Moslem friendship. They were recruited largely from the Civic Action Service, a private army of toughs whose fanatical loyalty to de Gaulle was useful ir intimidating his political opponents. They were joined by a number of professional assassins mostly Arabs and Vietnamese, the human detritus of the former French colonies, as well as a sprinkling of common criminals from the Marseilles waterfront Few of them were newcomers to the arts of torture and murder.

These assassins had no legal standing and were likewise subject to no legal constraints. Their very existence was denied by the government. They owed loyalty only to de Gaulle, and their mission was to destroy the O.A.S.

When news of the barbouzes' existence and purpose leaked out in mid-November, shortly before their arrival in Algiers, Degueldre moved swiftly and decisively. As the barbouzes cleared customs at Maison Blanche Airport outside the city, hidden cameras photographed them, and clerks and officials sympathetic to the O.A.S. recorded the names on their passports. Within hours posters blossomed on walls and fences all over Algiers, bearing the barbouzes' pictures and current aliases, and the chilling, legend: "Barbouzes — wanted dead or alive."

At first, the Deltas and the barbouzes circled one another warily, each looking for an opening. But quickly the barbouzes found themselves confined to their headquarters in two Algiers villas, the hunted rather than the hunters. On December 11 a Delta team ambushed two barbouze leaders, Lucien Bitterlin and Jacques Goulay, outside their villa, raking their car with submachine gun bullets. Miraculously. only Goulay was wounded.

On the evening of December 31 the barbouzes in Bitterlin's ville decided to lower their guard for New Year's Eve. As they celebrated, Degueldre and his men armed with machine guns and makeshift bazookas, crept into position on neighboring roofs. The whoosh of the first severa rockets, wide of the mark, sent the startled merrymakers rushing to their weapons. Before they could return the fire, a rocket struck home, hitting a cache of the barbouzes' hand grenades which blew up with a lethal spray of shrapnel. Simultaneously, De gueldre's machine gunners caugh the defenders in a murderous crossfire. The Deltas vanished into the night, leaving a score of barbouzes dead or wounded.

As the barbouzes' losses mounted, their bitterness toward the O.A.S. exploded in a frenzied orgy of torture and murder. Completely thwarted in their efforts to eliminate the O.A.S. leadership, they vented their fury on which ever pieds noirs fell into their hands, whether they were O.A.S.

On January 29 the barbouzes kidnaped Alexander Tislenkoff, the son of a Tsarist officer who served the O.A.S. as a radio technician. Tislenkoff was brought to a shack behind the barbouzes' remaining villa on the heights overlooking Algiers. There he was tortured by two Vietnamese and a Tunisian.

Tislenkoff's ordeal was interrupted by the arrival at the villa of a large crate, shipped from Paris, which his torturers hastened to help unload. The crate contained a large printing press, the arrival of which had been expected. With it the barbouzes intended to chum out anti-O.A.S., pro-Moslem posters and tracts by the hundreds of thousands

The barbouzes crowded around, eager to inspect the new machinery. As an Arab barbouze jimmied open the crate, he triggered a booby trap rigged to a 60-pound plastic charge which the Deltas had planted as the crate lay on an Alziers dock.

The villa was completely demolished by the force of the blast. The barbouzes standing near the press were literally blown to bits. Others were crushed to jelly beneath tons of rubble. Altogether nearly 40 of de Gaulle's picked executioners were eliminated in one bold coup, among them barbouze leader Maric Lobianco, a fanatical leftist who had served with the communis! International Brigade in Spain.

Tislenkoff and another pied noir captive managed to escape after the blast, but Jacques Gosselin, a French Algerian uninvolved with the O.A.S., died in the cellar of the villa, where he was being held captive.

The remaining barbouzes regrouped for a last stand in the Hotel Rajah in downtown Algiers. It was not long before the Delta commandos came to call at their new headquarters.

On February 19 two Army halftracks rolled to a stop in front of the Hotel Rajah. The barbouzes suspected nothing until the Delta commandos, who had commandeered the military vehicles, directed a withering fire at the facade of the Rajah. Badly outable to saved themselves by fleein out the back doors and window

Among the barbouzes who managed to escape was a badly wounded Vietnamese. His comrades brought him to the Maillot Hospital, near the strongly pro-O.A.S. Bab el Oued district. The next day they returned to retrieve him.

As the barbouzes departed the hospital grounds in their Peugeot, Delta gunmen opened fire. The auto careened down the street, out of control, its tires deflated, and crashed head on into a wall. The fuel tank caught fire and exploded. As the Gaullist killers clawed frantically at the doors, the Deltas surrounded the car and pumped submachine gun bullets into the hapless occupants. Shortly, allwasstill inside the car. As the flames from the burning Peugeot roared aloft, curious pieds noirs from Bab el Oued gathered around. They evinced no sympathy for the rapidly charring barbouzes.

After the Hotel Rajah incident, the barbouzes were destroyed as an effective force in Algeria. But despite Degueldre's brilliant successes the situation of the O.A.S. was beginning to deteriorate. De Gaulle and his masters still held almost all the cards, and now they plotted new and brutal expedients.

De Gaulle's first step, on March 7, was to open negotiations with the F.L.N. Although the F.L.N. had long since ceased to be a military factor in Algeria. France's alien-controlled presshailed de Gaulle's move as a master stroke, foreshadowing by 11 years the nearly identical presseation to the Kissinger-Nixor ''peace with honor'' in Vietnam The largely apathetic and self centered Whites of metropolitar France were assured that the troublesome events in Algeria would soon be at an end and no longer their concern. The majority of Frenchmen acquiesced in de Gaulle's plans for the gratuitous surrender of Algeria.

The O.A.S. propagandists, however, continued to try to appeal to the sense of fairness of men who, in fact, were the sworn enemies of a White Algeria. Salan, for example, seemed genuinely surprised when the

CHARLES DE GAULLE was France's Eisenhower, a willing front man for the shadowy wire-pullers behind the scenes of world politics. Like Eisenhower, de Gaulle was a war "hero" who was able to deceive the shallow patriots and the foolish, short-sighted conservatives of his nation into believing that he was a true

O.A.S. pirateradio broadcasts, to the effect that de Gaulle's forces were the new SS and Gestapo, failed to find sympathetic Jewish ears. Similarly, when Georges Bidault organized a pro-O.A.S. National Council of Resistance, patterned on the Resistance he had led during the war, he found no support whatsoever.

Once de Gaulle was assured o the French public's passivity, h moved to take the offensivagainst the O.A.S. Since his security forces had made little progress against the O.A.S. in frastructure, de Gaulle's strate gists made plans to move agains the organization's grass-root civilian base.

Initially it had been difficult to find Army officers and men eager to combat the O.A.S., let alone French Algerian civilians. But as it became clear that de Gaulle was likely to prevail, he found willing accomplices among the more cynical military careerists.

De Gaulle's commander in Oran, General Joseph Katz, brought a special ruthlessness to

FRANCE'S FOREIGN LEGIONNAIRES represented the racially sound portion of the nation, and the barbouzes (right) represented the racial dregs; most barbouzes, in fact, had no Frankish or Gallic blood in their veins at all. Among the barbouzes in the group shown here are Jim Alchelk, a Tunisian killed by Degueldre's booby-trapped printing press (extreme right); Lucien Bitterlin, one of the principal barbouze leaders (left, with ciga rette); and Mario Lobianco, a communist who also died in the printing-press blas

(seated). It is not surprising that France's hidden masters, who had nothing in common with the Legionnaires, put their faith instead in the barbouzes, with whom they felt a natural kinship. The tragedy is that so many good Frenchmen, exemplified by the Legion, allowed themselves to be deceived by de Gaulle into spilling the blood of other good Frenchmen, instead of making a common cause with them against the true enemies of their received and the property of their received and the property of their received and the property of their received and the property of their received and the property of their received and the property of their received and the property of their received and the property of their received and the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the pr

his struggle with the O.A.S. It was Katz who had promised a day's leave to any soldier 'feliminating a terrorist.'' Katz had developed particularly brutal and effective methods of anti-O.A.S. combat. It was Katz's methods that were applied against the civilians of Aloiers

On March 23, French tanks and armored cars rumbled into the pied noir neighborhood of Bab el Oued. House-to-house searches were carried out with utter disregard for the pieds noirs' rights as French citizens. Girls and women were stripped naked by leering recruits. European males who aroused suspicion were bound, beaten, and hauled off for further interrogation. Scores of Algerian Frenchmen, including women and children, were shot down by trigger-happy conscripts.

A few days later thousands of French Algerians gathered to protest the Army's brutality in the Rue d'Isly in downtown Algiers. They were confronted by squads of Arab troops of the French Army. When the peaceful demonstrators refused to disperse, the Arabs in French uniforms opened fire. The fusillade lasted nearly eight minutes. When it was over, 50 men, women, and children lay dead in the street, with hundreds more wounded.

As de Gaulle poured more and more police and troops into Algeria, and media support and popular indifference gave him an ever freer hand, the O.A.S. began to crack under the strain. Lower-level O.A.S. members were increasingly susceptible to police

bribes. One by one, the O.A.S.

Degueldre was seized April 7. He had been betrayed by Francois Lecca, like Degueldre an ex-Legionnaire. Salan was taken on April 20

As the O.A.S. collapsed, its less honorable members began to flee. Andre Saada, the Jew who served as Susini's secretary, attempted to abscond with the O.A.S. treasury. He got no further than the Algiers railroad station, where his bulletriddled body was discovered the next day.

With the demise of the O.A.S., the French Army, in adherence to de Gaulle's orders, refused to assume the Secret Army's role in protecting the French Algerians. The terrorists of the F.L.N., emboldened by the recognition the French government had extended them, embarked on a bloody campaign of terror against the fleeing Europeans. During the last several weeks of the European presence in Algeria, more than 3,000 Whites disappeared, a population loss comparable to the kidnaping of three-quarters of a million Americans in the space of a month. Few of them were ever found, but those who were — a schoolgirl repeatedly raped and then stoned to death in a forest outside Algiers, a shopkeeper fiendishly tortured and mutilated — gave ample evidence of the nature of the men to whom de Gaulle was surrendering Algeria.

With the forced exodus of nearly a million Europeans, the Algerian tragedy was nearly

MASSACRE in the Rued'Isly, Alglers, on April 7, 1962, in which 50 pied noir civilians were killed. Although this was de Gaulle's worst atrocity in Algeria, the controlled press managed to play it down, just as it late played down the gruesome kidnap-murders of thousands of White men, women, and children by the F.L.N during the pied noir flight from Algeria.

ended. Only the final purge

The captured O.A.S. leaders went on trial for their lives before military courts in France. The generals and the colonels enjoyed a certain sympathy in French social and military circles. They were afforded the best legal counsel available. Some, like Salan, were acquitted outright, while de Gaulle commuted the death sentences of the higher-ranking officers to life imprisonment. Almost all the remaining O.A.S. prisoners were pardoned at the time of the leftist student riots in Paris in 1968, when, in the

eyes of many of the O.A.S.'s former supporters, de Gaulle once again "saved France."

Roger Degueldre, however, enjoyed little support among fashionable Parisians. Those supporters of the O.A.S. who thought of themselves as "responsible" shied away from the leader of the dread Delta commandos. Degueldre's lawyer, Jean-Louis Tixier-Vignancour, who had been brilliant in winning acquittal for Salan, badly botched Degueldre's defense. On June 28, Degueldre was found guilty on ten counts of murder. At dawn on July 6, 1962, Degueldre was transported to the execution ground at Fort d'Ivray outside Paris. He told his executioners, "I want to say to all my fellow officers that I am proud to go to the end and die for having held to the oath I made that every fighting officer has sworn at least once, not to deliver Algeria to the F.L.N." He declined a blindfold. As the six rifles cracked, Degueldre sang the Marseillaise.

(Issue No. 57, 1977)

No Place in Hell

Law-enforcement statisticians estimate that in 1977 some two million American juveniles will run away from home. Many of these are White girls in their early teens, and a horrifyingly large number of them will end up being lured into prostitution by Black nimps.

Pimping is a virtually all-Black profession in America's decaying eastern cities, but prostitution, unfortunately, is not. White prostitutes bring a much higher price than Black women do, and the pimps consequently concentrate on finding White girls for their "stables".

Especially in demand are blonde, blue-eyed Nordic girls from the Middle West. Black pimps have organized a regular "pipeline" of Nordic farm girls from Minnesota and other Midwestern states to New York City. A six-block stretch of Manhattan's Eighth Avenue near Times Square is known as "the Minnesota Strip," because of the large number of young girls from the Middle West on the street there.

When the girls run away from home they head for the Minne apolis-St. Paul metropolitan area which is the urban hub of the upper Middle West. The bus sta tions in Minheapolis and St. Pau are thick with Black pimps, al decked out in their Superfly finery, just waiting for the girls to get off the buses. The pimps ap proach the frightened, lonely young girls with big smiles, offer ing to help them with thei luggage.

Then they buy them lunch and begin sweet-talking them. The object is to get them aboard another bus, bound for New York. The girls all too often end up going along with the pimps and as soon as they arrive in New York City the pimps have them at their mercy and force them into

prostitution, usually forcing them into a drug habit at the same time, the better to control them.

Why does a young White girfall for a Black pimp's come-on? Officer Warren McGinnis of the New York Police Department's runaway unit explains: "The kid has been brought up not to have any racial bias, and she is bending over backward to show she is not prejudiced when she's accosted by this nicely dressed, sweet-talking perfumed Black man. She's sconscious that she shouldn't put him down that she forgets she's being picked up by a street hustler."

On the day when justice finally comes to America, there will be no place in hell deep enough to hide for the White preachers and Sunday school teachers and high school principals and newspaper editors and all the other pillars of our degenerate society who have collaborated in pumping the lie of racial equality into those blue-eyed farm girls from Minnesota.

(Issue No. 57, 1977)

Afrikaners O.K. Racemixing in S.W. Africa

South Africa's conservative leaders raised no objections to the abolition late last year of antiracemixing laws in South West Africa, the former German colony which has been ruled by South Africa since World War I. All bars against sexual cohabitation and intermarriage between Whites and non-Whites in South West Africa were dropped by Martinus Steyn, the South African judge who is the chief administrator of

South Africa is yielding, step by step, to demands from the United States government and the United Nations that South West Africabe given its "independence"—\ni.e., be turned over to Black rule The South African government has so far not greated the total in

dependence demanded, but has taken a number of steps in that direction.

lish-language press, which is very largely under Jewish control applied the principal internal pressure for allowing racemixing ir South West Africa, the conservative Afrikaans press put up no rea fight against the change. After ward, Die Vaderland, regarded as a voice of South Africa's conservative National Party, editorial ized:

"The abolition of the Immorality and Mixed Marriages Acts in South West Africa could again give rise to questions being asked about the desirability of these laws in South Africa.

"Even among Nationalists there is the feeling that such laws might perhaps do more harm than good to the country, and that they should be given more thought.

"It is clear that the South Westerners do not foresee any problems as a result of the abolition of the laws. And if it should appear that they are right in the long run, it could only further stimulate the insistence on a similar step being taken in the Republic of South Africa.

"Any steps or formulas tha help to make peaceful coexistence of races and groups possible in South West Africa in future, mus necessarily also have to enjoy seri ous attention in South Africa."

The weaseling, compromising tone of this conservative oracle

typifies the conservative readiness everywhere and at all times to barter away the most fundamental orinciples in return for peace and profits.

(Issue No. 58, 1978)

MIXED COUPLE heading back to South West Africa. Now that they can cohabit legally, this Black preacher and his White wife, who is pregnant with a mongrel child, are leaving New York City for Windhoek, South West Africa. The Black, James Kauluma, has been appointed bishop of South West Africa by the Anglican Church. The White, Sally Camp, is a former teacher in a church mission school.

The Trouble with Conservatism

Last year a group of sick, guiltridden Dutch liberals in the Netherlands formed an anti-racist group, the Person-to-Person Committee, for the purpose of lighting apartheid among the Dutch-descended Afrikaners of South Africa. They distributed packets of postcards to Dutch Africa Spolice and defense forces against Black "freedom fighters."

Each schoolchild was asked to add his return address and sign his name to the postcard and then mall it to an Afrikaner to the postcard and then mall it to an Afrikaner to be convinced that their true motivations are responsed. The difference between the liberal and the conservative is in closely the way they react to this inner to flow the way they react to this ring the way they react to this ring the way they react to this ring the way they react to this ring the way they react to this ring the way they react to this ring the way they react to this ring the way they react to this ring the way they react to this ring the way they react to this ring the way they react to this ring the way they react to this ring the way they react to this ring the way they react to this ring the way they react to this ring the way they react to this ring the way they react to this ring the way they react to this ring the way they react to this ring the way they react to this ring the way they react to this ring the way they react to this ring the way they react to this ring the way they react to this ring the way they react to this ring the way they react to this ring the way they react to this ring the way they react to this ring the way they react to this ring the way they react to this ring the way they react to this ring the way they react to this ring the way they react to this ring the way they react to this ring the way they react to this ring the way they react to this ring the way they react to this ring the way they react to this ring the way they react to this ring the way they react to this ring the way they react to this ring the way they react t

Africa's police and defense forces against Black "freedom fighters." Each schoolchild was asked to add his return address and sign his name to the postcard and then mail it to an Afrikaner chosen at reandom from a South African response to this poison-pen campaign was to organize the Afrikans-Dutch Working Group, which prepared its own postcards to be mailed to cope with it.

Do South Africans really because they have allowed themselves to the Dutch children. Each card bore a photograph of South Africars' renowned heart-transpolant pioneer, Professor Chirpitolean Response to the first against Black "freedom fighters." Each schoolchild was asked to are morally defeated before they begin, are morally defeated before they begin, because they have allowed themselves to be convinced that their true motivations are disreputable . . . ."

**Whatever their motives, Amer agreeing to fight by the enemy's rules: it is accepting the enemy's rules: it is accepting to fight by the enemy's rules: it is accepting to fight by the enemy's rules: it is accepting to fight by the enemy's rules: it is accepting to fight by the enemy's rules: it is accepting to fight by the enemy's rules: it is accepting to fight by the enemy's rules: it is accepting to fight by the enemy's rules: it is accepting to fight by the enemy's rules: it is accepting to fight by the enemy's rules: it is accepting to fight by the enemy's rules: it is accepting to fight by the enemy's rules: it is accepting to fight by the enemy's rules: it is accepting to fight by the enemy's rules: it is accepting to fight by the enemy's rules: it is accepting to fight by the enemy's rules: it is accepting to fight by the enemy's rules: it is accepting to fight by the enemy's rules: it is accepting to fight by the enemy's rules: it is accepting to fight by the enemy's rules: it is accepting to fight by the enemy's rules: it is accepting to fight by the enemy's rules: it is accepting to fight by the enemy's rules: it is accepting to fight by the enemy's rules: it is accepting

omforting a Negro baby. The rinted message on the card was really believed that they can construct message on the card was really believed that they can construct message of the that they can construct message of the that they can construct the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state o

conservative Americans who are ashamed they don't want their children dating Blacks.

If you know many conservation and their children dating Blacks.

If you know many conservation and their children dating blacks.

If you know many conservation and through a conservative phase that they their children dating blacks.

If you know many conservation and through a conservative phase through a conservative phase yourself—then you know that is a neighboradmit: "We because it reveals the dangerous similarity between conservations and liberalism. The liberal is thaken down bey. We don't want their stand only a one-dimensional dideological spectrum, a line with liberalism at one end and conservative, it seems to them, is expressing the maximum possible repudiation of liberalism.

But this is so only under the unrealistic and artificial constraint of one-dimensionally. The world just isn't that way, and to solve its problems requires more

Find and will which he sought to instill in others, in sharp contrast (Rousseau and Marx spring to mind).

Johann Gottlieb Fichte was born on May 19, 1762, in Rammenau, Upper Lusatia, in what was then the electorate of Saxony, His origins were humble. His father was a weaver, his mother a woman of simple piety. When Fischle was mine, his guick instanced and could be detached and the median of instruction at a neighboring parsonage, Fichte was a metable to sonsor his education. After two years of instruction at a neighboring parsonage, Fichte was accounted in the renowned Schulpforta, a private boarding school which today numbers, in addition to Fichte, the poet Klopstock, the historian Ranke, and the philosopher Nietzsche among its illustrious alumni.

The education with fiche acquired at Schulpforta qualified intellectual elite without extransing in him from a consciousness of himself as a man of the people. When Fische was merit private and and the proposal control of the people. When Fische was merit private and the private provided as a man of the people. When Fische was man of the people to the first whole the provided as a man of the people. When Fische was man of the people to the first whole the provided as a man of the people. When Fische was man of the people to the first was a wearen and the provided as a man of the people to the mation.

The education of the entire youth of the deductionism strikes us today. Fische mas good use of it in stirring national pride. Despite his given and private private and private provided commercial state, which sought a provided a national socialism in other was a weaver, his mother a woman of simple piety. When Fische was mich particular, affected and Dympian detachment, given and the measure of the mation.

The words of Fische, "So there is nothing left or the suit in strikes us today. Fische man good use of it in strict man and the provided commercial state, which sought and the measure private and private private private private private private private private pri

better than a talth employers, fe-long contempt of the mind and the stellar and series at unitor to ble and wealthy. Better than a talth employers, fe-long contempt of the mind and the stellar to ble and wealthy. Better than a talth employers, fe-long contempt of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the series of the

concrete connotations to depict the "supersensuous" insured a clarity and honesty of expression sadly lacking in such languages as french and Italian. In fact, the Germans owed their "honest and philosophy in imitation of the fight of the specific points of the specific points of the specific points of the specific points of the specific points of the specific points of the supersensuous" insured a clarity and honesty of expression sadly lacking in such languages as French and Italian. In fact, the Germans owed their "honest diligence and earnestness in all things" solely to their language.

If ar more radical conception than is perhaps evident at first glance. The idea of inculcating in an elite a virtue which can only be acquired through knowledge goes back at least as far as Plato's deligence and earnestness in all things" solely to their language.

score lower than Whites . IQ tests ore biased against Blacks to the extent that they require abstraction. Al learning tasks which require nothing more than memory - e.g., simple arithmetical operations and spelling - properly motivated B lacks can do nearly as well as Whites . But at tasks which require inference - and this includes i ^{r t u}all y all problem-solving ^operations - Black performance falls so far below that of Whites that the two can hardly be compared on the same scale. Standard IQ ^tests mask rather ^than reveal the true mental gulf which exists between Blacks and Whites, in that they do not measure solely the ability to reason abstractly. Reading com-The former and the l atter are separate - ^and independent facets of intelligence. The former is what ^wemore easily noti^ce, but it is the latter on which our ^civilization is b^ased . And the latter is sharply race-dependent. The racial dependence of a bstract reasoning ability is no ^secret . Anatomists have been aware f^or many years of the morphological d i fferences between the br^ains of Blacks and Whites, and neurologists ^and psychologists ^today understand that it is in precisely those portions of the brain which in Blacks are less developed than in Whites that abs^{t r}act reasoning ^takes place. But because Blacks do not suffer a corresponding deficiency in their ability to develop verbal of one sort or anothe^r . And it is extraordinarily mi^schievous to take millions of young men and women whose natural endowments suit ^t hem best for lives of simpl^e, manual activity; to make ^them sit In university lecture rooms for fo^ur years enaaging In meaningless work culminating In meaningless diplomas; and to ^convi ⁿce them ther^eby that manual work is "beneath" them. Twelve years of elementary and secondary schoolina, properly organized, is s^u fficient for all but ^a small percentage of a nation's youth. The fact ^t hat our high schools do not now produce with satisfactory efficiency graduates with either the requisitegrounding in the basic skiJls of civilized li fe or a strong sense of national ^and ancestors were . After all, we have space ships and lasers and computers, ^and our ancestors didn't. Furthermore, we can talk for hour^sabout these marvels - we can tell you all about them whereas a Spartan or a Goth would have been struck dumb with awe over any one of them . This notion is, of course ¹an illusion - a very dangerous one. Actually it is virtuall y certain that ^the average IQ of the Spartans and the Goths, if there were some ^way we could test them, would prove to be somewhat higher than ^t hat the average White Ame1ican of today - and substantially higher ^t han that of our Black rrews announcers. This is a simple consequence of the dysgenic effects of civilized li fe (not that want to prove that the Blacks and Browns of the world have just as much capacity for civilization ^as Whites do. And if one vi sits Kenya or Nigeria, one sees what docs seem like a Black civilization; Bla^cksdriving automobiles , operating elevator^s , using typewriters and calculators and teleph^one^s , even Oying airplanes. But it is an illusion. It is the style of civilization rather than its substance. And to the extent that ^even this style is ^mai^{n t}ained, there is a White minority present to keep the wheels turⁿing. In thos^e African count ^ries which became so uppity that the White technicians and administrators were forced to leave, civilization has ground rapidly to a halt and the j ungle vines hav^ebegu n taking ^over agaiⁿ .

racial identity is not a good reason for compoundiⁿg the ineffici^ency for another f^{ou r}year^s . I ⁿstead, it is a reason for reorganizi ⁿg our ^wholesystem of elementary and

civilization must necessarily be dysgenic, but that Western civilization has, as a matter of fact,

When a diesel tractor or an ^electrical generator or a telephone ^switching system breaks down in

been so) .

prehension tests, for example, which make up a large part of most IQ ^tests, measure both memory and inf^erential ability. If they measured inferential ability

skills, we allow ourselves to assume equality where there is ⁿone, and we try to explain away ^troublesomefacts such as lo^wIQ

only, the diff^erence between the average scores for Blacks and Whites would be far greater than 15 per cent. This Black inability to reas^on inferentially and to deal with abstract concepts is reflected in the almost total absenceof Black^s in those professions requiring ^abstrac^treasoning ability of a high order: physics and mathematics, for example. G^overnmen^t quotas have brought a sharp increase in thenumber of Blacks in American colleges and univer^sities in the last two decades, and Black college graduates have flooded into the non-scientific pr^ofessions, but the sciences have remained virtually all White. You may see Black nuclear physicists in TV movies, but in real life th^e only Blacks one finds In physics laboratories arc janitors and technicians - and not many have qualified as technicians. It is unfortunate that this Black shortcoming is overlooked by many people, but it iseasy to see why Ibis is so: most of us have ^a simplistic notion of human intelligence. We think of some people as being "dull" or "slow " and others as being "bright." If ^a person is "dull ," he is slackjawcd and unkempt, his speech is slow, and his vocabulary is limited; our scores with nonsense about "cultural bias." This error in assuming Black intellectual equality on the basis of the skills displayed by Black news 81Ulouncers is j^ust one aspect of ageneral ^tendency today to confuse style for substance, and the confusion is not limited to our estimate of Black intellect but al so warps our understanding of ourselves and our concept of progress. A large degree of rcspollllibil!ty for the problem lies with our system of higher education. We live iⁿan era of mass education, in which the prevailing opinion seems to be that everyone, Including the village idiot, is ^entitled to and should have four years of university training. That ^opinion iJ born of the same lunatic mania for equality which has fathered some of the peculiar ^racial policies of the day. The proper function of a university is the training of scholars , and no society needs or can ^tolerate more than a small percentage of them - not to mention the fact that the natural abundance of satisfactory raw material for the production of scholars is ^rather low in any normal society. In addition to this function, there is also a need for advanced secondary ed ucation. A great deal more could be said on thisextraordinarily i^mportan^t topic , but the one essential point we wan^tto bring out her^eis tha^t the unnatural and unrealisti^c development which has taken place in our educational system in recent years gi vcs us an unrealisti^c view of the world. In order to make universal higher educatioⁿ possible - in order to make it possible for virtually anyone, Black or Whi te, to have a univ^ersity degree - we have had to change, subtly but drastically, the whole meaning of higher education. We have had to ^accept style in the place of ^substance. Worse, we have come to prefer style over ^substance. Nowadays ther^eis a prejudice against cluttering up one's mind with all the pesky, ^troublesom^e details of a subject, whether h.istory or mathematics. That is too much like manual labor . I nstead, one learns "conc^epts" ; one looks at " the big picture. " We give A's to students who can run off at the mouth for half an hour about the history of W cs tern civilization or the integral calculus, but who cannot teU you with any degree of certainty in what century it was that the Goths smashed the power of the Huns in " The level of civilization which a people can develop and maintain is a function of the biological quality, the racial quality, of that people in particular, of its problem-solving ability. " Civilization is, despi^te its many faults, a wonderful thing. It is ^eveⁿ , in a sense, ^anecessary thing although It is not an end in i tsel f (despite what conservatives may think). The essential quality , or value, of civilization is its utility in advancing the biological level of the race which has created it. Th^e fact that civilization has not, in gen^eral, been used in this way until now docs not make this definition of its essence invalid. This, like education, is a big ^topi^c in itself, and ^much can be said ^about it. But let us restrict ^ourselves here to a narrower topic, namely, the qualities of ^a race which endow it with civilization-building ability . "V crbal skills" may have ^a high survival value for the indivi-Africa, it stays broken down until ^aWhite man fixes it - despite all the Black graduates African universities have been turning out recently. And it is ⁿot a cultural problem or an edu cational problem. In this country hal f a century ago few farmers had ever seen ^{a u}niversity . Many had not even been to high school. Yet , when ^{a t}ractor broke down they got it ^running again, one way or another. They pul led it into the barn, ^wok it apart, puzzled ^ou^t the di fficulty, figured ^away to fix it - and then did it, often usin^g extremely primitive facilities . It wasn't a matter of culture. It's what was called "Yan.kce ingenuity. " It's a racial trait. Today civilization is more complex than it was 50 years ago . A

blood-drenched regime of Bela Kun (born Cohn) and his Jewish commissars in Hungary, which had been smashed by the intervention of the Romanian Army only months before.

Codreanu was undaunted by the swaggering, arrogant leftists and their Jewish wirepullers. He set to work to smash Judeo-Marxism in Jassy with the same reckless courage he had shown in heading for the front three years before

Disgusted by the apathy and cowardice of the university's conservative students, Codreanu joined a small group called the Guard of National Conscience, which had been founded and was led by Constantin Pancu, a burly steelworker. The Guard numbered among its members Romanians from all classes, pledged to build a strong Romania based on a just social order and purged of racial aliens

Codreanu quickly became the dominant figure in the Guard of National Conscience. Through ceaseless and heroic activism he made the small movement a force to be reckoned with in the streets and factories of Jassy.

At the Agency of State Monopolies and at the Nicolina railway works Codreanu and a handful of followers defied thousands of striking workers to haul down the red flag and raise the Romanian tricolor above the factories. Codreanu's bravery and determination won him the grudging respect of the Romanian workers and the bitter hatred of their Jewish manipulgors.

Codreanu and the men of the Guard of National Conscience were far from reactionaries anxious to shore up the existing social order. The Guard's program called for "Christian-national socialism," and it was Codreanu's avowed aim to free the workers from Jewish-Bolshevist influences and then to develop a strong sense of national identity in them. As Codreanu stated, "It is not enough to defeat communism. We must also fight for the rights of the workers. They have a right to bread and honor. We must fight against the oligarchic parties, creating national workers' organizations which can gain their rights within the framework of the state and not against the state."

After the Romanian government mustered the will to crush the communist-directed strikes and demonstrations, Codreanu and his student supporters turned their attentions to the situation at the university. In 1920 the Romanian universities, and especially Jassy, swarmed with Jewish aliens. Although the Jews in Romania constituted only five per cent of the population, over a third of Jassy's students were Jews, and Jewish students were actually a majority at the colleges of medicine and pharmacy. Not content with displacing native Romanians, the Jewish students carried on ceaseless agitation against everything Romanian.

Codreanu and his comrades put an end to the Jewish terror on the campus in short order. The Red toughs who had hazed and bullied nationalist students now found themselves on the defensive.

The fashion in Russian caps, worn as a sign of sympathy for the Bolsheviks, became passe after Codreanu and his friends began thrashing students so attired and

then burning their revolutionary

A student strike led by the Jew Spiegler was foiled when Codreanu's group seized the dining hall and barred the striking students on the grounds that "he who doesn't work doesn't eat."

When the Jewish-owned newspapers in Jassy, Opinia and Lumea, attacked King Ferdinand and insulted Codreanu, the young nationalist led a raiding party to the newspaper offices, where he and his followers wrecked the presses.

By 1922, when Codreanu was graduated from the university's Faculty of Law, he had almost single-handedly converted the University of Jassy into a bastion of nationalist sentiment. Furthermore, Codreanu's supporters were disseminating pro-Romanian and anti-Jewish ideas at schools and universities across the country.

Codreanu elected to continue his studies in political economy. In the fall of 1922 he traveled to Germany and registered at the University of Berlin. In Berlin he made contact with German nationalists, and it was in those days that he first heard of Adolf Hitler, whom he came to esteem as a fellow nationalist and the savior of his people.

Codreanu's studies in Germany were terminated suddenly. On December 10, 1922, the Romanian university students went on strike, demanding not only improved food and decent living conditions, but also a limitation on the number of Jews admitted to the universities.

Codreanu hurried back to make common cause with the striking students. The strike dragged on for months, despite the liberal use of police and regular troops by the government.

During the strike Codreanu became convinced that the time was ripe for the creation of a nationalist movement which would appeal to Romanians of every station in life, rather than limiting itself to students. Together with Professor A.C. Cuza of the University of Jassy, Codreanu founded the League of Christian National Defense on March 3, 1923.

Scarcely three weeks later the Romanian National Assembly underscored the need for a nationalist, anti-Jewish fighting movement by amending the Romanian constitution to allow nearly every Jew in the country to become a citizen. When Codreanu heard the news he burst out crying. National-minded Romanians were stunned.

There was ample reason for outrage at the assembly's high-handed action. The Jews of Romania were demonstrably an alien body in the national organism. They differed from Romanians in language, dress, customs, religion, race, and spirit. Nowere they ready to change their ways: it was the Romanians who would have to change in order to

The Jews of Romania were not content to subvert the country through Marxism. Since the early 19th century they had largely controlled Romanian finance, commerce, and industry. As the nistorian Abraham Leon Sachar put it, with characteristic Jewish arrogance. "Anti-Semitism need-

CORNELIU CODREANU

ed no external stimulation is bigoted little Romania... Th Jews formed the only middl class, practically the only intelligent class, and the commerce of the country usually passed into their hands. They were bitterl hated by the Romania peasantry."

After Romania won its freedom from the Ottoman Empire in 1879, Romanian statesmen and intellectuals had attempted to deny the Jews living there citizenship under any circumstances. Pressure from the European powers, always eager to appease their Jewish financiers, forced the Romanian government to recognize the theoretical right of Jews to citizenship. Since qualification depended on either service in the Romanian armed forces or a certification of the applicant's high moral character, however, few Jews became citizens.

Nevertheless, Jewish economic control increased steadily. During the years in which Codream sought to combat their influence the Jews of Romania owned mos of the country's banks and newspapers. The liberal historian Eugen Weber has noted that in this period 80 per cent of banl and commercial employees and 70 per cent of the journalists were Jews, as were 139 out of the 142 members of the Bucharest stocl exchange.

Their hold on the Romania economy enabled the Jews t exercise a corresponding controver the country's political system. The larger parties — th Liberals, the Peasant Party, an the agrarian party headed by the war hero General Averescu—could all be relied on to uphol Jewish interests. These partie became so deformed by the servility to the Jews that it was

impossible to distinguish among them. As Codreanu wrote, "Fun damentally there was no distinction among them other that differences of form and persona interests — the same thing in different shapes. They did no even have the justification of differing opinions. Their only rea motivation was the religion o personal interest."

Despite the exertions of Codreanu and his followers, the student strike failed. In the fall of 1923, the Romanian students returned to school. They had won a few material improvements, but the government would make no concessions toward limiting the number of Jews flooding into the universities.

Filled with despair at the collapse of the student strike coupled with the extension of citizenship to the Jewish aliens Codreanu and Ion Mota, a youn nationalist from Transylvania devised the assassination plowhich ended in their betrayal an arrest.

At his trial in Bucharest Codreanu took full responsibility for the plan. A botched prosecution and the obvious sympathy of the jurors, all native Romanians, won him and his companions acquittal. Only Mota remained in prison: on the first day of the trial he had shot their betrayer in his cell.

Codreanu returned to Jassy and resumed his work of organizin for the National Christian De fense League. Lacking funds, and eager that the young recruit should learn the dignity of manual labor, Codreanu and the Brother hood of the Cross, as the League' youth wing was known, set to work constructing a clubhouse a Ungheni, several miles from Jassy. The sight of the middle-class

students hard at work with pick and shovel, something almost unheard of in Romania up to that time, had a great effect on the local villagers. Many of them joined in, and at the same time they began to learn of Codreanu's ideas for the regeneration of Romania

Codreanu and his supporters were not left in peace for long, however. Three weeks after beginning the construction project at Ungheni, the young men of the Brotherhood were surrounded by policemen, arrested, and hauled off to the Jassy police station. There they were beaten and otherwise abused. Only the intervention of a number of Jassy's leading citizens secured their release.

Codreanu and Professor Cuza appealed to the Minister of the Interior to remove the officer responsible, Police Perfect Manciu. Manciu was not even reprimanded; instead, he was decorated and promoted. The Jews of Jassy showed their appreciation by buying him a car.

Several months later, on October 25, 1925, Manciu again encountered Codreanu, this time at the courthouse, where Codreanu was preparing to defend a student who had been arrested in the police raid on the Ungheni site. Surrounded by a phalanx of gendarmes, Manciu lunged at Codreanu. This time Codreanu refused to be humiliated. He drew his revolver and shot the police perfect dead.

Codreanu was tried at Turnu Severin, in the extreme southwest of Romania, as far as possible from Moldavia, where sympathier an strongly in Codreanu's favor Nevertheless, the court, meeting in a large theater, was packed with thousands of Codreanu's supporters. Leading Romanians testified on Codreanu's behalf, while the state's witnesses stammered out unconvincing denials of Manciu's brutality. After deliberating for 25 minutes, the jurors proclaimed Codreanu innocent.

Codreanu restricted his political activity for the next year or so. Shortly after the Manciu trial he married Elena Ilinoiu. He and his bride then traveled to France, where Codreanu resumed his studies at the University of Grenoble and earned his doctorate in political economy.

In May 1927 Codreanu returned to Romania. The League of Christian National Defense had split into two factions, and Professor Cuza had summarily banished his opponents from the League.

A rift had been growing between Codreanu and Cuza for some time. Cuza was essentially a conservative, and despite Itis doctrinaire anti-Semitism he had revealed himself more than once as willing to cooperate with the established political parties. The League also suffered from his lack of organizational ability.

Codreanu and several steadfast friends took their leave of Profesor Cuza and the League of Christian National Defense. On June 24, 1927, at a small gathering in his Jassy apartment, Codreanu proclaimed a new movement: The Legion of Michael the Archangel.

The Legion had no party program. As Codreanu wrote.

Codreanu Saw Spiritual Revolution as First Need

' 'This country is dying of lack of men, not l ack o f programs ... That, in other words, it is not programs that we ^must h ave, but men, new men. For such as people are today, formed by politician^s and infected by the J ^udai^c influence, they will compromis^e the most brilliant politi ^cal programs."

Codreanu envisioned the Legion as the school for the creation of these ⁿew men, a ne^w Romanian aristocracy, a generation of heroes. The ^meⁿof the Legion were to be animated by love of God and country, mutual loyalty, and a joyousacceptance of duty and sacrifice.

Thus , Codreanu recognized that a spiritual revolution was the precondition for a political revolution, if it was to ^create a ⁿything ^of. lasting value.

Without a strong organizational structure, the aims of the Legion would have remained platitud^es . Here, as well, Codre^anu showed his geniu^s . He organized the Legi^on on hierarchical line^s . At each level , from the basic unit, the nest, up ^through town, city, county, and ^regional groups to the Cap^tain, as Codreanu came to be called, the leader validated himself not through election but by ability and courage .

The f11ndamental Legionary unit, the nest, numbered from three to thirteen members. It ^comprised men who already felt the sameway, but who had to b^e taught the discipline of acting for ^acommon purpose. To that end the men of the nest marched and sang together, distributed propaganda, and conducted weekly meetings . Just as important, they helped the impoverished peasants by numerousvoluntary labor projects.

The Legion grew slowly. Codrcanu was resolutely opposed to any large-^scal^erecr^uitment which ^might endanger theLegion's high standard^s . The university students tended at first to remain in the more established natioⁿalist groups. The Legi^on was mor^e successful initially In enlisting high school students and those attending commercial and technical institutes .

The nestswere painstakingly established and made self-sufficient. At first in Moldavia and Bucovina, and then in Transylvania and Wallachia, the Legion gaine^d · strength. Soon Codreanu was in a position to reach out to ^theforgotten men and women of Romani^a :. thepeasant^s .

No one in the coun try had suffered as much at the hands of the system and the system's Jewish masters . Despite a ^sweeping program of land r^efor^mafter the war, the peasants lacked tools, animals, and oth^er necessary capital . F^orced to borrow money to survive, they were gouged with frightful rates of interest by Jewish moneylender^s . Jewish lumber companies stripped the hillsides of t heforests which the peasants had once held in common, and Jewish speculators gobbled up their land if their luck faltered. Malnutrition and disease were widespread. If there was some consolation to be found. in

the tavern, it was diminished by ^thefact that there, too, the owner was almost always a Jew.

At first the peasants were suspicious of the Legi^on. They had been disappointed many times since the war . Theregime of General Averescu, which the peasants had initially supported with the greatest enthusiasm proved no diff^erent from those of the other politicians. Similarly , the Peasant Party's policies, in practice, were identical with those of thelaissei-faire Liberals. Th^e politicians show^ed their solicitud^e for the peasant^s ' plightonly at election time, when they would arrive in the villages in their limousines, make flowery speeches filled with nebulou^s promises , and then roar off.

Codreanu and his Legionarie^s quickly di^spelled the doubts of the rural folk. They made no promises, nor did they ask for support. Instead, marching or ^riding on horseback into the villages, singfog the songs of Romania's heroic past , they established their kinship with the impoverished farmers by pitchiⁿg in and helping wherever they wer^e needed. The nests dug ditches , mended fences, repaired house^s , ^and helped with the harves^t . Th^{e g}reen-^shirted Legionaries sp^ok^e of a coming Romania, where everyone would have his place, not accordiⁿg to his wealth or hi^s learning, but according to hi^s character and his faith.

By 1931 the Legionary Movement was strong enough · to contest the elections. In his ^electoral manifesto Codrcanu summed up the plight of th^e nation: "Nob.ody who has eyes can fail to see that this rich country has become a ruin. The peasan^t ' ^shousehold and land, the village - ^ahandful of miserable people, who lament - the county , the region, the barren mountains , the uncultivated plains which n^o longer produce aⁿything for the poor, unfortunate iJle&.Sant - all are in ruins . The State budget an.d the entire country arc a shambles.

"And above these ruins scattered all o^ver the Romanian land, ^aband of dishonorable men, of imbeciles and shameless brigands, have built palaces defying the ^country, which w^rithes in pain, and ridiculing your suffering, poor, miserable, Romanian peasant I

"A more revolting, painful, and indecent scene has never been ^witnessed by anyone elsewh^er^ein the ^world. Millions of households are being destroyed, crushing underneath their r^uins countless God- for^saken people who have nothing else left but tears . To top this shame, the palaces of. the rascals, who plund^er^ed the land and e^mptied the treasury of our country, rise like ^asuprem^eirony and mockery. "

The election was not a success. The governing parties did everything in their power to destroy the Legion and its companion move^ment, ' the fr^on Guard, which had beeⁿestablished as the militant wing of the Legion the previous year . In January 1931 the gov^ermen^tbanned the Legion and the Guard after a nationalist student , unaffiliated with the Legion, had attempted to assassinate a cabinet

minister . Although the courts vindicated Codreanu and his movement, the Legioⁿ ' ^s�lectioⁿ campaign was effectively stilled, and n^oLegionaries were elected t^{o t}he assembly.

The Jews and their Romanian henchmen were u nable to contain ^the growth of the Legion's popularity for long. Both Codrcanu and his father were victoriou^s in by-elections held in Moldavia iⁿ 1932, and the Legioⁿentered th^e National Assembly .

As suppor^tfor the Legionary movement increased, its Jewish opponents grew less cautious about violatiⁿg the niceties of the democratic process, to which Codrean^uallegedly posed such a ^threat. As historian Eugen Weber, hardly sympathetic ^to the Legion, wrote of the Jew-dominated Ro· manian establiship.ent: "To any real threa^tagainst the established order, its beneficiaries reacted by all the ^m eans at their command, however viol^en^t , however illegal: army, police, gendarmerie, the courts - both military and civil, ^the administrative apparatus with all its possibililies of Intimidatio^{n a}nd chicanery, were mobiliz^e� ^agaiⁿst those ^who challenged th^{e s}ystem."

In 1 933, the Liberal government of Ion Duca, egged on by his foreign minister , Nicolae Titulescu, one of Jewry' ^schief agents in Romania, banned the Legion once more. The inevitable mass arrests followed : Legionaries by tlie ^thousands were imp^risoned in concentration camps . There were still men of honor in the Romanian judiciary, howeve^r . Only Duca's executioners were convicted; Codreanu and his Legionaries were found innocent.

For the next three years the Legionary movement built up its ^streⁿgth and pres'tig^e . Codrean^{u o}rganiz^ed a workers' corps in the ^cities which eventually grew to over 13,000 members. The Legionaries maintained ties with other European nationalist movements. A Legionary contingen^t fo^ught Bolshevism in Spaiⁿ. (Ion Mota, Codreanu's right-hand man, fell there.)

In theDecember 1937 elections ^theLegion's electoral front, All forthe Fatherland, became the third strongest party in the land. The Legionary success, coupled with the heavy losses suffered by ^the establishment partie^s , seemed to raise the possibility of ^a coalition government dominated by Codreanu.

One man stood in his way: King Carol· II , who was empower^ed by the constitution to confirm or reject ministerial government^s proposed by the National Assem· bly. Carol was a man of authoritarian leanings but weak character . His extra-marital affairwith a Jewess, Magda Lupescu (nee WolfO, as well as his extravagance and gre^ed , had resulted in his father, King Ferdinand, disinheriting him . After Ferdinand's death, Carol had returned to Romaniafrom France in 1 930. With the approbation of th^e ruling parties, he ^dethroned llis son Michael and set himself up as King Carol II, · ^with ^M agda L^u pescu as his consort. Now the Jews of Romaniapinned their hopes on Carol's ^cu pidity and

vanity and on the hold which his Jewish mistress had over th^e weak-willed monarch.

Prompted by hisalien advisers, Carol moved adroitly and ^treacherously . He refused to confirm any ·government including the Legion. After authorizing a weak ^rightist party to form ^acaretake^r government, King C^arol seized power for himself and his Jewish masters in February 1 938. A puppet government ostensibly headed by the Orthodox Patriarch of Bucharest was . set up. The driving forcein the administration was the Minister of Justice, the ruthless Armand Calinescu.

Calinescu immediately ordered the roundup of the Legionaries. Despite Codreanu's disbanding of his ^m ovement's political arm and his steadfast refusal to take violent action against the unlawful regime, he wasarrested, tried, and convicted of conspiracy against the state in a rigged trial held before a military court. He ^wassentenced to ten years ^confinement at hard labor.

Despite Codreanu's imprisonment, his enormous morai authority continued to inspir^ethe outiawed and hunted Legionaries. The Jews cried out for his blood. Magda Lupescu, like a modernday Esthe^r , pleaded with her lover to have him killed .

On Novemb^er 29, 1 938, in the dead of nigh^t , Codreanu and 13 of his fellow Legionaries were removed from their cells in th^e prison at Ramnicul-Sarat. From there they were ^trucked into a fores^t . Then, hands bound behind their backs, they were strangled in ^accord with the Talmudic rituaJ. After they were dead , their killers shot them in theback of the head. The story was put out that they had tried to escap^e .

Codreanu's murderers had little time to savor their triumph. Within two year^s , Calinescu was dead , assassiⁿated by theLegionaries , and King Carol, whose vacillating foreign policy had resulted in the di^smemberment of Romania at the hands of Russia, Hungary, and Bulgaria, had been forced to abdicate. He and Magda Lupescu departed Romania foreve^r .

King Carol's regime was foll owed by a short-lived Legionary government. The social ^activis^m and revolutionary idealism of th^e Legion, however, rendered it ^unpalatable to the strong ^maⁿof the regime, Marshal Ion Antonescu, who was only nomiⁿally ^{a m}ember of th^e Legioⁿ . Antonescu , in firm command of the army , was able to suppress the L^egioⁿ in February 1 941 .

The overthrow of the Legionary government was far from markiⁿg the end of the Legion . I ndividual Legionaries fought with selfless heroism in the defense of Romania against the conqueriⁿg hordes from the East. A fter Antonescu's regime capitulated to the Rus· sians , the men of the Legi^on fought on as long as they were able. The puppet regime which the Soviets broughtto power after th^e war (healjed by theJ ewess Ana Pauk^er) hunted down, tortured , and killed members of theLegion ^with a sadistic zeal .

The Legion lives on, however , and with it lives Corneliu Codre^anu. Legionaries In exile, al l ove^r the world, keep ali^veand propagate theCaptain's ideas through a tireless work of translation and publishing. It ^caⁿbe justly said that the memory of none of th^e heroic leaders of the revolution which swept Europe in th 1 920' s, ' 30's, and '40's has been bette^r served by his followers than that of Codrean^u .

· Codreanu deserves to be reme^mb^er^ed and honored by Whit^e men and women everywhere . No ^one served his people with a purer love; no onefought his people' ^{s e}nemies ^with a mor^eimplacable hatred. Corneliu Codreanu is ^a her^onot only for Romani^a , but for the White world.

T.O'K.

(Issue No. 60, 1978)

The Afro-Asian Invasion of Europe

With fi>e ^and sword the Turks once got as far as the gates of Vienna. Today whole sections of Berlin are being ^turned over to them voluntarily.

In contrast to the U.S.A. and Africa, Europe has had no racial problems, but she now brings them needlessly upon hersel f. Racial turmoil in Great Britaiⁿmakes he^adliⁿe^s , a result of the lib^eral immigration policy toward non-Whites from the for^mer colonie^s .

In Holland the South Moluccans are not the only source of danger . The capture of German . terrorists in Amsterdam publicized the racial situation th^ere:

"The stream of tens of thousands of colored^s , often illiterate , fro^{m t}he former Dutch colony of Surinam, as well as gang ^w ars between Chinese heroin dealers have made police security in the last two or t hree years more difficult in Amsterdam." (Die Welt)

The future of Portugal under Mario Soares is no^thard to predict when one reads that " more and more swarms of Black, and now Brown ^refugees are streamiⁿg from the former Portuguese colony in Africa into the country, increasing the army of unemployed. The communist-organized collective farms in the land-reform district south of Lisbon are devouring the sta te treasury reserves ." (Die Welt)

Policies can be changed, and social problems ^canbe solved. But th^e A fro-Asian 'invasion of Europe creates conditions which cannot be ^undone, unless a stop is made sooⁿ . Today shortsighted capitalists can perhaps make quick profits, but communists will reap a harvest tomorrow by exploiting racial problems.

An eⁿd to the Afro-Asian invasion of Europe must become the uni fying and binding campaign slogan of the forward-look ing forces in the local el^ection^sfor the European Parliament!

-translated from an article by Peter Dehoust, in the December 1 977 issue of Na tion Europa ( Cob ^{u r}g , G^erm^{a n}y) .

(Issue No. 60, 1978)

NV's editor describes his spiritual and intellectual evolution from a non-political university professor into a White radical.

The Radicalizing of an American

Until I was 30 years old, I had hardly given a thought to politics, to race, or to social questions. I had no clearly thought-out ideology and, in fact, except for a brief commitment to Christianity between the ages of 14 and 18, had never concerned myself with ideological matters.

During World War II, I was far too young to understand or even pay attention to the issues involved in that most decisive political event of the century. Not even the incessant barrage of morale-boosting war movies and other jingoistic propaganda (produced, incidentally, by the same tribe which during the Korean and Vietnam wars worked equally hard to undermine American morale) had any effect on me; I was so deeply into science fiction that I seldom came up for air.

When I reached adolescence I tapered off a bit on my sciencefiction reading (I have long since given it up altogether), but by then my after-school time was filled up with the real thing: science. I had a laboratory in my bedroom, and I spent all the money I earned mowing lawns and delivering newspapers to buy chemicals and apparatus.

After an unfortunate accident sent a young friend to the hospital with bad second- and third-degree burns and set my bedroom curtains afire, my laboratory was banished to the garage, but my interest was unabated. My boyhood dream, a decade before Sputnik I, was space travel and extraterrestrial exploration.

Even after I was packed off to military school at the age of 15, my interests continued to be devoted almost wholly to science. I waited as eagerly each month for the arrival of my Scientific American as I had previously waited for the appearance on the newsstands of Planet Stories. I finagled an afternoon job cleaning up the stockroom of the chemistry lab at military school, which was a mess from years of inattention by uninterested teachers, and I used the opportunity to continue my self-education in matters scientific.

When I became an undergraduate at Rice University (at that time Rice Institute) in Houston, Texas, I chose physics and mathematics as my major and minor courses of study. Anyone who has not himself majored in physics will have difficulty in appreciating what that means, in terms of the degree of commitment and the amount of intellectual effort required. While the English majors and the sociology majors concerned themselves with campus politics, panty raids, beer parties, and dormitory bull sessions, I and the other physics majors puzzled out solutions to Laplace's equation and sweated over the calculation of particle trajectories.

there was no time left for sex, beer, and whatever else undergraduates concern themselves with, but only that, relatively speaking, physics majors were obliged to indulge themselves in these pleasures on the run. And this was much more the case when I became a graduate student, first at Caltech and later at the University of Colorado. There simply were not enough hours in theday, or days in the week, to do the amount of studying required and to worry very much about politics and other extracurricular matters at the same time.

Being a physics graduate student really is a totally absorbing occupation, and I was one most of the time between the ages of 21 and 29, a period in the lives of most young intellectuals when they are doing a lot of thinking about — or, at least, are very much aware of — the political and social issues of the day. But for me, any time not devoted to physics during this period was spent in frenetic physical activity: chasing girls, sking, flying, sailing mountain climbing, shooting

Toward the end of my graduate studies there wasn't even time for physical recreation, and I often slept on a folding cot beside the electromagnet in my laboratory when I finished the day's work, long after midnight.

Thus, when, just before my 29th birthday, I became an assistant professor of physics at Oregon State University, I was, one might say, an ideological virgin. And I managed to keep my virginity for another year, because it took me that long to set up a new laboratory, gain confidence in my ability to teach the courses (especially the graduate courses) I

Then, for the first time in my adult life, I had time to notice what was going on in the world around me and to reflect on it And in 1963 there was a lot to notice and reflect on. It was ther that the "civil rights" revolution was first coming out of the closet and there were sit-ins, "freedom" marches, and other integration directed media events practically every day.

onfrontations in Corvallis, Ore gon, where I was teaching, but even on the Oregon State University campus one could see a microcosm of the racial ferment taking place elsewhere. There were several interracial couples on the faculty and the usual brainless liberal blather about racial matters in the student newspaper.

As the turmoil grew, it became more and more difficult to remain a disinterested observer. It was clearly necessary for every responsible adult to try to understand the implications of this "civil rights" thing and then take a position. But I had no ground on which to stand.

I had no regional prejudices having lived in nine differen states, four of them in the Soutl and five outside. I had had very little previous experience with non-Whites and had not though

WILLIAM PIERCI

much about them one way or the other. If anything, I was inclined toward the liberal position on the race question.

I can remember one dormitory bull session as an undergraduate in which I had supported the right of a person to marry or cohabit with anyone who would have him. Black or White.

And at military school I had once indignantly declined an invitation to accompany a carload of my classmates on a "coon conking" excursion into the local "nigger town." This was a sport that consisted of driving along close to the curb and poking a closet pole out the car window to knock down Blacks on the sidewalk. I strongly felt that, as long as Blacks were minding their own business, no one had a right to bother them.

I believe that I could have beer properly categorized as a libertar ian rather than a liberal, but min was by no means a dogmatilibertarianism, merely a vagu feeling that people should be lef alone as much as possible, and that society should not attempt to regulate their lives or impose the prevailing standards on them This was consistent with the resentment I had felt as a teenage when I was obliged to apply for social security card and, later when I had to fill out my firs Form 1040.

Libertarianism, however, provided no answers to the race question. On the one hand, I fell Blacks should be allowed to de whatever they wanted, without hindrance or harassment. But I also felt that Whites who did not want to eat with them or hire them or send their children to schoo with them should not be forced to do so. How could one reconcile the "rights" being demanded for Blacks with the rights of Whites?

I had no answer, and the media did not provide one I could accept. It was clear that they were solidly on the side of the Black and were using every trick in their propaganda book to emotionally sway the public to their position Certainly the spectacle of over weight White housewives, their hair in curlers and their puffy faces distorted with hate, scream ing obscenities at small Black

children as they got off a school bus, was hardly one to win sympathy for the segregationists, and the scorn in the voices of the news commentators as the TV cameras gloatingly lingered on such scenes left little doubt in the minds of TV viewers across the nation that opposition to the "civil rights" movement was a disreputable position.

Why, I wondered, did the media always choose the least articulate segregationist available when they wanted to screen an interview, and why did they so seldom show the seamy side of the integration movement?

And I could hardly help noticing that the shrillest and pushiest of those demanding "equality now" for Blacks, both on the Oregon State campus and in the media, were not Blacks but members of another minority group — which raised, for the first time in my life, the Jewish question. I had no answer to that question either.

Talking to my colleagues cast little new light on these issues, which I felt were extremely important. On the one hand were the liberals, whose dogmatic narrow-mindedness precluded any rational discussion on matters which touched the very heart of liberalism.

To them the doctrine of universal human equality was simply beyond questioning. Blacks were biologically equal to Whites, they believed, and the only things which kept them from being socially equal were "injustice" and "oppression," which must be swent away — at any cost.

Actually, I wasn't interested in debating the question of whether Blacks are inherently equal to Whites. If my time in military school had taught me anything, it was that the notion of inherent human equality is utterly false.

Such a notion could only be maintained by someone who had never under gone the experience, as I had, of being cooped up in close quarters with 500 other human beings, day and night, for two years. I got to know my schoolmates (all of whom were White) rather more intimately than the average person ever gets to know anyone, and it was abundantly clear to me that they differed enormously in inherent quality. Some of my classmates were boys of intelligence, character, and sensitivity; others were the scum of the earth; and the rest were at various points in between.

Being aware of the difference: in biological quality which existed among Whites, I was not inclined to accept the liberals' blanker assertion that Blacks were "equal" to Whites. But whether the average intelligence of Blacks was approximately the same at that of Whites, or whether the races were similar in some other and the question. Blacks were manifestly different from Whites and the question to be answered to me was what was the internal to the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property of the property

proper relationship to be sought between the two races?

Should it be segregation, as those puffy-faced, shrieking women demanded; or should it be total and immediate integration, as the media spokesmen insisted; or should it be some third way? And what conclusions were to be drawn from the preeminent role of the Jews in the affair?

My conservative colleagues were of no more help in resolving these questions than the liberals. There were a few who, behind closed doors, would whisper angrily to me, "The Jews are the ones behind this 'civil rights' agilation."

But why? There was no coherent answer. And what should a responsible person do, other than whisper angrily? Again, the conservatives had no answer.

In seeking a conservative solution, I went so far as to attend several meetings of a local chapter of the John Birch Society. According to the Birchers, all the "civil rights" uproar was part of a communist program for taking over the country. Perhaps so, but that answer begged my basic question on race.

I quickly found out that the two topics on which I wanted an intelligent disscussion — race and the Jews — were precisely the two topics Birch Society members were forbidden to discuss, on pain of expulsion. When I persisted ir my questions, I was given a pamphlet which explained that anyone who raised these questions at a Birch Society meeting was almost certainly a "neutralizer" — a communist agent whose role was to "neutralizer" the Birch Society by distracting it from its anti-communist mission with questions about race and the lews

Conservatives, I discovered, are just as narrow-minded and big oted, on the average, as liberals. also came to the sad realization that, whatever may have been tru of universities in ages past, the can hardly be considered today to be communities of scholars "founded in freedom for research to sober, fearless pursuit of truth beauty, righteousness and to ahigh emprise consecrated," to quote the words on my Ric diploma. They are largely communities of timeservers, goin through the motions of scholar ship.

I suspect that the percentage of free spirits and thinkers unbound by convention may still be some what higher on the average American university campus that in the average redneck bar, but not drastically so. The cliches are different, but the primal reek of herd instinct is about as strong in both places.

I turned to the university library for answers. I began reading voraciously in subjects to which my scientific specialization had previously forced me to give short shrift, especially history. My reading was quite random at first: a book on the Civil War and the problems of the Reconstruction Era, followed by Gibbon, then by a treatment of the Second World War, and then by a survey of European prehistory.

Eventually, however, I was able to synthesize an overview of history which yielded serveral fundamental insights, the most important of which concerned the biological basis of history and of human culture. I began to understand that history is not just a succession of political events and cultural developments; it is the record of various human groups in their struggle to survive and evolve, of their interactions and conflicts.

The course which the history of any one human group follows is influenced by many factors, but the most important and basic of these factors is the specific racial character of the group. Thus, the histories of Negroes, of Chinamen, and of Whites, though subject to the effects of differing environments and differing cultural preconditions, are profoundly different primarily because the groups these histories describe are profoundly different biologically. And the differences in cultural preconditions themselves are, in most cases, primarily a product of biological differences also.

Such a conclusion may seem self-evident once it is recognized, but, like many other things which, perhaps, ought to be self-evident, it has managed to escape the attention of a great many people — including many who write history textbooks. For me it was a great revelation which changed the way in which I saw the world around me thenceforth.

Insight into the Jewish question came more slowly — not as a revelation, but as a gradual increase in understanding of Jewish behavior and Jewish thinking. But even before I felt I had a fairly complete understanding of the Jewish role in American life, I realized that it was a very important role, which had to be understood if anything else was to

Two years of intensive and extensive study of history, of the biology of race, of Jewish affairs, and of related topics certainly increased my understanding. But it did not provide the answer I was seeking: How should I respond to the "civil rights" offensive?

I did not realize it at the time, but no amount of study could have provided me an answer, for that involved a question of values. There are two types of knowledge: that which comes from a study of the external world, and that which comes from the soul. But it was another 10 years before I finally came to understand clearly the difference between objective and subjective knowledge and the way in which they are related.

in 1905 all 1 knew was that there was a mussive, well-organized effort afoot to bring about profound and irreversible changes in the racial character of the American population, and I fell that these changes would be for the worse and must, therefore, be opposed. I could not, at that time, say why I felt the way I did, not did I have any clear idea as to what I should do to implement my feelings.

I was, in other words, still lacking an ideological basis for action: a self-consistent set of values, principles, and goals from which I could derive a correct position on any issue which might arise and which would serve as a guide for proper action. I was groping intuitively for a goal without yet understanding the nature of intuition.

I tried to orient my own feelings relative to those of my colleagues with whom I had discussed the race issue. The liberals seemed to have an ideology of sorts, although it didn't make good sense to me, while the conservatives were quite short on ideology.

When I brushed aside the cliches and looked for their ultimate goals, it seemed to me that for the liberals it was self-annihilation, while for the conservatives it was self-preservation, in the narrowest sense. As for me, it was to do what I had been created to do—although I could not have expressed it that way at that time.

But what to do and how to do it—that, I still did not know. I only knew that I must do something; I could not continue to be merely a spectator indefinitely, while events cried out daily for action.

I decided to become a writer.

It seemed to me that if I could write a book which would explain the conclusions I had reached about the racial basis of history and about the long-range historical implications of the present drift toward racial mixing in the United States, other persons could be reached, persuaded, and organized into some sort of force capable of acting effectively in the political arena.

With this objective in mind, I left my faculty position for one with a large corporation in Connecticut. By doing so I not only gave myself more free time for writing, but I also doubled my salary. In addition, I gained staff privileges in the Yale University library, one of the largest and best in the country.

Before I even began my book, however, I made the discovery that I was not the first person to set foot on that trail. I was amazed to find dozens of books in the Yale library which had been written by others who had reached conclusions similar to my own. Most of the books were intelligently written — better books than I felt I could write myself, at the time — and several had been put out by major publishers.

And there they sat, some since the early years of this century, gathering dust on library shelves, influencing no one. That realization considerably dampened my enthusiasm for writing a book

It also called my attention to a problem I had not seriously considered before then: the problem of motivating people. I had naively assumed that the task I had taken on was merely one of persuasion — of convincing people that my view of events was correct — and that, once convinced, they would not hesitate to act.

Perhaps I had fallen into the common error of judging others by myself, or perhaps I had foolishly put too much faith in the old Christian saw, "Ye shall know the truth, and the truth shall make you free." In any event, it was becoming clear that the truth alone was not enough. One must

(not only know the truth, but one must then have the will to act on it — and will, it seemed, was much more the missing ingredient than truth.

On the matter of understanding the motivation — or lack thereof — of my fellow men, I had no flashes of revelation; it took me an embarrassingly long time to piece the picture together. Meanwhile, I wasted three precious years editing and publishing an ivory-tower ideological quarterly.

The understanding which gradually emerged is what may fairly be said to have radicalized me—to have convinced me that radical ends can only be attained by radical means. That conviction was the product of my interactions with a large number of individuals over a period of several years. I shall not attempt to relate those interactions in chronological order but shall merely describe a few which epitomize the others.

In early 1968 I applied for and obtained a Federal license to deal in firearms. I then went into the mail-order gun business. My purpose was not only to supplement my scanty income, but also to attract the attention of those persons most likely to be responsive to my ideological message.

For this latter purpose I had advertising flyers printed and distributed which described the firearms I was offering for sale as "Negro control equipment." The mass media jumped for the bait Headlines such as "Extreme Rightists Arming for Race War appeared in newspapers all ove America and were even picked up by a number of European papers

I became something of a celebrity, and my gun business thrived — until the Federal gun control law of 1968 went into effect and virtually outlawed mail-order sales of firearms.

The people with whom I came in contact as a result of this little experiment fell into several categories. First, there were the primitives, who liked to talk about doing violent and bloody things but who had neither the patience nor the understanding for the long, unexciting preparatory work which must be done first if violence is to be effective.

The thinking of the primitives was essentially conservative. Underneath the braggadocio ("I'm gonna kill me a nigger with this gun") was a very limited, defensive conception of things. The time might come, at a very late stage, where such people could be helpful — but I realized they were not what I was looking for.

Then there were the non-primitive conservatives. They didn't brag about any anticipated mayhem, but their motivation was essentially that of the primitives, and their imagination was just as limited. They had vague ideas of defending themselves from lawless Blacks, of shooting rioters in their neighborhoods — nothing more. Their only concern was protecting themselves and their property. Cooperative action to achieve longer-range goals did not interest them.

And there were the business an professional types — successful well-to-do men, some of them members of the Establishment. managed to get myself invited to few Washington cocktail parties thinking that the support of suc

people would be invaluable in lorganizing the sort of effort I had in mind.

I found a common pattern at these parties. There was a superficial receptiveness to what I had to say. People were ready to joke about Blacks. They didn't ap prove of racial mixing, and they detested Jews. They agreed heartily with my assertion that it was necessary to actively oppose the efforts of the controlled media the churches, and the Federa government to force Whites and Blacks to mix.

That is, they agreed until it began dawning on them that what I was saying was not just idle cocktail chatter, but that I was deadly serious. Then they became uneasy. And when I hinted that anyone who agreed with me had an obligation to become involved in a common effort, their uneasiness turned to something close to panic.

On more than one occasion I had the experience of having someone introduced to me who would say something like, "I read the articles in the Washington Post about your 'Negro contro equipment.' Keep it up; give 'em hell."

I would respond by mentioning that I had just published a pamphlet on the controlled press in America and that I would mai him a copy. The reaction would invariably be, "Oh, no, don't do that! They check the mail, you know. In my position, I can't afford to get involved. I'm sure you understand!"

Yes, I understood — or, a least, [ was beginning to, understood that American soci ety, like a dead fish, is rotting from the head down. The Gentile Establishment in this country is totally corrupt and will never ac from other than narrow self-inter est. Its members are more to blams than the Jews for America's racia problems, because they not only have had the power to oppose the Jews' schemes, but, unlike the masses, they have understood al along what the Jews have been up

It is not just their greed which manifests their corruption; it is also their abject cowardice. After all, they are racists, of sorts. Some will even support an effort to oppose racial mixing — if they can be convinced that it is completely safe.

That means that there must not only be no danger to their persons, their incomes, or their investments, but also no danger of social embarrassment, no danger of being caught in a breach of the etiquette of their class. Raising one's voice in public is such a breach of etiquette. So is using plain language about race, which everyone can understand.

Jesus said it a long time ago, and he was absolutely correct: "It is easier for a camel to pass through the eye of a needle than it is for a rich man to enter into the kingdom of heaven."

There was little danger of my becoming rich by following the course I had chosen, but my experiences with wealthy conservatives convinced me that I should take no chance that I might, at some future date, be influence by concern for material possessions. I divested myself of the property I had left — including my automobile and my bank account — and took a vow o

poverty. From then on I would never own more than the clothes on my back, the few essentials of my trade, and pocket money.

I talked to several retired military officers. They did not display as much cowardice or greed as the Establishment types, but they were limited in other ways. They had great difficulty in thinking or acting outside the conventions of their caste. I had not expected it, but I found a lot of the same squeamishness conservatives had shown when I talked about the grim realities of our situation and of the necessity of going to the roots of the problem and using radical surgery.

One general principle I learned is that people are fairly predictable — almost mechanical, one might say. They are very strongly constrained, not only in the type of things they do but also in what they are able to think about, by their social circumstances and backgrounds. It is very difficult for them to cope with events which require thinking and acting outside their well-worn ruts. Among adults there are few exceptions to this rule, regardless of social position or inherent intelligence.

It applies not only to the deeply conservative middle class and to the amoral men of the Establish ment, but also to the masses People who think that the so called "common people" will spontaneously rise up and make an end of their tormentors where economic conditions become bat enough or when school busing o some other outrage is carried a bifurther are just as mistaken a those who nurse the forlorn hop that the Whites of the Establish ment will one day respond to a twinge of racial loyalty.

Some profess to see hope for the future in the redneck bars of the nation, in the motorcycle gangs, even among the dropped-out youths of the drug culture, because of their "healthy, vital, elemental racism," as one dreamer expressed it. Yes, there is elemental racism there, but there is also elemental stupidity and apathy. Just look at what the common people keep voting for — and listen to their reasons for voting.

The masses, just like the Establishment, will never do spontaneously what needs to be done. They can act properly only when they are regimented and guided every step of the way. Democracy is a huge part of our present problem, and it will certainly not be a part of the cure.

That may be a difficult conclusion for many readers to accept. It is a radical conclusion. It took my years to accept it, but eventually could no longer avoid it.

Actually, my narrative over simplifies the process which led it my becoming a radical. There were two separate intellectual developments involved, which were so closely interconnected that it would be very difficult to separate them here. One led to my understanding the necessity or radical ends; the other, the necessity of radical means.

The first development was complete when I understood the futility of conservatism; the second when I understood the uselessness of conservatives.

By conservatism I mean the seeking of limited goals — of a wild-eyed bomb-thrower, For taction and lencompassing goals only make sense, in the long run, when they are stepping-stones on the way to an all-encompassing goal.

History is a dynamic, unstoppable, all-encompassing process. One cannot hold it back, but one can, sometimes, influence its course of history, one changes the course of history, one changes it for all times and for all things, whether one wants that or not.

The radical understands that and accepts it; the conservative does not.

The radical understands that and accepts it; the conservative does not.

The radical understands that and accepts it; the conservative does not.

The radical understands that and accepts it; the conservative does not.

The radical understands that and accepts it; the conservative does not.

The radical understands that and accepts it; the conservative does not.

The radical understands that and accepts it; the conservative does not.

The radical understands that and accepts it; the conservative does not.

The radical understands that and accepts it; the conservative does not.

The radical understands that and accepts it; the conservative does not.

The radical understands that and accepts it; the conservative does not.

The radical understands that and accepts it; the conservative does not.

The radical understands that and accepts it; the conservative does not.

The radical understands that and accepts it; the conservative does not.

The radical understands that and accepts it; the conservative does not.

The radical understands that and accepts it; the conservative does not.

The radical understands that and accepts it; the conservative does not.

I finally came to realize that I make the saved is the gene pool of our race. If we are able to do that, everything will ultimately matter it and the pool of our race. If we are able to do that, everything will ultimately matter it and the pool of our race. If we are able to do that, everything will ultimately matter it

to do that, everything will ultimately be lost.

The Inquire How should we be related to the planet on which we live? How are we to live together satisfactorily? How do we develop our individual potentialities? What is the relationship between nature and nurture?" Huxley endeavors to answer these questions by drawing on insights provided by various disciplines.

Unfortunately, The Human Situation between the congenital and unchangeable differences between people is somehow undemocratic — and also very depressing."

to do that, everything will ultimately which I had to pass in becoming radicalized, fighting it every step

which I had to pass in becoming radicalized, fighting it every step

trines. Orthodox Marxism, for example, is based upon the idea of environmental determinism and does not like the idea of congenital differences. In this country, possibly because of a wrongly interpreted view of democracy, it is felt that too much stress upon the congenital and unchangeable differences between people is somehow undemocratic — and also very depressing."

Like somatotypes, the potton problem and ecological contents of the congenital and unchangeable differences between people is somehow undemocratic — and also very depressing."

The Human Situation: Lectures of Sama Babbara 1939 babbara 1939 babbara 1939 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbara 1940 babbar

color and by the present, unreasoning instance that all men are somehow "equal." However, a bird look at the Huxley family shows us there is more truth than poetry in the old saying, and the standard of the dilitist philosophical specular for this. Wind of was Matthew Arnold. Huxley's grandfather, Thomas H., was a friend and champion of Charles Darwin. Huxley's father, Leonard, was a noted writer and editor. And Aldous's brother, Julian, the distinguished biologist, is also far from tearded.

Wells, a sudent of T. H. Huxley, saw a strong physical resemblance between Adous and seem to extend to qualities of intellect and character, since there whors's hold sult whe is permitted that the curve series at Santa Barbara nearly two decades ago with a reference to his grandfather's procecupation "with the problem of excessive specialization" and the winding in the measure of the measure of the measure of the measure of the measure of the measure of the measure of the measure of the measure of the measure of the measure of the measure of the measure of the measure of the measure of the measure of the measure of the measure of the measure of the measure of the measure of the measure of the measure of the measure of the measure of the measure of the measure of the measure of the measure of the measure of the measure of the measure of the measure of the measure of the measure of the measure of the measure of the measure of the measure of the measure of the measure of the measure of the measure of the measure of the measure of the measure of the measure of the measure of the measure of the measure of the measure of the measure of the measure of the measure of the measure of the measure of the measure of the measure of the measure of the measure of the measure of the measure of the measure of the measure of the measure of the measure of the measure of the measure of the measure of the measure of the measure of the measure of the measure of the measure of the measure of the measure of the measure of the measure of the measur

carry out her mission on February 7, as originally planned. In the interim the ship's water had begun to foul, and the fatty beef which was the men's chief nourishment had become rancid and maggotime. The estingly and alien, swart and frizzy, with flat noses and uddy eyes. Ugliest of all, the almost-Whites: these mongrel spawn of ist and South with North outnumber the rest. Democracy! tites, I suppose, have always been noisy and dirty and ugly. I member them thus as a child — but not this noisy; not this dirty. bove all, not this ugly! The crowds once were White, or nearly so. best treets; no waddling, no loose-jointed bopping along. What a ansformation has been wrought in a few decades! Where have these

there and past the fortifications between the proposition of the support of the second proposition of the second proposition of the second proposition of the second proposition of the second proposition of the second proposition of the second proposition of the second proposition of the second proposition of the second proposition of the second proposition of the second proposition of the second proposition of the second proposition of the second proposition of the second proposition of the second proposition of the second proposition of the second proposition of the second proposition of the second proposition of the second proposition of the second proposition of the second proposition of the second proposition of the second proposition of the second proposition of the second proposition of the second proposition of the second proposition of the second proposition of the second proposition of the second proposition of the second proposition of the second proposition of the second proposition of the second proposition of the second proposition of the second proposition of the second proposition of the second proposition of the second proposition of the second proposition of the second proposition of the second proposition of the second proposition of the second proposition of the second proposition of the second proposition of the second proposition of the second proposition of the second proposition of the second proposition of the second proposition of the second proposition of the second proposition of the second proposition of the second proposition of the second proposition of the second proposition of the second proposition of the second proposition of the second proposition of the second proposition of the second proposition of the second proposition of the second proposition of the second proposition of the second proposition of the second proposition of the second proposition of the second proposition of the second proposition of the second proposition of the second proposition of the second propositi

while the crew of more than 300 to Tripoli's dungeons, the Philadelphia was floated off the reef at high tide and brought by the Tripolitans in triumph to her present station in their harbor. The loss of the Philadelphia was a galling humiliation to the American Navy. Furthermore, in the hands of the Tripolitans the government of morfort in the trouble! How I yards away, a need by the fitth erical Americal

W.L.P.

While the crew of more than 300 the propelling and work close to the smaller ships. Indeed, the Philadelphia's capture threatened to cost the United

back out of the harbor as best they could, either in the Intrepid or its lifeboats.

At about seven o'clock the Intrepid set sail for Tripoli has the stail for Tripoli set sail for Tripoli has set sail for Tripoli has set sail for Tripoli has set sail for Tripoli has between ordered the drags which had slowed her speed cut, and the ketch leaped forward. Soon the walls and guns which flanked the harbor channel loomed ahead.

The United States of American threat to the five smaller brigs and work close to the smaller ships. Indeed, the Philadelphia's capture threatened to cost the United states.

Molloy had been overseeing the del iv^ery of thr^ee great shi p's masts to Bri^an's court at Kincora ,

ority , and th ^eatmos phere of the royal meeti ⁿg was st rained . The two ki ⁿgs talked politely or hunting and were careful not to ^touch on their past quarrels . Their conversation over, Molloy and Brian parted . The king of Leinster made his way to his sister Gormlaith's chamber, where he greeted her and showed her the d^amaged tunic . It was a gi ft from her husband , he told her, ^and he was quite fond of it . Would Gorml aith, who was famed for h er sk ill at sewing, repair it For

of Leinstcr would take no more giFts From Briaⁿ . Instead, he swung his mace and crushed the high king's servant's skull . Then Moll oy Bnd his retinuerode hard

The king of Leinster prepared his eastern provin ^cefor war. He found a will ing ally in his nephew , Sit ^ric Sil kenbeard, the king of Dubliⁿ . Together the Lcimtermen and Norsemen marched north against Brian' ^saUy, Malachy of Meat h, the former high king. Molloy and Sitric ^t riumphed o"cr Malachy al Sord , but they failed

A!; the winter months set in, the l risn and Danish allies withdrc" south . It was clear to Sit ^ric and Molloy that even their combined fore� were not strong enough to crush King Brian. For that, the)· needed po ^we^r ful allies. Shortly after Christmas Gormlaith madeher way to Sitric's side at Dublin. Brian, who could endure his queen' ^scontumely and intrigues no longer , had driven her from Kiocora. It was a fatal

Gormlaith set about the work of gaining foreign allies for her brother and her son . She pre1·ailed on Sitrlc to sail to see the mighty Earl of Orkney, Sigurd, who ruled an island empire to the north and west of Scotland . Sigurd was at first reluctant to intervene against the high king's military might. At length, however, he let himself be persuaded, but only on t!lc condition that he himself assume the high kingship after Brian should be defeated , and with the kingship Sitric 's mother Gormlaith as his queen . Sitric

ror Leinstcr.

to break his power .

mistake.

Gormlaith snatched the tunic and flung it i^{n t}othe Fire. Eyes flashing , the q ueen hissed that he ^should accept no gifts from Brian Boru . His pr ized tunic was ^a b ^adge of humil iation and indigⁿity . Never would their father or ^thei ^rgrandfather, both proud kings of Leinster , have so debased ^t hemsel ves. Molloy said little to ^contradict her. A ft er he l eft Gormlaith, he brooded long over

The next day Molloy sat and ^watched as Brian's eldest son Mu rrough played chess wi ^th Conang , Murrough's cou^siⁿ . At a critical point in the game Molloy suggested a move to Murrough. Brian's son , following MoUoy's advice, made the mov^eand lo^{s t} the game. Enraged, he snarled, "That was like the counsel you gave the Danes wben my father routed them at Glerunama ." Molloy rose and vented all hls pent-up rancor. Flinging over Lhe game-board , he shouted, "Yes, and I will counsel them again, nnd this time they will not be defeated." Gathering up his en-

him?

her word^s .

here the waters or the Shan non River wid^ened into Lough Dearg , the Red Lake. As hi.1 serfs struggled across the boggy ground near Roscrea , one of them ^stumbled , and a mast hit the ground with a thud . His mates cursed the man who had dropp^ed the mast, and he made for the nearest in a blind fury. M olloy i^{n t}erven^ed swiftly and forceful ly . Before he could break up the melee, howeve^r , one of the serfs tore ^asilver button from his t^unic, which King B^r ian had given him

The serfs s h ^{r a n} k b ^{a c} k in horror when they saw that they had been ^str^uggling with t heir king, but Molloy disdai ⁿed to chasti^ze

. His mind was on his forthcoming meeti ⁿg with the high king and with his siste^r Gormlaith. His workmen resumed their hauling, and soon they were descending from thehigh ground to Brian's headquarters on the

The royal palace seemed a poor ^refl^ection of the Irish high king's glory . Situated on a low hill and ^ring^ed with an earthen embank· ^ment and a p alisade of logs, it was ^alarge, rectangular, woode^{n s t} ructure with a straw-thatched roor. Brian's dwelling harked back to the longhouses of the northernEuropean past rather than foreshadowing the great , ^ston^ecastles of thefeudal age . Yet , for all that, Brian Boru - Brian the Tribute-taker - ^w as determined to bring all I reland under his royal sceptre, to become

on an earlier visit.

them

Shannon .

w

the ford , washing his bloodsoaked rainments; that the Norseman Brodir' ^sships had been drenched by scalding drops of crimson rain. Now forty thousand ^meⁿtrembled only with a lust fo^r took up his chal l enge.

to loathe him.

The writers represent Gormlaith as a · woman driven by ambition, in the traditi^on of Queen Me.eve of Irish legend, who dominated her weak consort, King Ailill, and who like^wis^e brought about a catas^{t r}ophic war by her p^ride and greed. When Queen Gormlaith found ^s h^e couldn't rule her husband Brian, she sought to crush him th ^rough her brother and her son. Gormlaith's brother w as King Molloy of Leinste^r ; her son, Sitric of the Silken Beard, by her marriage to the Viking Olaf K var an, was the Danish king of D^u bl iⁿ. They both had ample

Like Homeric heroes the two warriors swung their swords at close quarters. First the Irish and then the Norsemen roared as their champion seemed to gain the advantage. Then it was over in an instant as Platt and Donall thrust their swords home simultaneously . They both fell dead, hands gripping each other's hair. The I ri ^sh and the Norse advanced to meet in battle. It was a woman's scheming, so the I rish chroniclers and the Norse sagamen say, which br^ought the Vikings ^and the Gaels together on the field or death at Clontarr. Queen Gormlaith , Brian' ^sspouse, in the words of the author of Njal 's Saga, was "end ^owed with great beauty and all those attributes which were outside her own ^controi , but it is said that in al ^lth^e characteristics for which she herse!F ^w as responsible, she was ^u tterly wicked ." Brian was her third husband, and she had come

To the north Brian himsel F, th^e high king of all I ^{r e}land , rode before his troops, · massed so ^tightly that it ^seemed , according to the Irish chronicler, that a chariot could be driven along on ^their heads. The high king exhorted his Irish subjects and his ^allie^sfrom Scotland and the I ^sl^e of Man to be worthy of the honor of their clans in the battle that

Southward, within earshot of the I ^ri ^sh line, above the LiFfey River's shore, the Nors^elords and men prepar^ed for combat. There were men from 'all thefar-flung northern Vi king realms: Earl Sigurd from the Orkneys , Brodir and 1 ,000 mail-clad giants from the Isle of Man, Freebooters fro^m Iceland and the Faeroes , Scotland and the Hebrides , England and Fl^and^ers and Normandy . On this day, Ap^ril 23 , 1014, near ClontarF, north of Dublin, the prize ^wa^sIreland, f^{o r}whoever was maⁿ

Side by side with the Norsemen stood I rishmen as well . Molloy, king of Leinster, I ^reland' s eastern province, had made cause with King S itric of Dubl in and his Viking allies against the Irish high king . Molloy was filled with hatred for Brian, the upstart and usurper from the south, and be long^ed to see him dead with all his sons before he left the battlefield

^actioⁿ .

awaited t he^m .

enough to take it.

that day.

Russians Face Racial Crisis

Chinese Millions and High Asiatic Birthrate Peril Russian Future

Leonid Brezhnev is now 72 years old and in visibly failing health. Soon he will be replaced, and his successor will almost certainly be an ethnic Russian. That changeover will come at a time when the Soviet Union is undergoing a quiet but profound transformation with far-reaching consequences. For the first time in history, the ethnic Russian population is changing from majority to minority status.

The population of the world's largest and most powerful country is an incredibly diverse collection of more than 100 ethnic, racial, and linguistic groups.

Every Soviet citizen carries an identity card showing his nationality — Russian, Ukrainian, Armenian, Jew, Tadzhik, or what have you — which is determined by his parentage rather than by his place of birth or his curren residence. A child born in Lithuania of Ukrainian parents is a Ukrainian; one born of Jewish parents in Armenia is a Jew.

The U.S.S.R. is divided into 15 Union Republics, 20 Autonomous Republics, and eight Autonomous Regions — a system designed to give each major nationality its own homeland.

However, there is no doubt that the Soviet Union is run by the Russians. Ten of the Politburo's 14 full members are Russians. Of the ten members of the Communist Party secretariat, nine are Russians. And 19 of the central Party apparatus's 20 department heads are Russians.

Moreover, Russians occupy the most prestigious and powerful positions in the Soviet bureaucracy, in the military, and in the industrial-economic sphere.

The Red Army is ethnically segregated. The Russians and other Slavs man high-priority units, such as the strategic rocket forces, the armored corps, the artillery, and the front-line motorized infantry. Non-Slavs man low-priority units, such as construction battalions. Nearly all top Army commanders are Russians, and those who are not are usually fellow Slavs: Ukrainians or Byelorussians.

Over the past several decades, however, the Russian proportion of the population has been falling steadily. According to the 1970 census (the most recent), Russians made up only 53.4 per cent of the total Soviet population, barely a majority.

It is becoming harder than ever to mistake the Soviet Union for Russia. According to Soviet demographer G. A. Bondarskaya, Russians will fall to 44.3 per cent of the total population by the year 2000.

Meanwhile, the "nations of the East" will grow enormously. Four the Kirghizes, Turkmens Uzbeks, and Tadzhiks — wil more than treble in numbers. Bondarskaya predicts. The Azerbaijanis and Kazakhs will more than double.

YOUNG RUSSIAN WORKERS are becoming increasingly race conscious, as the threat to their future posed by the non-White minorities in the Soviet Union and by the hostile Chinese hordes on the Soviet border

the healthy sense of national and racial identity a new generation of Russians is growing up with. If these young Russians ever solve their internal and external race problems, increasingly decadent and mongrefized America had better look out!

By the end of the century, Western experts calculate, the overall Soviet population growth rate will be 0.6 per cent, one-third that of the 1950's. Between 1981 and 1995, however, there will be an absolute decline in the number of active workers in the European part of the Soviet Union. All of the growth will be in the non-Slavic areas of Transcaucasia and Soviet Central Asia

By the year 2000, the U.S. Census Bureau predicts, one-fourth of the Soviet population will be Asiatic Muslims, as compared to only 11.8 per cent in 1959. Bondarskaya is even more pessimistic, and predicts that by the end of the century every third Soviet citizen will be a Muslim.

While the rural population of the Slavic Russians dropped 15 per cent in the past five years, it rose 13 per cent in Central Asia.

The average size of rural Uzbek families has grown from 4.8 persons in 1959 to 5.8 persons in 1970, one Soviet study shows. And the "ideal" family of younger Central Asian women is even larger than the present average size.

Soviet Asiatics seem eager to raise their birthrate even higher. An Uzbek official apologized that his Republic's birthrate (32.8 pethousand) is second to Tadjikistan. "We would like to be first, and we will be first in the future," he said.

Four years ago Central Asia dropped its marriage age for girls to 16. "Medicine has established that females mature earlier in our climate than in the north," explained the Muslim mufti of Tashkent.

To stimulate births the government awards the "Motherhood Medal," second and first class, for five and six children respectively; the "Glory of Motherhood" award, with three classes, for seven, eight, and nine offspring; and the "Mother-Heroine" award for ten children.

But, unfortunately, these awards seem to elicit the most enthusiastic response from non-Whites. For example, Uzbekistan boasts more "Mother-Heroines" – 1,671,507 — than any other Soviet Republic.

These demographic trends worry thoughtful Russians. As Fortune magazine noted in August,
"Russians have always been
among the world's most raceconscious people, with a strong
distaste and even contempt for
non-Slavs and especially for nonWhites. Today, in private conversations, Rusajans complain bitterly about the 'yellowing' of their
country's population."

Russians also resent the facthat rubles are diverted from the development of natural resource in Siberia to pay for housing schools, and other projects in Central Asia. They are outraged that Georgians, Armenians, and other minority nationalities pulocal interests before those of the Soviet Union.

"If a poll were to be taken in the Russian Republic," Fortune writes, "it would show overwhelming support for a hard-line, no-concessions response to non-Russian ethnic demands."

Moreover, many Russians resent the approximately 7,000 Black Africans studying in major Soviet cities. Blacks who become involved with Russian girls are frequently beaten up. When a student from Ghana was mysteriously murdered some years ago in Moscow, African students demonstrated in protest.

In 1974 Blacks demonstrated for a week in Kiev when the authorities tried to annul a marriage between a White girl and a Nigerian. Russian girls who date Blacks are humiliated and ostracized by their fellow Russians.

But the most serious racial threat to the Soviet Union comes from the Chinese colossus to the Fast

For years Chinese leaders have been proclaiming that another world war is inevitable, and that the Soviet Union is the greates threat to world peace. In preparation the Chinese have massed more than 1.5 million soldiers of their northern borders.

The almost pathological Slavid fear and hatred of Asiatics date back centuries. The only success ful invasions of Russia have beet from the East. In the 13th and 14th centuries Mongol horde: conquered and occupied most of the territory of what is now the Soviet Union.

Despite their common claims of loyalty to Marxism-Leninism, the national-imperial ambitions of China and the Soviet Union are irreconcilably antagonistic.

The Kremlin is deeply concerned that China is building a global front against the U.S.S.R. in its new search for friends and support. Soviet leaders cite the warming relationship between Washington and Peking; the recent unprecedented trip by Chinese Chairman Hua Kuo-feng to Romania, Yugoslavia, and Iran; and China's new friendship pact with Japan.

The popular weekly Literaturnaya Gazeta recently described the Chinese leaders this way: "Their lack of political principles, their duplicity and cynicism, are known to the whole world. Their reliability is deceitful. Perfidious stabs in the back are their way of operating."

China is still an overwhelmingly peasant country with only limited capacity to wage a successful nuclear war. But the hardheaded program of modernization and industrialization now being pushed by the successors of Mao Tse-tung threatens the Soviet Union more than the Chinese claims to ideological purity and Third World leadership ever did.

The Chinese, Mao often repeated, can afford to lose several hundreds of millions of their people in a cataclysmic military showdown and still emerge victorious.

Significantly, the Chinese have never renounced their claims to the yeast territories in Siberian

Growing Russian Consciousness At Odds with Marxist Doctrine

FYODOR DOSTOVEVSKY

"Every great nation believes, and must believe if it wishes to endure, that it alone can save the world; that it lives to lead the other nations, unite them, and guide them as one in accomplishing the final, destined goals. I am sure that all the greatst nations of the world, in ancient and in modern times, have believed this. This faith alone carried them forward and gave each in its own time the ability to exert enormous influence on the destiny of

So wrote the great Russian literary genius Fyodor Dostoyev-sky (1821-1881). He was both pan-Slavic and anti-Jewish. His works are tremendously popular in the Soviet Union today, although they were suppressed in the first decades of Bolshevik rule. The Soviet Union seems more determined than ever to fulfill Dostoyevsky's vision of the role of a "great nation."

Russia, Kazakstan, and Kirghizia seized from China in the 19th century by Czarist Russia.

of war with China, the Central Asian minorities may side with their fellow Asiatics.

Chinese, and Soviet leaders know that only a preventive war in the near future can halt the long range "yellow threat." According to the memoirs of H.R. Halde man, the Kremlin asked Presiden Nixon for connivance in such a war.

A new generation of Soviet Russian nationalists is emerging. The Russity, as they are sometimes known, are especially powerful in the military. Ironically, their most articulate spokesman is probably Alexander Solzhenitsyn.

In his 1974 Letter to the Soviet Leaders he argues for a new national-authoritarian order in Russia. He appeals to the Soviet leadership on the supposition "that you are not alien to your origins, to your fathers, grandfathers, and great-grandfathers to the expanses of your homeland and that you are conscious or your nationality."

Above all, he urges them to abandon the "sham, cardboard theatrical prop" of Marxist-Leninist ideology, which makes further national development impossible.

There are many indications that Solzhenitsyn's outlook is shared

by ever larger numbers of his

One sign of growing Russian national feeling has been the tremendous growth in societies for the preservation of architectural and historical monuments. Originally organized as outlets for conservationist and environmentalist concerns, society meetings have been increasingly characterized by outspokenly Russian nationalist speeches and declarations.

For the first time in 20 years, the traditionalist Russian painter Ilya Glazunov has been given a major one-man show. Thousands wait in line to see his patriotic paintings of Russian saints and national heroes.

Another sign has been the sharp rise in support and interest for the Russian Orthodox Church. Be tween 25 and 30 per cent of Moscow children are now baptized. Religious marriages have become fashionable, even though they cost 500 rubles, as compared to three rubles for a civic ceremony. And it's not uncommon for a young girl to wear and they cost 500 rubles have recklared.

But the motive is only partially religious. Many see the Church as the living symbol of traditional Russia.

Soviet nationality policy today is based upon the mistaken notions of Lenin, who was only one-fourth Russian. He argued that, in the long run, nationalism would die away under communism. Education, equal opportunities, and higher living standards would erode national loyalties and usher in the new, internationalist "Soviet man."

During the first years of Bolshevik rule, national sentiment was completely suppressed. The term "patriot" meant the same as "White Guard" or "counter-revolutionary."

But following Lenin's death and the elimination of his Jewish rivals, Stalin used national sentiment to secure his power.

The Internationale was dropped as the national anthem and replaced by the Hymn of the Soviet Union. Military ranks were restored in the Red Army. After being banned, Glinka's opera, Alife for the Czar was reintro duced under the title Ivan Susan in. Books by Russian nationalist such as Dostoyevsky slowly reap peared.

During the Second World War Stalin used national sentiments without restraint to mobilize the defense of the "holy motherland."

Ivan the Terrible, Alexander Nevsky, and Marshal Kutuzov were held up as great heroes. The Orthodox Church was pressed into service, and pan-Slavism was revived.

Today, Soviet demographic trends represent a more fundamental threat to the Russian future than military invasion from the West

The Russian dilemma becomes more acute with each passing year. To drift on the present course will mean the steady erosion of Russian influence and the prospect of eventual domination by non-Russians. But a conscious, pro-Russian national

THIS CLASS OF THREE-YEAR-OLD RUSSIAN violinists exemplifies the pride the Russians have in their children. But the birthrate of the Russians and other Slavic peoples in the Soviet Union is far below that of the rapidly multiplying non-White minorities, whose growth threatens the future of these Russian children.

THIS GROUP OF UZBEKS in Tashkent represents only one of the many Asiatic minorities in the U.S.S.R With different lifestyles, languages, and traditions from the Russians, they are rapidly outbreeding the latter

policy would mean the abandon ment of Marxist-Leninist doc trine. Russian servival requires the rejection of communist ideology.

The average Russian is tremen dously proud of his country. He knows that the Soviet Union is the most powerful country in the world. He sees Soviet influence grow from year to year, while the United States becomes weake and more confused.

He is proud of Soviet achievements in space and the international sports arena. He know that his country is now the world's largest producer of steel, oil, and cement.

The tremendous suffering during the "Great Patriotic War" of 1941-1945 admonishes him to never take national security for granted. The Red Army is unquestionably the best in the world, and he considers military service an honorable duty.

He also sees his standard of living improve from year to year and he has greater individua freedom than ever before.

And despite problems, he look to the future with confidence That's why not being able to rear Playboy magazine or vacation in Italy doesn't bother him

He knows, however, that his national future is being threatened. And he knows that before too long he must act to eliminate that threat.

M.W.

(Issue No. 64, 1978)

Letters

Conventioneer

First, congratulations on the convention! For me it accomplished two important objectives. I came away rededicated to the cause, more certain than ever that our way is The Way and that have an important personal role, which I will more actively play.

Second, it confirmed, by per sonal observation, that which had already decided from the Alliance's printed materials: the Alliance has the best people, the best attitude, and by far the best message of the many sincer groups trying to help America today.

I heard talk from staff members of 'rough edges' which detracted from the convention's impact. Believe me, they must have had more impact upon the staff than upon the gathered membership. The convention was a tremendous success!

R.C. N. Royalton, OH

Grim Resolution

I greatly like just about every thing you write and everything you are doing. Your whole analysis of our present situation seems to be absolutely sound. You onstantly see realities and face hem squarely. I like your sense of he necessity of a spiritual founation for our resurgence as a seople and your feeling that any seople who are to prove equal to he demands that will be made upon their ultimate reserves must be instructed and hardened now or the ordeal as well as inspired and organized. In all this I go long with you completely

The only place where I have to wonder whether your realism doesn't flinch is when you declare, as you do in your letter accompanying the last issue of NATIONAL VANGUARD, that our "future looks bright indeed!" To me, as I stand off and try to look at things with calm, cool penetration, it seems grim to the point of being desperate.

But I am wholly with you in a determination to awaken and arouse and prepare as many of our people as we can to stand and fight and never to surrender, and even if seemingly defeated to go on fighting underground, in the faith that in the end we shall triumph, and then go on to build the future you picture — as I do — more noble, more beautiful, and more enduring than anything we have built in the past.

W.G.S.

(Issue No. 64, 1978)

What Is to Re Done?

In the face of treason and criminal irresponsibility on the part of the politicians, of apathy and ignorance on the part of the White masses, and of cowardice and selfishness on the part of most intelligent Whites. what is to be done to save our race, in spite of itself?

The answer is not difficult to state, although a bit of argument is required to present a convincing case that it is the only answer.

The answer, in brief, is that an organization must be built which satisfies the following requirements:

It must be, first of all, not an ad hoc organization, but an organization based on fundamental principles, an organization with a world view, essentially religious in nature, shared by every member of the organization.

It must be, in structure, a hierarchical organization, like an army — or a religious order — with the degree of understanding, of commitment, and of discipline increasing with the level of responsibility in the organization.

It must be, in scope, an all-encompassing organization, ar organization which not only generates propaganda and which recruits

and trains new members, but which becomes eventually a community unto itself, self-sufficient spiritually and materially, providing all the functions and capabilities needed for carrying out its task—ultimately a separate state within the state.

And it must be an organization which, in time, incorporates within itself the best elements of our people, developing from this elite minority a majority of will and determination, so that, at an exceptional moment, sufficient historical leverage can be exerted by the organization to effect a permanent change, in the desired direction, in the course of history

Now we will begin looking a the way in which the organization satisfying the above requirement can be built, and we will at the same time see why the variou alternative answers to our origina question which have been put forward by others are incorrect answers.

The first thing to understand is that there is no shortcut or clever trick which will achieve what we want: no tax revolt, no slyly worded Constitutional amendment, no Pentagon coup d'etat, no secretly racist Presidentia candidate disguised as a Ronalc Reagan. These shortcuts have a fatal fascination for right wingers but none of them will work, and the reasons why they won't are both specific and general

Consider, for example, the scheme of some of the tax-revolt enthusiasts, who are quite numerous at the moment. The great majority of the tax rebels, of course, are not right wingers and have no goal beyond reducing their own taxes. But some see the general dissatisfaction with high taxes as an opportunity for bringing about a shutdown of some of the Federal government's least nopular programs.

they feason that it enough people can be persuaded to refuse to pay their income taxes, the government can be brought to its knees. Then the tax rebels can dictate certain reforms: no more Federally enforced school busing, no more welfare payments or subsidized housing for Blacks, no more weapons and money for the Zionists, etc.

But the System doesn't work that way. In the first place, most of the government's money comes from paycheck deductions and from other taxes over which the individual taxpayer has no control. Only the self-employed person even has the option of refusing to pay his income tax.

In the second place, the government will always find the money to enforce its variou

race-mixing programs, to buy off the Blacks, and to support Zionist ambitions. The politicians will dismantle the U.S. Air Force before they will hold up the welfare checks or shut down the subsidized housing.

If necessary they'll just print inore money. When they are really squeezed they'll push through whatever legislation they need to counter a tax revolt, and the Federal judges — who feed at the same trough — will back them up.

In the third place, if a tax revolt ever seems to be really catching on, the System will delegate one of its own to "lead" it, and the "ontrolled news media will obediently "legitimize" him. Remember the man the media masters crowned as official spokesman for the "support our President" conservatives during Richard Nixon's Watergate crucifizion? It was Caiaphas himself: Rabbi Baruch Korff.

This danger of pre-emption exists so long as most members of any movement receive the majority of their information and attitudes regarding the movement through System-controlled channels. It can be avoided only by a movement which is so tightly organized that members look to the movement itself for information and avidence.

There is just one thing that a tar revolt might accomplish, at the very most: it might cause temporary and superficial changes in the System's way of doing things. If the natives become restless enough, the politicians and the media masters will certainly seek to appease them. They will ever risk a little Black unrest in orde to ameliorate White anger and resentment. They might ever change the tax laws — perhapeven substantially.

And that would be the end of the tax revolt, because 95 per cent of the rebels would feel they had accomplished their purpose — which, after all, is merely to reform the System, not to do away with it allogether.

The most lethal weakness of the tax-revolt movement is that it is an ad hoc movement, with nothing other than anger to bind its adherents together, and always subject to being pre-empted by the System. If it were a front or an auxiliary for a movement based on fundamentals, then it might have some tactical value — in stirring up public discontent, in breaking down the public's awe of the System, in generating internal stress in the System — in helping to prepare the way for permanent and substantive change. But by tself, with nothing fundamental

Life tests the best and most fruitful individuals and races, and it asks whether a tree which must grow proudly on the heights is able to withstand bad weather and storms.

— Friedrich Nietzsche

ong-range goals to further, it is

Conservative and right-wing racists work up a perennial enthusiasm for Presidential candidates who, they convince themselves, are secretly on their side. A few years ago their hero was George Wallace. In 1980 it will probably be Ronald Reagan.

Never mind that any politiciar who has been a state governor in these United States has already compromised himself thoroughly and repeatedly. The right wingers tell themselves he had to say those things to get elected, he had to appoint that Black judge in order to keep his job, he had to wear a yarmulka to that Israel Bonds fundraiser in order to fool the Jews. When he becomes President, they say, he'll turn the tables on the rascals.

Suppose that, through divin intervention or some other extra ordinary means, a U.S. Presidential candidate remained purin heart up to the day of himauguration, uncorrupted by the inherently corrupt process which brought him to the White House Suppose he really were the marshis right-wing boosters though him to be. Suppose he really did

want to overturn the System clean out the entrenched Federal bureaucracy, and restore America to strength, honor, and White precedence (which is about as radical a program as the rightwing imagination can encompact)

How would he do it? He might conceivably have a large enough circle of trusted and true personal friends, also uncorrupted and sharing his secret aims, so that he could pick a cabinet from among them.

Suppose his new secretary of health, education, and welfare then proceeded to halt all racial busing programs.

The media would tear into the new President with a fury which would make their Watergate assault on Nixon seem like good clean fun in comparison.

The Congress would not ap prove his budget.

The courts would declare his anti-bussing moves un-Constitu-

The entrenched, lower-leve bureaucrats would sabotage hi programs.

If all that didn't make him bac down, George Meany, Jerr Wurf, and the other labor bosse ould paralyze the country with a eneral strike.

And, of course, the Blacks yould riot.

Suppose a couple of top generals in the Pentagon were in canoots with the President. They could order out the troops to begin arresting the media masters and the Federal judges and the abor bosses and to machine-gun the riging Blacks.

But the troops wouldn't go out— not the troops who make up today's U.S. Army! And there would be any number of officers down the chain of command who would understand what was happening and who would countermand the generals' orders. There might be quite a bit of confusion for a few hours, even a bit of shooting, but there would be no successful cound d'ent.

It is hardly necessary to painle the whole picture, even for the right wingers. The idea of a one-man revolution, or of a revolution by a small group of conspirators, or of any other sly trick which amounts to sneaking up on the System and slipping a sack over its head, is sheer nonsense.

In addition to the myriad specific reasons why such schemes will not work, there are two general reasons which apply to all of them.

First, the System which rules America is a massive, manyheaded thing. Those who would change it must be prepared to replace not only the President and his staff and his department heads and the top military leaders, but also tens of thousands of people at the intermediate and lower levels of government.

It is not sufficient merely to shoot the top executives in the TV networks and in the editorial offices of the big-city newspapers. It is necessary to have people immediately at hand to replace them, people who are not only reliable but also competent. And it is likewise necessary to have replacements for the police chiefs of the major cities, for the superintendents of schools, for the Federal and state judges

No revolution can be carried through successfully which leaves the nation's legislators, teachers, preachers, labor leaders, business leaders, newsmen, and the leading members of every other segment of society unchanged, still loyal to the old order, still under the influence of old ideas. One must have not one man and not a small group of conspirators, but a

revolutionary army which can supply from its ranks an entire social superstructure for the nation to replace the existing superstructure. And the members of this new superstructure must be not only ideologically reliable but also strong and capable people willing and able to do what is demanded of them.

there is no shortcut to the new order is that America is far sicker than the right wingers realize—or are even capable of understanding. Their general tendency to oversimplify the problem confronting them by thinking in terms of replacing a small number of evildoers with good men, as outlined above, leads also to a failure to see the extent to which the problem is rooted in the general population.

The right-wing tendency is to put all the blame for America's ills on a few people: on a clique of powerful conspirators (the "insiders"), on the Jews, on the international bankers, on the "trilateralists," or what have you. (This also happens to be a left-wing tendency, if one excludes the Jews as potential culprits.) The masses of the people are seen as basically healthy but unable to put their sound instincts and their good common sense to work because of

the control exerted by the evil

There are, to be sure, conspirators and conspiracies of various unwholesome sorts. And there most assuredly are Jews, who wield a great deal of power and use it to the enormous detriment of our race. But there is also a disease abroad in our land, and it extends far beyond the Jews and their conspiratorial henchmen. It permeates our whole society and afflicts the great majority of our neonle.

It does little good to complain about the thieves, the traitors, the Jew-fawners, and the incompetents in the Congress without taking into account the fact that the great, White masses of this country elected them to the Congress because they liked their smiles and their folksy ways. And they keep re-electing them, even after their treachery and their groupkdness is revealed.

The late Hubert Humphrey was one of the vilest pieces of filth to foul this world with his presence. He unabashedly groveled at the feet of the Jews and sold out the interests of his race over and over again during the more than three decades of his political career. And yet the good people of Minnesota — a nearly all-White

state — repeatedly chose him as

Nor can the blame be put entirely on the System's control of the political process for what the Minnesotans did. They may not have been allowed much of an alternative to voting for Humphrey, but it is clear that they did it voluntarily rather than under protest. When Humphrey descended to his just deserts early this year, many a White Minnesotan blubbered mawkishly for the TV cameras about how much "heart" good, old Hubert had.

Right wingers bemoan — and rightly so — the jungle music and the race-mixing TV programs which the Jew-controlled networks broadcast to poison the minds of our people. But they conveniently forget that White Americans listen to that music and watch those programs, noi just voluntarily, but enthusiastically. Any right winger who tried to take their Jewish poison away from the White masses and give them something healthy in its place would be in danger of being lynched by those same White masses.

And it does no good to make excuses for the people, to blame their mores and their voting habits on alien influences. Changes in the public's behavior and attitudes which may be wrought a

generation after the overthrow of the System are of little help in

What must be taken into account are the facts as they exist now, and one of those facts is that there is no strong, general sentiment in favor of the changes which right-wing racists want to bring about. There is precious little concern even about saving the White race.

Anger at the government's taxing policies, resentment a being forced to mix with Blacks dissatisfaction generally with the flabby, inefficient, and corrup government in Washington are al potentially useful phenomena, of course, but one must be carefu not to read too much into them In particular, one must no nourish with them the false hop that the White people of America will of their own accord rise up against the System — when things and the system — when the confidently predicted "economic crash" comes — and settlings right again.

Successful revolution and permanent change can only come through organization, and that is a matter we will examine in NATIONAL VANGUARD next

W.L.P.

(Issue No. 64, 1978)

Dramatic Story of the Sepoy Mutiny of 1857

The Devil's Wind

The silence at the British military garrison outside Meerut, 40 miles north of Delhi, was as oppressive as the heat. As the British soldiers and employees of the East India Company and their wives and children prepared for evening church services late in the afternoon of May 10, 1857, the Company's native Indian soldiers, the sepoys, lolled sullenly around their barracks and in the fetid, tangled alleys of Meerut's Sudder bazaar, several miles to the southwest.

The day before, 85 troopers of the 3rd (Native) Light Cavalry Regiment had been disarmed in front of their comrades and then hauled off to jail in chains because they had refused to accept the greased cartridges issued them for their new Enfield rifles. The sepoys claimed the grease had been derived from the fat of cattle and pigs; biting through the grease-covered cardboard enclosing the cartridge, necessary in the complicated process of loading the rifle, was abhorrent to the religious sensibilities of Hindu

Soon the sun slipped over the western horizon, red as blood. Something terrible was in the air, but the English commander at Meerut, 67-year-old Major General William Hewitt, so fat he could no longer sit on his horse, chose not to notice it.

It begain in the bazaar, as the lamps were lit for the twilight. A prostitute refused her services to a sepoy from the 3rd, taunting him for his cowardice. How could he think of coming to a woman while his mates languished in their cells? The other harlots in the brothels lining the narrow streets took up

REBELLIOUS SEPOYS PAY THE PRICE for their orgy of mutiny and murder. Lashed across the muzzles of the British guns, they were form apart by the blasts from blank charges.

ner cry: "No kisses for cowards!

The sing-song chant maddened the tense and anxious men of the 3rd Cavalry. The Indian troops began to loot and burn the stalls and shops which crowded the bazaar. They found willing accomplices in the budmashes, the habitues of India's sordid urbar underworld of crime and vice Native soldier and civilian alike began their own shout, "Allah-i allah, maro Faringhi!" ("With the help of Allah, kill the Whitemen!")

The sepoys boiled forth from the bazaar and stormed the jail where the 85 mutineers crouched offered no resistance. While native blacksmiths hacked at the manacles and leg irons which bound the prisoners, the mob emptied the jail of more than 700 common criminals. Then, frenzied with hatred, several hundred mounted sepoys made for their barracks to the northeast.

A British officer of the 3rd Cavalry, Lt. Alexander Macken zie, received word of the incipien rebellion and rode to confront hit troops, firm in the conviction that he could prevail on them to return to their quarters peacefully. Their flashing sabres convinced the

young lieutenant otherwise; he was barely able to wheel his horse around in time to speed to the safety of the English lines.

When the mutinous sepoys of the 3rd Cavalry reached the nativo barracks, they quickly rallied the foot soldiers of the 11th and the 20th Native Infantry Regiments to their side. As the Indian soldier laid their own quarters to the torch, Colonel John Finnis, the 11th's commander, rode up to reasser his authority. Af first men seemed to quiet down, but when Finnis turned to the sepoy from the 20th, he was cut down be fusilled of hullets.

While the mutineers gathered their arms and their courage in the vicinity of the flaming barracks, the British commanders watched in a paralysis of fascinated horror. General Hewitt doddered helplessly, relying on his subordinate, Brigadier General Archdale Wilson, who was only too eager to defer to his senescent superior. And 2,000 British troops, whose numbers compared to the 2,700 sepoys of Meerut in a more favorable ratio than obtained at any other major station in India. did nothing.

As the British soldiers waited on the parade ground, drawn up in meticulous order, the roll called with leisurely exactitude, the riotous sepoys descended on the outlying and unprotected bungalows of the Englishmen's dependents. There were scenes of incalculable borror

A howling mob pursued Mrs. Charlotte Chambers, the wife of a British captain and six months pregnant, across the darkened awns of the British cantonment. When they caught up to the terrified White woman they cut her down and tore the fetus from her womb with their long swords. Scores of other English women and children were slashed and stabbed to death in their homes sometimes with the enthusiastic assistance of native servants.

Those English officers and men unlucky enough to be caught outside their lines suffered the same fate, although some of them had the grim satisfaction of taking more than one of their assailants with them

At length, 1,000 British soldiers, led by fat old General

Hewitt, riding in his buggy, marched to the inferno which had lately been the sepoy lines. After discharging a few ineffectual volleys of grapeshot and rifle fire at the shadows behind the flickering flames, they marched back to their own lines.

At that time the sepoys were already on the march southwest to Delhi, the seat of the pupper Moghul emperor and the site of large stores of arms and munitions. The news of the native regiments' departure for the capital, which portended a full-scale uprising, failed to budge Hewitt and Wilson.

Even when Captain Rosser of the 6th Dragoons pleaded to be allowed to pursue the sepoys with a small detachment, so as to take them unawares from the rear, his commanders remained adamant. (General Wilson later testified that he "did not wish to divide his force.")

By morning Delhi was in the hands of the mutineers. Within three weeks northern India, from the borders of the Punjab to Bihar, was in the throes of mutiny and anarchy, as regiment after regiment of the British East India Company's Bengal Army threw in their lot with the rebels. Before the revolt the Indians came to call "the Devil's wind" was finally smashed, thousands of Englishmen and their families would pay with their blood for the shame of Meerut.

The twentieth year of Queen Victoria's reign, 1857, was also the hundredth anniversary of the battle of Plassey, in which the English, led by Clive, had won the mastery of India from their French rivals. As the new year dawned on the subcontinent, the prospect of another century of progress under the aegis of the controlling East India Company had suffused India's British rulers with a rosy glow of optimism. Ye months before the explosion a Meerut, the anniversary of Plas sey already held a differen meaning for millions of Indians for them, it was an omen tha England's sway over their ancien culture would end that year.

The year before, Lord Dalhousie, the governor general, had returned to England, his health broken after eight years of strenuous efforts to bring the advantages of European civilization to India. His labors had seemed to bear fruit. Railroad lines and telegraph wires had begun to crisscross the subcontinent. Traditional Hindu and Moslem values and practices were everywhere in retreat before the advance of Western educators and officials. Dalhousie had greatly accelerated this process by annexing several of those Indian states which still maintained a nominal independence, substituting the just, if not amiable rule of the colonial power for the often capricious and always autocratic rule of the native potentates.

Dalhousie's measures had unsettled important segments of Indian society, particularly the upper classes, who had been deprived of their offices and incomes by the reforms. The British seizure of the north-central state of Oudh in 1853, without the customary quasi-legal niceties, was particularly alarming, despite the tyrannical and inefficient rule of its Moslem nawah

The most important source of the mounting resentment agains the British naj, or sovereignty, was the widespread fear among pious Hindus that Dalhousie and his successor, Lord Canning, were carrying out a conscientious and systematic plan to destroy the caste system, the pillar around which religious and social life in India had long revolved.

The system of caste had its origins in the invasion of india from the northwest by the Aryans some 3,500 years before. Descended from the same predominantly Nordic racial stock as our own Indo-European ancestors, the Aryans found a multiplicity of different racial types on the subcontinent, at various levels of civilization or savagery.

The ancient Aryans were conscious of the profound racial differences which separated them from the indigenous peoples, whom they scorned as "blacks," or as "noseless (flat-nosed) ones." Glorying at first in the annihilation of the natives, the Aryans soon succumbed to the temptation of exploiting their labor and interbreeding with their women.

The three Aryan castes — the Brahmins (priests), the Kshatriyas (warriors), and the Vaishyas (farmers and tradesmen) — were augmented by a despised caste of bondsmen, the Sudras, comprising most of the non-Aryans. Even below the Sudras were the Untouchables, non-Aryans of particularly repellent occupations or modes of life.

Over the course of centuries the racial purity of the Aryans was destroyed by interbreeding, but the caste system continued in force, crystallizing on a religious rather than a racial basis. Sub castes based on tribal or occupational status multiplied (today there are some 3,000 different caste groups). Nevertheless, high caste Indians tended to be White than those of low caste, and the different castes continued to be generally isolated breeding communities.

Although rooted in Hindu theology and cult, the caste system evinced a remarkable ability to weather and assimilate challenges to the Hindu outlook, whether from without the Hindu tradition or from within. Buddhist and Moslem, Jain and Sikh, all were to a greater or lesser degree absorbed by the system, if only by being forced to constitute their communities, in effect, as new and separate castes.

The rise of British power and influence in India in the 18th and 19th centuries posed traditional Indian society the greatest threat it had ever encountered. The British East India Company, founded as a joint stock company in 1600, established trading factories along India's coasts in the 17th century, eclipsing the influence of the Portuguese, who had arrived there as early as 1498. In the course of protecting and promoting its trading interests, the Company found itself drawn more and more into Indian politics.

The 18th century saw a strong challenge to the East India Company's hegemony mounted by the French, led by the brillian Dupleix, who initiated the practice of establishing "protecto rates" over various Indian states The equally brilliant Robert Clive

a young company clerk, led the British to victory and set the stage for the East India Company's role as ruler and administrator, with the sanction of Parliament, of a steadily increasing area of the subcontinent.

The dynamism and aggressive self-confidence of the British, which manifested itself in the enthusiasm for progress characteristic of the Victorian era, could not fail to alienate the tradition-minded Indians. Almost inevitably the conflict came to a head in the East India Company's Bengal Army.

Like the Company's other two armies, which were headquartered in Bombay and Madras, far to the south, the Bengal Army was largely composed of native troops, or sepoys (from the Hindi for "mounted soldier"). The Bengal Army differed from the Bombay and Madras Armies in its preference for Hindus of high caste: a large proportion of its soldiers were Brahmins. It was not uncommon for a lower-caste sepoy officer to defer to a Brahmin private, and caste relationships and their attendant problems were a constant in the day-to-day routine of the Bengal sepoys' British officers.

The injunctions and prohibitions.imposed on a dutiful Hindu particularly a Brahmin, wernumerous. Failure to observe an one of them might result in expulsion from one's caste, in the eyes of Hindus a fate literally worse than death.

All sorts of intercourse with caste inferiors and unbelievers were proscribed. Different castes could not eat together, nor could a member of a higher caste take food or drink touched by someone from a lower caste. Even the shadow of a caste inferior falling across one's meal was sufficient to defile it. Thus, Hindus, especially those of the high castes, had to maintain a constant watchfulness, lest they inadvertently become despised outcasts.

On the one hand, the Bengal Army's British commanders tolerated the influence of caste in the ranks, since the high-caste northern Indians made the bestoldiers. At the same time they undermined the caste system by introducing regulations incompatible with its taboos. In 1856 an act was passed limiting future enlistment to soldiers willing to serve overseas — and thereby to breach the Hindus' caste injunction against traveling over open water

An increasing number of British officers were insensitive to the sticky business of caste. Some, possessed of an evangelical strain, went so far as to preach the Christian gospel to their native troops

Thus, it was not for nothing that the sepoys were fearful of British intentions toward their caste system. Then in January 1857 the rumor arose that the cartridges for the newly issued Enfield rifle had been profaned by the use of cattle and swine fat or their wrappers. Whatever the facts of the matter (there seems to have been some truth to the rumor), British officers were either unwilling or unable to allay the sepoys' fears.

The story spread through the vast Bengal Presidency like wild-fire. Native units became increasingly recalcitrant. There were

THE BATTERED RUINS of the British entrenchment at Cawnporgive mute testimony to the horrors of the siege. Hastily chosen, difficult to defend, the British positions were surrendered after three weeks Then the British garrison was treacherously murdered.

numerous instances of arson, and several sepoy regiments refused to touch the new cartridges. Their British officers and the Company's administrators grew vaguely disturbed, but nothing more.

It is a measure of their incompetence and of the complacency which had invaded their outlook that the civil and military authorities were stunned by the outbreak of the mutiny. Much had changed since the heroic days of Clive.

Administrative and military positions within the East India Company had become sinecures. Opportunities for making money and enjoying the easy life beckoned to men bound for India far more than did the lure of martial adventure or the challenges of colonial administration. Englishmen had begun to bring their families with them, and their wives and children adjusted themselves to the luxurious prerogatives of colonial life. The initial response of men like Hewitt and Wilson to the events at Meerut was all too

Yet the men and women of the British nation bore within themselves reserves of fortitude — a genius for heroism — unsurpassed by any people in history. Backed to the wall, the niceties and conventions of Victorian civilization swept away from them, they hean to show their mettle.

The strategic situation which faced the British as the mutiny spread was grim. The British troops in the Bengal Army numbered only 23,000 men, as opposed to over 150,000 sepoys. The bulk of the Britons were concentrated in the Punjab and in Bengal, 1,300 miles apart and each hundreds of miles from north-central India, the epicenter of the revolt. The authorities in Lahore and Calcutta, the respective capitals of the Punjab in the northwest and Bengal in the northeast, would first have to defuse any potential uprisings in their own territories and then speed relief armies to the interior. Until then, the beleaguered British garrisons would have to dig in and hold on.

On the morning of May 11, in Delhi, the advance guard of sepoys from Meerut gathered in front of the sprawling palace of the 82-year-old Moghul emperor. Mohammed Bahadur Shah, the last of a line descended from the dread Tamurlane, and persuaded him to be their leader. The rest of

the Meerut rebels, quickly joined by sepoys from the Delhi garrison and by the inevitable city lowlifes, rampaged through the streets, slaughtering any Europeans they encountered.

Despite the chaos and blood-shed which suddenly reigned in the city, many British soldiers and civilians kept their heads and began to take the first forceful measures to combat the mutiny. Two young telegraphers, Pilkington and Brendish, working feverishly in a small office on the outskirts of the city, wired the news of the outbreak to the British authorities in the Punjab as the tumult raged outside their window, and then made their escape. Once alerted, Sir John Lawrence, the Punjab's governor, ably assisted by General John Nicholson, moved quickly and ruthlessly to disarm the native regiments.

A small British detachment commanded by Lieutenant commanded by Lieutenant George Willoughby fought off attacks on the powder magazine, just inside the Delhi city walls. When at length the sepoys threatened to overwhelm them, Willoughby ordered the munitions ignited. The resulting blast generated tremors which were felt 100 miles away. Hundreds of sepoys were killed, and their dismembered corpses littered the streets and alleys of Delhi in a gory rain. Miraculously, Willoughby and all but three of his men were able to stagger back safely to the British cantonment on the ridge north of Delhi.

As the sun went down over the smoking city, Brigadier Genera Harry Graves, the commander of the Delhi cantonment, ordered the bugler to sound the assembly for his sepoy regiments, in the hope that at least some of the native troops had remained loyal. A single sepoy answered the call That night the British garrison badly outnumbered by the rebel in Delhi, fled with its dependent through the darkness to the north It would be almost a month before British soldiers returned.

The mutiny spread slowly but bloodily through north-central India during the following three weeks. There were numerous massacres, today all but forgotten, in the towns and cities where the British garrisons were small. One of the most repellent was staged by the rani of Jhansi, who had been embittered by the British annexation of her small kingdom after her husband's death four

years before. While she watched coldly, the British, drawn up in three rows, were stabbed and clubbed to death, the women last of all, so that they could watch their menfolk and children die.

Besides Delhi, the critical centers of the mutiny were Cawnpore and Lucknow, both located in the state of Oudh, where popular feeling against the British was particularly intense. Each city had had plenty of warning: the sepoys of Cawnpore did not rise up until June 6; it was several weeks later before the British at Lucknow found it necessary to barricade themselves in the governor's residency. In both places the besieged Whites conducted themselves with boundless gallantry and self-sacrifice. More than anything else, it was the character of their leadership which doomed the British at Cawnpore and the British at Cawnpore and sulled them through in Lucknow

General Sir Hugh Wheeler, the commander at Cawnpore, confident in the swift arrival of a relief column, declined to take refuge in the thick-walled magazine, which offered the best possibilities for defense. It was Wheeler's opinion that a level stretch of ground to the southeast, near the Ganges, would be more easily accessible to the advancing reinforcements. He ordered the area, on which the only substantial structure was a hospital, enclosed by a four-foothigh earthen embankment.

For the men the hell of Cawnpore lasted 20 days. Desperately short of food and water, beset by a blazing sun which sent temperatures soaring above 110 degrees, lacking medical supplies, the 1,000 defenders were wracked by every weakness of mind and body.

The sepoys poured a merciless fire of shot and shell into the enclosure, inflicting hundreds of casualties. Wheeler's own son Godfrey was among them, his head blown from his shoulders be

SIR COLIN CAMPRELL

a cannon shot. In his final message to the British forces at Lucknow, begging for relief, Wheeler cried out, "Surely we are not to die like rats in a case?"

On June 25 Wheeler's troops surrendered. Trusting to a safe conduct promised them by Nana Sahib, the leader of the revolt in Oudh, the remnants of the garrison, reduced to scarcely more than 400, marched to the Ganges. There a small flotilla of river boats had been assembled, ostensibly to carry the British downstream to Allahabad.

It was all a treacherous ruse. As the Whites embarked, the sepoys opened fire on them. The men were all murdered on the spot; the women and children were herded off to imprisonment in a flatroofed, one-story building called the Bibigarh

While the defenders of Cawnpore marched to their doom, Sir Henry Lawrence, Sir John's brother, meticulously prepared for the inevitable siege at Lucknow. By fortifying and provisioning the strongest defensive position, the residency of the provincial governor, well in advance of the local sepoys' uprising, Lawrence provided his charges with the material basis for survival

The example of his calm bravery and self-possession inspired the men and women of Lucknow to carry on through the grim months of the siege. The incessant bombardment by the insurgents' artillery claimed Lawrence's life at the outset. He died on July 4, two days after being wounded. His dying words were, "Let every man die at his post, but never surrender. God help the poor women and children."

During the time that the garrisons of Cawnpore and Lucknow wereenduring the horrors of siege and slaughter, the long-awaited reinforcements had begun to move from Calcutta and the Punjab. Their pace was slowed by the summer heat and, in Bengal and its western neighbor Bihar, by the driving rains of the monsoon season, yet they marched along relentlessly. Unlike the Bengal Army's garrisons at the outset of the mutiny, they were led by officers of extraordinary daring and ferocity.

In the second half of June, Colonel James Neill marched his Madras Fusiliers up the Ganges valley at breakneck speed, covering the 420 miles from Calcutta to Benares in ten days. He repressed the revolt in the holy city of the Hindus with ruthless brutality and then hastened upstream to Allahabad, where he did the same, inflicting stern reprisals on the natives.

Brigadier General Henry Havelock's column followed Neill at a more leisurely pace, liking up with him in Allahabad on June 30. Havelock immediately sent off a 700-man force toward Cawnpore and set out with the remainder of his troops for that fateful city one week later.

GEN. JOHN NICHOLSON

On July 15, at Fatehpur, 50 miles short of Cawnpore, Have lock routed a sepoy army and ther pressed on to his goal. On the nex day Havelock's small army drow Nana Sahib's troops from Cawn pore and advanced into the city to free the women and children whom the Indians had held captive.

At the Bibigarh a scene of horror awaited them. The inside of the building was an abbatoir. The helpless prisoners had been cut down two days before.

It was evident that their murderers had taken a fiendish delight in the slaughter: here a British child dangled from a hook; there a woman was lashed to a pillar, her throat cut from ear to ear. The floor was two inches deep in congealed blood.

Havelock's men found most of the 115 White victims tossed down a 50-foot well. The well was filled almost to the top.

While Havelock was advancing up the Ganges, General John Nicholson, a solitary, moody man, was moving toward Delhi from the Punjab. In August he joined a British force, commanded by Major General Anson, which was supposedly besieging Delhi from the ridge to the north, but was actually more besieged than besieger. Nicholson galvanized the men's fighting spirit, and on September 14 he led a successful assault on the city. In the course of the attack he fell at the head of his troops. Nicholson's lieutenant, William Hodson, put an end to the Moghul's dynastic hopes by summarily executing his sons after they had been taker into custody.

Eleven days later Havelock's forces, with the 78th Highlanders in the van, stormed Lucknow.

After bitter street fighting, in which Neill fell, the relief forces broke through to the residency, where the numbers of the British defenders had been cut in half during the siege.

But the reinforcements were not strong enough to loosen the rebels' hold on the city. The siege endured nearly two more months, until the Scotsman Sir Colin Campbell broke through the Indians' lines in November, his troops shouting, "Cawnpore! Cawnpore! You bloody murderers!"

Although many of the rebels were to continue to resist for more than a year after the capture of Lucknow by Campbell, the back of the mutiny had been broken. In the aftermath of the rebellion, the East India Company was deprived of its position as India's colonia administrator. The British people however, men and women, by their courage and tenacity, hac proved themselves worthy of the

T. O'K.

(Issue No. 64, 1978

An Editorial by Dr. William Pierce

The Organizational Nexus

Probably the greatest piece of foolishness current in America, after the notion that all the country's citizens are inherently "equal," is the belief that they are collectively capable of governing themselves wisely.

Wisdom and will are individual, not collective attributes, yet so steeped have we all become in democratic mythology that we personify the crowd, imagining that it possesses both. We seem to believe, along with the late Chairman Mao, that the ultimate repository of civic virtue is "the masses."

The populist daydream, indulged in by rightists and leftists alike, is of a long-suffering, commonsensical American citizenry which, if left alone by the gangsters in Washington, could manage to keep the country's wheels turning, maintain the common defense, and restore domestic tranquility, all through a sort of popular consensus.

The daydreamers of the right see the current enthusiasm for tax-reduction referendums as a manifestation of the people's ability to spontaneously correct the excesses of government, jusi as those of the left saw a similar manifestation in Richard Nixon's plunge from favor and conse quent resignation after the Watergate revelations. The people, they think, will tolerate only so much foolishness or wicked ness on the part of their leader before rising up in their righteou wrath and homespun wisdom and setting things right again.

I recently read the unpublished manuscript of a piece of revolutionary fiction written by an aide to a conservative legislator. The story described a spontaneous uprising by America's citizens' band radio users. One morning the citizens just decided they'd had enough. Using small arms their automobiles and trucks, and their CB radios, they took the country away from the politicians and the mineral trucks and the singerity measures are sent as the country away from the politicians.

No organization, no leaders, just a revolution. Once started, it just grew; as the word spread over the CB airwaves, more and more citizens joined in. The Jews were hunted down and dispatched by

vigilante groups, while the Blacks seeing the handwriting on the wall, quickly shed their uppitynes and shuffled out of harm's way.

A pleasant enough daydream, to be sure, and typical of those dreamed by other right wingers. Three essential elements of all such daydreams are: 1) no fundamental changes are wrought, except settling the hash of the bad guys, because right wingers don't really want any other fundamental changes; 2) the citizens who settle the bad guys' hash do it spontaneously and anonymously because that way no one has to stick his neck out; 3) there is a revolutionary consensus among a least a majority of the citizenry so that the revolutionaries can maintain their good-guy, will-of the-people self-image.

Unfortunately, such daydream have little relationship to reality There is, in the first place, n consensus among White Ame icans, revolutionary or otherwis. I would wager that a poll take among CB users would find about the same proportion of citizen when wother for limmy Carter.

1976 as in the general population

Ine same lack of consensus exists among somewhat more politically oriented groups, such as Proposition 13 enthusiasts, for example; a common dislike for taxes should not be seen as indicative of any deeper philosophical accord, just as a generalized resentment toward governmental favoritism for racial minority groups should not be seen as indicative of a general agreement on racial matters.

Put any dozen disgruntled White taxpayers in a room and you'll hear a dozen different explanations of what's wrong with the country and what should be done about it. If there is anything even faintly resembling a consensus among them, it is one manufactured by the controlled media; they are just as afraid of the taboos the media has set up at the average citizen is

That's why not a single one of the tax-revolt groups will take a forthright stand on race, just as none dares pinpoint the blame for a major share of America's present economic problems on her ew-controlled foreign policy and he quadrupling of imported oil prices which resulted from that policy.

Although spokesmen for the more rabid pro-minority groups, uch as Americans for Democratic Action, openly declare that tax revolt is anti-Black and that the tax rebels themselves are fascists and racists who want to make non-White welfare mothers get a job so they can't continue to breed 24 hours a day, the media masters have not goneso far. To express displeasure with taxes is still a permissible, if somewhat risque, activity. But overt racism or any criticism of the Jews is strictly taboo, and the tax rebels are careful to toe the line in tha regard.

And it is wrong to think that the public's failure to face and take a stand on the really vital issues of race and minority control is only a surface phenomenon, while inside the citizens are seething with resentment against those who have imposed the taboos. A few certainly are, but by no means "the masses."

Part of the reason for the lack of a White revolutionary consensus is ignorance. Most Americans - including most or those who know something is seriously wrong with the country - don't have the basic facts needed to come to the correct conclusions.

Probably not more than one American in 10is more than vaguely aware that the news and entertainment media are effectively under minority control. The ruckus raised by former Vice President Spiro Agnew and others about the Jewish domination of the media just hasn't sunk in. And certainly not more than one In 10 of those who do know about Jewish media control i.e., not more than one per cent of the general population - really understands its full significance.

There is a similarly appalling degree of ignorance on other vital matters. If you stopped I 00 people at random on the street and queried them about the relationship between the increasing number or non-Whites in the U.S. labor force and the failure of industrial productivity to increase, or about the relationship between productivity and the average American standard of living, how many do you think would be able to give you more than an uncomprehending stare? My guess is, not more than two or three.

Even on matters which have been publicized to a certain extent through the controlled media, such as the horrendous influx of non-Whites into the United States in recent years from Mexico, the Pacific, and the Caribbean, there is a general state of misunderstanding and ignorance.

One of the things the National Alliance is doing about this unfortunate situation, of course, is disseminating facts. Each issue or NATIONAL v ANGUARD sows a few thousand more seeds of enlightenment into a vast expanse of ignorance.

But if the education of the public were the sole key to White surlli.val, we would surely be lost. The controlled med ia, the churches, the schools, and the government are pouring out deliberate disinformation on such a prodigious scale that the efforts of a few thousand racially conscious Whites to stem this flood are simply hopeless. Seven evenings a week, four weeks a month, John Chancellor and Walter Cronkite reach more than 1,000 times as many Americans as this newspaper does once a month.

No, we do not delude ourselves into thinking that we are "educating the public." The seeds we sow may contribute a tiny amount to that end, but that is not their principal purpose. Anyway, even if we could reach as many Americans as John Chancellor and Walter Cronkite do, and as often, facts are not enough; it is not merely ignorance that causes Americans to act as they do and prevents the consensus which would allow the public to straighten out our national and racial affairs.

The National Alliance receives a steady trickle of letters from White Americans who have read a NATIONAL VANGUARD for the first time or who have seen our article "The Masters of the Media" reproduced on a leaflet and whose reaction is, so what?

"If Jews are better organized and know how to handle money better than Gentiles do, why then they should be running the country," these writers argue . "After all, we believe in free enterprise, don't we?"

This sort of rugged capitalism carries with it the smell of, "I'm doing all right for myself, Jack, so let's not knock the System. It's no skin off my back if the Jews are encouraging racial mixing, because I won't be around to have to live in a mongrelized America, anyway.''

Fortunately, such overt egoism is characteristic of only a minority of the most alienated Whites, but it is nevertheless symptomatic of the widespread and growing confusion of values among the public. It does liule good to inform people of the threat to the future of their race, when they are not really sure they care whether their race survives or not .

It is a sad fact that most White Americans today, when confronted by an issue like that of non-White immigration, don't really have the values needed to justify the tough decision which is required. As long as they feel that they themselves are not immediately and personally threatened by the alien flood, they find it easier to mumble some platitude about there being "room enough for everybody" in America, even when they know it's not true, than to take a position which might subject them to official disapproval.

Racially oriented right wingers who imagine that their concerns for the future are shared by the majority of Americans are simply wrong - and so are those who imagine that all that is needed for a White consensus is to in form the people of the dangers ahead. Public opinion - and the fundamental values on which u rests depend on more than facts.

As I mentioned above, we tend to be misled by the current democratic mythology into assuming some things about the average man which are incorrect. One of these things is that he can think for himself. The great majority of people, even ir they have this latent ability, have never used it. They have always let others do their thinking for them.

Until about a century ago and even later in many parts of America - people formed their opinions almost exclusively through their daily interactions with their immediate neighbors. In the marketplace, at the village school or church, in the blacksmith's shop and the general store, among the hands in the fields and the members of one's own family, there was the continuous exchange of feelings, impressions, experiences, and, especially, traditional eoncepts, all of which shaped the individual's view of the world in general and his opinion on any subject in particu Jar.

Neither a man's religion nor his ^politics was the product of any rational process, but was determined almost always by the religion or the politics of those around him. There was a consensus - perhaps not a national consensus, including the inhabitants of geographically different areas with markedly different life-styles, but, at least, a number of local consensuses.

Central Nexus Guides Public Opinion

The real world was a man's village and the surrounding countryside. From these he received nearly all his impressions. Anything as far as a hundred miles away was not entirely real. Even in the towns, where there may have been such exotic influences as newspapers, the writers and editors of those newspapers were of the same race as their fellow townspeople and generally shared the same consensus.

Thus, from antiquity until fairly recent times, a man's mental connections were with his immediate neighbors. The village nexus (to coin a phrase) was the source of human consensus. This consensus might - and generally did - include patent absurdities and bizarre superstitions, local eccentricities and passing fads, along with the genuine wisdom of the ages. It was an organic consensus, however, and generally quite resistant to alien innuences.

But the village nexus has now been broken almost everywhere in America and the rest of the industrialized West, and a new mental connection is taking its place: the central nexus. Urbanization, the tearing loose of the people from their roots in the soil, the depersonalization of work, alienation - this complex of developments has been treated by scholars a thousand times over during the last century, and another treatment will not be given here.

But the central nexus it.self, which is an outgrowth or these developments, is easy enough to understand. Millions of Americans, whose great-grandparents lived all their lives on the same farm or in the same village and knew intimately all their neighbors, today live in high-rise apartments, chan ge addresses every 4.3 years on the average, and don't ev�n know the name of the family in the apartment across the hall. Jn our larger cities, in many cases, they may not even be able to speak the language of the family across the hall.

Under these conditions the TV set, with its packaged-in-New York network programs, has taken the place of the bull session in the blacksmith's shop; the big-city daily newspaper, with its "news" filtered through the national wire services, the place of the parish church; the cinema, presenting the latest product of the Hollywood film industry, the place of the general store; the glass-and-concrete educational emporium, with its state-coordinated texts and curricula, the place of the little, red schoolhouse; the night club, with its rock band and Jewish comedian and strangers at every table, the place of the Saturday night barn dance among neighbors.

The transition is not yet complete, of course. People still talk about politics and race and other issues at the office, in the barbershop, in the plant, in the school cafeteria, and across the backyard fence.

But the trend is quite unmistakable. For all practical purposes people's opinions are determined these days by the central nexus rather than by the village nexus. And the central nexus is neither organic nor resistant to alien influences.

In fact, as our article "The Masters of the Media" demonstrates, the central nexus, with its flow of in formation outward from a few hubs to millions of individuals whose connections to their neighbors have been severed, is ideally Sllited to infiltration and manipulation by any well-organized minority - and that is exactly what has happened.

The Jews did not plan or·cause the transition from the village nexus to the central nexus, but they have certainly taken advantage of it to steer the thinking of the American people into channels compatible with Jewish interests .

So far as public opinion - the "thinking" of the masses - is concerned, there is no way to beat the central nexus. The average man will believe what John Chancellor tells him rather than what we tell him, because he can easily reassure himself that John Chancellor is telling the truth just by switching channels and noting that Walter Cronkite is saying the same thing.

More important, he will adopt the basic values that his newspaper and his favorite weekly news magazine and the characters in his favorite television serial assure hiri1 are the values of all but a lunatic fringe of his peers. He will learn all the cliches with which he "thinks" from Lillie How<e on the Prairie and Tire Late Show.

Unless one can continuously bombard him with an equal volume of different cliches - that is, unless one can establish an alternate central nexus one cannot hope to build a new

consensus among him and the rest of the White citizenry. And, of course, one cannot establish an alternate central nexus with anything less than all the gold in Fort Knox plus all the petrodollars iri Riyadh.

That is why none of the right-wing schemes for White salvation currently being promoted will work. The majority of the White population will not act spontaneously lo save themselves, because that's not the way the central nexus has programmed them to act.

The foregoing comments do not reflect pessimism and should not cause pessimism in any but those unalterably wedded to a pet right-wing project. But we must understand that majority-based solutions are not feasible under present conditions, so that we can focus our efforts on a program for survival that will work .

Any such program requires a consensus, of course, which in turn requires a new nexus. Since we cannot have a majority consensus, then we must do what we can with a minority consensus.

We can bu ild a minority consensus through an organiza· lional nexus, and we will see how that is done and what its significance is in future issues of NATIONAL VANGUARD.

Meanwhile, there is no intention to disparage the racially conscious elements among the tax rebels, or any other White people with sound motives. But they must eventually be made lo understand that without a consensus based on an organizational nexus all their efforts a re utterly in vain.

(Issue No. 65, 1978)

The Black Angels of Yakima

A milestone of sorts was passed in Yakima, Washington, last month. Someone in Yakima, a mostly White city of 45,000, noticed that all the plastic angels strung up above the city streets were White, with red hair and blue eyes - as has always been the case with angels.

"Racist!" he cried. "The angels arc racistl"

"Ah, so they are," nervously agreed city officials. "What sha!J we do?"

"Paint them black I" announced the city's director of public works, in a burst of inspiration.

And so they did. They took down the angels (and the plastic Santas, too) and painted over that racist pinkish-white skin and that racist red hair and those racist blue eyes (not all of them, actually - only half of them in the 90-pcr-eent White city) and hung them back up again.

Now, ordinarily such a bit of degenerate lunacy might seem worthy of mention only in our "Times & Manners" column on page two. But 'it seems to this editor that the Black angels of Yakima are a more significant milestone in the passing of Western civilization than a brazeµ young Jew being able to cozen a White jury into acquitting him of bank robbery and armed kidnapping charges - or even than the U.S. Army being pressured into giving "honorable" discharges to perverts and traitors.

Yakima, after all, is not Brooklyn or Miami Beach. Nor is it some high-income bedroom suburb, populated with deracinated, upwardly mobile eager-beavers, desperately anxious to be "with it." Yakima is just plain folks, the American heartland.

The people who live in Yakima arc the kind who, in years past, used to become so indignant when the IO<:al Jews insisted that school children not be allowed to sing Christmas carols, that the Jews had to back down.

But, so far as is known, the good people of Yakima did not budge from their TV sets when their angels were painted black last month. Something seems to have gone out of America, to have been drained from the souls or her people.

What can a people have left in the way of spiritual resources, when they abandon their cherished traditions so easily?

What will they fight for, when nothing is any longer sacred to them? What new indignities and degradations will they not meekly accept, so long as their refrigerators are kept full?

(Issue No. 65, /97K)

What are the origin and the significance of European man's drive "to follow knowledge... beyond the utmost bound of human thought"?

The Faustian Spirit

The following article is an elaboration of a portion of an address by Dr. William Pierce to the General Convention of the National Alliance in September, titled "The World View of the National Alliance."

In the late Middle Ages there lived in Germany a remarkable scholar reputed to have unraveled Nature's mysteries and to be able to employ his knowledge in wondrous and magical ways. Some regarded him as a skilled alchemist, who had acquired his powers through diligent work in the laboratory; others said he was only a trickster, who was more a master of sleight-of-hand than of alchemy; but most eventually came to regard him as a conjurer, who had made a pact with the Devil, exchanging his soul in return for knowledge and power.

The mysterious scholar was Doctor Johann Faust (c. 1480 - c. 1538), and the many legends which grew up about him captured the imaginations of writers, poets, and composers in succeeding generations. Half a century after his death there was published in Germany a book comprising these legends, Historia von Dr. Johann Fausten, by Johann Spiess, which soon appeared also in English and French versions.

Late in the 16th century the English playwright Christopher Marlowe wrote his Tragical History of Doctor Faustus based on these legends. After that countless others took up the Faust theme: the theme of man striving to exceed his ordained bounds, seeking knowledge beyond that allotted to others.

The most noted writer in this vein was Johann Wolfgang von Goethe, the first part of whose long dramatic poem Faust was published in 1808. Drawing primarily on Goethe's treatment, Berlioz and Gounod, among others, composed operas. Throughout the 19th century and well into the 20th, symphonies, poems, plays, and novels dealing with the Faust legend continued to Address.

The subject evidently resonates with something deep in the European soul. In fact, one may easily see a precursor of the Faust legend in that of Odin, whose quest for truth and understanding led him to give up one of his eyes and to be hanged for nine days from the World Tree.

In the many versions of the Faust legend various elements are emphasized, but the persistent theme is that mentional above: the quest of exceptional men for an understanding of life and Nature: the reaching out for a new level of existence, for a fuller development of latent powers

It is from this persistent theme, rather than from the semi-historical account of the life of Dr. Johann Faust or from any one of the fictional works using his name that we draw the meaning a tached to the adjective "Faustian" today. The word refers to a spiritual tendency in the race which has shown such fascination down through the ages with the

idea behind the Faust legend. It describes a fundamental urge or drive latent in the soul of European man — and active in a few exceptional Europeans.

The Faustian urge in our race-soul says to us: "Thou shalt not rest or be content, no matter what thy accomplishments. Thou must strive all the days of thy life. Thou must discover all things, know all things, master all things."

European man's Faustian urge is quite different from the urge in the Levantine soul to accumulate, to possess, the craving to pile up money beyond all reason, the lust for personal aggrandizement. And it is, of course, antithetical to what might be called the maffana spirit of the Latin peoples, which says to them: "Enjoy life. Don't hurry. You don't need to know what lies beyond the next ridge."

It is the source of both our basic restlessness as a race and our basic inquisitiveness. It is what makes adventurers of us, drives us to risk our lives in ventures which can bring us no conceivable material benefit — something which is totally foreign to other races, accustomed to judging everything according to its utility only.

It is the Faustian urge which has made our race the pre-eminent race of explorers, which has driven us to scale the highest mountains in lands inhabited by men of other races who have been content to remain always in the valleys. It is what, more than intellect alone, has made us likewise the pre-eminent race of scientists — especially in those days before the practice of science became a well-paid profession. It is what sent us to another world and has us now reaching for the stars.

But the Faustian urge is also more than all these things. It raises those imbued with it above the economic men, who, in the eyes of Western politicians and Eastern commissars, of labor bosses and captains of industry, of neo-liberal Democrats and conservative Republicans alike, are the sole denizens of the earth. It makes of man more than a mere consumer or producer. It is, more than anything else, the manifestation of the Divine in man's soul.

The opening scene in Goethe's Faust conveys the idea of the Faustian spirit expressed above: Faust is a restless scholar who has plumbed all of human knowledge but whose soul remains unslaked, his craving for ultimate truth unabated. Alone in his study, late at night, he gazes with a mixture of awe and desire on the sign of the Macrocosmos, and he says to himself, "Was it a god who engraved this sign which stills my inner tumult and fills my heart with joy, which with a mysterious force unveils the secrets of Nature all around me?" Where shall I

REMBRANDT VAN RIJN was one of many artists fascinated by the legend of Dr. Faust. This 17th-century etching by Rembraudt shows Faust in his study with a magic mirror which reveals Nature's secrets to him.

grasp thee, oh infinite Nature?'

But Goethe paints other aspects of his protagonist's character besides the one we have called "Faustian." It may be that a better — or, at least, less ambiguous — adjective would be "Odyssean" or "Ulyssean," because the English poet Alfred Tennyson, in one short poem, really strikes closer to the sense of the word that we want to convey than does Goethe or any of the other writers about the Faus legend.

Tennyson's hero's desire is "to follow knowledge like a sinking star, / beyond the utmost bound of human thought." To Ulysses "all experience is an arch where through / gleams that untravelled world whose margin fades / for ever and for ever when I move."

Even in old age, after a much fuller and more eventful life that ordinary men are granted, Ulysse says, "T is not too late to seek a newer world. / ... my purposholds / to sail beyond the sunset and the baths / of all the western stars, until I die." He sees himsel as "made weak by time and fate but strong in will / to strive, to seek, to find, and not to yield."

And just as Goethe's Faust is contrasted with his famulus, or student-servant, the pedantic Wagner, even more strongly—and much more concisely—does Tennyson contrast Ulysses with

his son Telemachus, a man o "slow prudence ... centered in the sphere of common duties," and quite lacking in his father! driving spirit.

Yet, common usage favors "Faustian" over "Ulyssean," and we shall be satisfied with it.

From a strictly anthropological viewpoint, we may seek a clue to European man's Faustian tendency in the particulars of his evolutionary development. He was, for 10,000 generations, a hunter of the herds of bison and reindeer and mammoths which roamed the frozen plain of northern Europe during the loc Ages. We might expect, therefore that he should show the inquisitiveness he does, which is the mark of the predator, whether ca or man — but we might also ask why other races which went through a hunting phase do no show it to the same degree.

We might expect, because our ancestors followed the herds in their seasonal migrations for so many centuries, owning only the property they could carry on their

There is no loftier mission that to approach Divinity nearer that other men and to disseminate the divine rays among mankind.

Ludwig van Beethoven in a letter to Archduk Rudolph, August 1823

backs, that they should have acquired the restlessness of the wanderer, while more sedentary races should have become, over the eons, more inclined to accumulation and less to exploration. But, again, there have been more southerly nomadic races which seem not to have become imbued with the Faustian spirit.

The rigor of the northern climate, the challenge of the ever-changing seasons certainly shaped the character of our race as strongly as any other factor. Aggressiveness, venturesomeness, boldness were traits which enabled our ancestors to find and exploit every scarce possibility for survival in a harsh and unforgiving environment. But the Mongolid peoples, who evolved in a similarly harsh environment, seem to have responded somewhat differently to it and are today characterized more by stolidity than venturesomeness.

We can only conclude that the Faustian spirit is the cosequence of a unique and transitory combination of causative factors, to which a single race was exposed over a period just long enough to effect the necessary genetic transformation and give it a tenuous racial basis. Even in our own race it manifests itself strongly only in the few who prefer adventure to advantage, accomplishment to acquisition, self-knowledge to self-satisfaction, the conquest of new worlds to the convenience and safety of the old, a true understanding of the Absolute to the unquestionability of a narrow orthodoxy.

The race which is the bearer of this spirit must, therefore, be doubly careful that its genetic basis is preserved — that it does not become a race solely of lawyers, clerks, laborers, and merchants but remains a race also of philosophers, explorers, poets, and inventors: of seekers of ultimate knowledge, of strivers toward the perfection which is Godhood.

When we take the longest viewpoint, we can see that the Faustian spirit, tenuous though it may be, is European man's entire instification for existence.

(Issue No. 65, 1978)

A White Man's Prayer

May there never be another war in which uniforms are necessary to distinguish the combatants.

(Issue No. 55, 1977)

If-breeds and slaves.

Sulla's family was of the sulla's family was of the tricians, who had formed sme's governing class from its diest days and who still played e leading role in the affairs of Republic at the time of Sulla's th. Sulla inherited the physical d mental traits of his ancestors. The Greek biographer Plutarch scribes Sulla's blue eyes as greyply sharp and dominating.

The schindar Optimates (the best men'') attempted to continue Tiberius' program for the redistribution of public lands in attempted to continue Tiberius' program for the redistribution of public lands in attempted to continue Tiberius' program for the redistribution of public lands in attempted to continue Tiberius' program for the redistribution of public lands in attempted to continue Tiberius' program for the redistribution of public lands in attempted to continue Tiberius' program for the redistribution of public lands in attempted to continue Tiberius' program for the redistribution of public lands in attempted to continue Tiberius' program for the redistribution of public lands in attempted to continue Tiberius' program for the redistribution of public lands in attempted to continue Tiberius' program for the redistribution of public lands in attempted to continue Tiberius' program for the redistribution of public lands in attempted to continue Tiberius' program for the redistribution of public lands in attempted to continue Tiberius' program for the redistribution of public lands in attempted to continue Tiberius' program for the redistribution of public lands in attempted to continue Tiberius' program for the redistribution of public lands in attempted to continue Tiberius' program for the redistribution of public lands in attempted to continue Tiberius' program for the redistribution of public lands in attempted to continue Tiberius' program for the redistribution of public lands in attempted to continue Tiberius' program for the redistribution of public lands in attempted to continue Tiberius' program for the redistribution

and his followers, who had sterribly sharp and dominating. This complexion was ruddy, and is hair was golden blond, which are knewn of his day, in which the hising of breeds was already a ong-established vice.

Sulla's a ristocratic physical catist were accompanied by a boundless ambition to advance to he highest honors which service of the Republic could confer, coupled with exactly that hard-releaded pragmatism and will-toction which had animated Nome's leaders for centuries. Sulla's aspirations were scarcely and formed a class prosperous which had animated Nome's leaders for centuries. Sulla's aspirations were scarcely and provided with the scale of the mastered the arts of hetoric and debate, so important to an ambitious Roman, and exame learned in Greek and cains ilterature as well.

During his student days Sulla was an outstanding cholar. He mastered the arts of hetoric and debate, so important to an ambitious Roman, and exame learned in Greek and cains literature as well.

During his student days Sulla one and in literature as well.

During his student days Sulla was an outstanding comed in cheap lodgings, in harp contrast to the luxury with which Rome's young aristocratis, in the intensifying a laristocratis was played on by the literacy pampered with the spoils in the greater political struggle, and their resonance of the commanded their chick Rome's young aristocratis, served notice considered enemy.

LUCIUS CORNELIUS SULLA

The populares, who derived wide support from the Roman dilities. Served notice considered enemy.

LUCIUS CORNELIUS SULLA

The populares, who derived wide support subdivinate to Rome, were not to be so easily suppressed. Before his cause. The equites ("kinghts") the earlier days of the Republic they had formed a class prosperous the earlier days of the Republic they had formed a class prosperous the earlier days of the Republic they had formed a class prosperous the earlier days of the Republic they had formed a class prosperous the earlier days of the Republic they had formed a cl

which Rome's young aristocrats, already pampered with the spoils of the provinces, were accustomed to surround themselves. Yet even in those days Sulla annused himself in the raucous company of actors and musicians, a pleasure which he was to enjoy to the end of his life.

Sulla was successful with momen. An affair with the rich but low-born Nicopolis was financially as well as emotionally rewarding, for she left Sulla her estate on her demise. Sulla was adopted by another wealthy woman (an increasingly common practice of the populares of the populares of the populares of the populares of the populares of the populares of the populares of the populares of the populares of the populares of the populares of the populares of the populares of the populares of the populares of the populares of the populares of the populares of the populares of the populares of the populares of the populares of the populares of the populares of the populares of the populares of the populares of the populares of the populares of the populares of the populares of the populares of the populares of the populares of the populares of the populares of the populares of the populares of the populares of the populares of the populares of the populares of the populares of the populares of the populares of the populares of the populares of the populares of the populares of the populares of the populares of the populares of the populares of the populares of the populares of the populares of the populares of the populares of the populares of the populares of the populares of the populares of the populares of the populares of the populares of the populares of the populares of the populares of the populares of the populares of the populares of the populares of the populares of the populares of the populares of the populares of the populares of the populares of the populares of the populares of the populares of the populares of the populares of the populares of the populares of the populares of the populares of the populares of the populares of the p

lized 25 years tribunate of us Gracchus:
The populares their memberThe man armies in Africa, and Sulla was made his quaestor.

Marius was a novus homo, a the populares who were the first of their line to sulla or vice versa.

Jugurtha would be surrendered to Sulla or vice versa.

Sulla crushed Gordius, restored Ariobarzanes, and then achieved a diplomatic coup by opening relations with the Parthians, who propose the command,

/ares. His enemy Carbo, foreshadowing Macchiavelli's terms , re· marked that in making war on Su l la he had to deal with a man who was at heart both a lion a nd a fox, and the fox was more worrisome than the lion. Advancing northward, Sulla defeated the son of his old patron and later enemy, Marius, in a pitched battle at Sacriportus . Sulla's generals, among them Pompey and Crassus , who later rormed the fi rst triumvirate with Jul ius Caesar, annihilated the remainder of Carbo' s forces , and Carbo fled to Africa.

four centuries to the days of the monarchy). As had been arranged , the in/errex, act ing under the provisions of a special ·

proclaimed Sulla dictator for an u nlimited term to enact legislation and to reorganize the Republic. Sulla, the first Roman dictator since the dark days of the second Punic War 1 25 years before, fulfilled with scrupulous punctilio the duties with which he had charged himsel f. He introduced changes which greatly reduced the opportunity for unscrupulous politicians to appeal for the support of the urban rab ble, and he limited the l egislative powers of the tribunes, who drew their mandate from the popu lar assembly. Furthermore, he barred tribunes from holding any future offices, which deterred am bitiou• Romans from using the tribunate as a steppingstone to higher office. Most unpleasantly for the rapld l'y increasing prol etarian idlers of Rome , Sulla eliminated the corn

At t he same time Sulla took positive steps to strengt l1on the Senate. He increased its numbers from somewhat fewer than 300 members to 600 , thereby more than making up, at least in quantity , for the senators who had fallen to th e populares. In addi tion Sulla clari fied and reform ed the procedures by which one might be selected to the magistracies . A sizable interval ten years - was mandated for men seeking to hold an office they had previously held . Furthermore, Sulla attempted to put a stop to abuses of provincial commands by regularizing the process by which retiring magistrates were appointed to govern

Sulla's institution bf a system of permanent courts to deal with criminal offenses was an innovation which eventually formed the basis for much of Europe's sy�tem

After serving as dictator for a year, then as consul, Sulla relinquished any claims to political power and became once again a private citizen. He retired to his estate in Campania, north of Naples, where he occupied himself in writing his memo irs , which have been , most un fort una tely, l ost to posteri ty. In 78 B.C., little more than a year after his retirement, h e C:ied a painful

Sulla's funeral in Rome was the most elaborate conducted for any Roman citizen to that day . His bones were buried on the Campus Martius, the burial ground of the Roman kings . His tomb bo re an inscription to the effect that no man did more to help his friends or lo hurt his enemies.

Sul la's reforms were not enough to save the Republic . They dealt p ri marily with the political mani fes tati ons of deep- s ea ted social , and u ltimately racial , problems . Then, too, he was the last man of stature that the apt/mates produced. After his demise, even former Sullan lieutenants li ke Pompey and Crassus sought the personal aggrandizement to be gained by cultivating

law,

Just before Rome, at the city's Colline gate, Sulla fought his last battle. The enemy, most of whom were Samnites led by the embitt e r ed ant i-Roman Telesi nus, fought desperately , and the outcome was in doubt through the night . Sulla, rein forced by C rassus ' troops, managed to drive the enemy Ill Antennae, where he set them one against the other by an offer of clemency to one of their legions. A fter their surrender, Sulla had them all dragged to the Circus at Rome, w here he commanded that they be merci-

Sulla recognized that his military victories over the popu/ares would not be sufficient to destroy the threat they posed to the Senate's control of Roman politi^cal life; the remainder of the Marian faction had to be rooted out and d estroyed . To that end Sulla inst ituted a brutal and thorough purge of the leading populares and their supporters dole.

the prOVinces .

of criminal justi�e .

death from cancer .

As the captive Samnites were being cut down in the Circus , Sulla's partisans were already making their bloody rounds among the men who had backed Marius and Cinna. Sulla's men were without scruple; among them were many form er populares, who now turned their murderous attentions to t heir erstwhile companions. At least 1 600 equites were slain, and as many as 40 senators . Their property was appropriated by Su l la, to be handed out to his friends and o peratives .

After crushing the popu/ores, Sulla staged an impressive triumph to commemorate his victories over Mithridates . Garlanded patricians, newly returned from exile , added to the solemn dignity of the procession . At the close of the ceremony, Sulla addressed the Roman people, and pub licly assumed the surn ame Felix ("the Fortunate"), in recognition of the tie which binds every great man with fate and destiny, Sulla's proscriptions appalled many optima/es, who had previously hurried to acclaim him as their savior on his triumphant return to Rome. With the open danger banished , the members of the senatorial class - like conservatives in every age - showed themselves al l too willing to carry on the affairs of state on the basis of an idealized vision of the past rather than facing the stern demands of the present and

Sulla had no intention of allowing the class and system of government which he had restored

lessly slaughtered.

among the equites.

ing. Sulla leaped from his horse,

with her children. She j oined Sulla with the news that his opponents had burned down his houses and

Sulla opened negotiations with Mithridates ' general Archelaus at Delium. He haughtily rej ected Mithridates' o ffer of an al liance and advanced across t he H ellespont to Dardanus on the Troad. There Sulla and Mithridates negotiated a treaty o bliging the king of Pontus to withdraw from all the lands he had invaded and to pay a large indemnity to the

Sulla was roundly c ri ticized for letting so relentless an enemy of R ome escape on such easy terms . Yet Sulla and what remained of the senatorial class in Rome were in mortal danger . Cinna and his chief henchman, Gnaeus Papirius Carbo, had solidified their hold on Rome by a reign of terror. In G reece , Fl a cc us ' army, no w commanded by Fimbria, menaced

Sulla advanced to Thyateira , where Fimbria's forces had encamped . Such was Sulla's popularity that l arge numbers of his o pponent's men began to desert to him. Fimbria, confronted with the inevitable, took his own life. Sulla stopped at Athens once more, where he confiscated a large library containing excellect editions of Ari stotle's works, and then marched across Greece to Dyrrachium. From there he em-

Sulla landed with his army at Brindisium, on the heel of the Italian boot, in the spring of 83 B.C. He faced grave strategic problems, for his Roman enemies outnumbered him heavily. His own tro ops' term of service had elapsed , and there was no guarantee that they wouldn't simply go home. Furthermore, the populares were bolstered by the fanatical support of the non-Latin peoples, particularly the hardy Samnites and Lucanians, still unreconciled to their enforced subordination to Rome.

Sullll easily obtained his men's enthusiastic allegiance , declining a large gi ft which they subscribed to him. Their spi rit stood him in good stead. After the landing Sulla led hi s troops to victory against the consul Norbanus , drivi11g him and the remnants of his forces across the Apennine passes to Capua. Sul la's l ieutenant Lucullus routed another army of the populares at Fidentia .

future.

villas.

R oman Republic.

Sulla.

ber ked for Italy.

on ihe inhabitants.

Taxiles' armies .

guard .

Meanwhile TBJ<iles , one of Mithridates ' generals, was moving sou th from Thrace and Macedonia with seemingly overwhelm ing forces . Sul la m arched quickly from Athens to the open country of Boeotia, north of Attica . Al P hi loboeotus he j oined forces with the Roman general H ortensius , who had a dvanced southward from Thessaly just ahead of

At Philoboeotus the entrench ed Romans confronted over I 00,000 of the enemy, c hiefly Medes and Scythians , although Greek mercenaries constituted the backbone of Taxiles' force. The Asiatic army outnumbered Sulla's forces by five to one. Sulla decided to wait Taxiles ' troops out, counting on the superior Roman di scipline to hold, while the barbarians, unaccustomed to a war of position rather than of movement, grew restless and relaxed thei r

Sulla's strategy bore fruit. After several days of preparation he launched his attack. against an enemy that had begun to rove around the countryside, engaged in disorderly foraging and plundering. A detachment of Sulla's Greek allies from the Boeotian town of Chaeronea managed to gain a height above and behind the en�y, inflicting first panic and then heavy l osses on the Scythians below them. Sulla' s troops pressed forward relentlessly, and the scythe-wheel ed chariots on which Tax.iles had caunted whirred harmlessly past them. Even so , it was a di fficult fight. More than o n ce t h e vastly superior numbers of Mithridates ' army seemed about to overwhelm the Rome.ns, but each time Sulla shifted the right wing, which he commanded personally, to the critical point . Finally the enemy lines buckled for the last time, and the RoJ11ans gave pursuit, inflicting great slaughter .

No sooner had Sulla defe�ted Taxiles than he received word that Flaccus, a supporter of Mariu^s , was moving toward him with an army ostensibly meant to reinforce him, but more likely with secret o rders to attack him . At the same time, a l arge army of Mithridates' picked troops, commanded by Doryl aus, landed at Chalcis and swarmed into-

Once again Sulla confronted a large Asiatic army in Boeotia, this

Boeotia.

gious plan of appropriating the

Sulpicius, who had formed a band

and his men were met by Servil ius and Bru tus, two of the praetors , who beseeched Sulla not to out rage precedent by viola ti ng the sacred boundaries of the city. Even as they spoke, Marius' supporters were embarking on a new slaughter of lhe aristocratic

Sulla d i sregarded the pleas of the praetors and advanced on Rotne, after first deceiving the delegates from the city into believing thal he intend ed to halt outside the gates. Two of his subordinates led an advance force into the city, and Sulla followed with the r emainder of the legions . A fter b rief but bitter s treet fighting, the Sul lan army gained

Marius made a brief attempt to rally Rome's slaves to his cause by offering them their freedom, but to no a vail . He fled Rome, eventually reaching safety in Africa. Sulpicius Rufus was slain , along with numerous followers. Despite their salvation from the popu/ares, many senators were displeased with Sulla's uncompromising measures . His preeminence boded ill for the principle of collegiality which the oligarchy swore by. There were, as well, a large number of populares remaining. Although they found it prudent to veil their sympathies for the moment, they stood ready to resume the struggle for the mastery of Rome on

faction.

the city .

Sulla's departure.

had razed Cocinth.

Thus it was that the Roman people elected m agistrates hostile to Sulla. Foremost among them was Lucius Cinna, from whom Rome's aristocrats would later endure heavy losses . Sulla swallowed whatever anger he felt at the elections , since the situation in Asia was deteriorating ra pidly . He decided to deal with Rome's foreign enemies first.

Greece had l argely embraced the cause of Mit hr ida tes fa the first flush of his success, seeing in his victories an opportunity to regain the freedom they had lost 10 Rome in the preceding century. Nonetheless, the Hellenes a ffected to greet Sulla warmly, dOllbtless rememberi ng the ruth less measures his predecessors had taken in 146 B.C., w hen the Romans

Alone of the Greek cities , Athens held out against the Romans, defended by its tyrant Arlstion . Sulla invested the proud city, battering at t'he walls with all

canada's nickel deposits and sands; an American Order sands; an American Order singed along the lines of the ublican Party, consisting of sherrs signed up by neighbord canvassers; an American er like the present U.S. Army, recruiting brochures stressing

Aradainan Liberation Struggle in 17th Century Pitted assacks Against Jewish Overseers, Tax-Collectors

Bohdan Khmelnytsky

And the Fight for U.S. Army Pitted and the carrying out of necessary actions.

Bohdan Khmelnytsky

And the Fight for Century Pitted and the carrying out of necessary actions.

Charainian Liberation Struggle in 17th Century Pitted and the Century Pitted and the Fight for U.S. Argainst Jewish Overseers, Tax-Collectors

Charainian Freedom

land") left it exposed not only to the Tatar slave raiders of the Crimea, but also to the territorial ambitions of the more settled Slavic-lands to the north and west, notably Poland and Muscovy. Yet never was the lot of the Ukrainians worse than in the three-quarters of a century following the Ukraine's annexation by Poland in 1569.

In those years Poland was under the sway of an aggressive and arrogant landed nobility. The magnates dominated the Polish parliament, the Sejm, and exercised an authority in the state greater than that of the king. When Poland seized the Ukraine from Lithuania, the nobles leaped at the chance to acquire estates free. Certain families, notably the Wisnowieckis, the Koniecpolskis, and the Potockis, amassed great holdings, on which the mass of the Ukrainian peasantry toiled in serfdom.

The Ukrainians were almost all poor peasants. Most of them were bound to the soil of their lords' cannot all avenue the soil of their lords' cannot all bent attention to the by the rabbis general syno twice a year. To circumvent they devoted to the Orthodox form of Christianity derived from Byzantium, the Poles were aggressively risk of ostrac to the hands of council of eld with the Tagainst mesiturned their attention to the Ukraine. By a combination of proselytization and persecution they induced, in 1596, a majority of the Orthodox bishops of the Cribed with recipied with recipied with recipied mistorian He Cribed with recipied mistorian He Cribed with recipied mistorian He Cribed with recipied mistorian He Cribed with recipied mistorian He Cribed with recipied mistorian He Cribed with recipied mistorian He Cribed with recipied mistorian He Cribed with recipied mistorian He Cribed with recipied mistorian He Cribed with recipied mistorian He Cribed with recipied mistorian He Cribed with recipied mistorian He Cribed with recipied mistorian He Cribed with recipied mistorian He Cribed with recipied mistorian He Cribed with recipied mistorian He Cribed with recipied mistorian He Cribed with recipied mist

brotherhood of equals. The Cossack host elected their own officers, generally for a year's term, and had thei r possessions in

squeeze blood from a stone, the Polish lords employed the J ews to manage their business a ffairs and common . Only members of the Orthodox Church might be Zaporozhie Cossacks, and no women were allowed in the sich, although most Cossacks had families and rarms in the surrounding countryside. Young Bohdan Khmelnytsky learned the Cossack ways , riding and shooting and manly hono r . His education did not su ffer, for he was enrolled at the Jesuit

their estates. The Jews were college in Yaroslav, Galicia, where he stud ied the Lat in class ics. Khmelnytsky received his bap-

1 50

Jew^s . , ,

Recognizing their business acumen and their inherited ability to

the Ukrainian pioneers to the incessant slave raiding of the Crimean Tatars, who made a flourishing business of carrying o ff Ukrainian girls and selling them to the harems and brothels

Soon the U krainian horsemen were more than a match for the mounted Tatars , who named them, in grudging admiration , " Cossacks" (from the Turkish for " free warriors"). The Cossacks increasingly took to the attack, raiding the Crimea, Turkish s hips, and even the su ltan's Anatolian realms in their l ight,

At the same time they were evolving into a superb fighting force the Cossacks were developing into a unique society , akin to the miUtanl _knightly orders of the

of the Middle East .

swift boats.

granted all sorts or privileges and franchises . They had a virtual monopoly on the production an'd sale of l iquor in the U kraine, and they were often employed as tax collectors, retai ning a substantial cut for themselves. But it was in their activities as stewards and overseers for the gentry that the Jews showed their true mettle . They were quick to i nform their employers or any in fraction , and their vigilance resulted in savage punishment for many a ser f. They were masters at milking every feudal fee and impost from the peasants. Since the U krainians were required to pay a t ax at the birth tism of fire on a military expedition against M o ldavia , a vassal stale of the Ottoman sultan, in 1 620. The Cossacks rode under the command of General Zolk iewsk i, a Pole, since

of each child and at marriage, the they were subjects of the Polish king, although their allegiance remained tenuous . Due to Zolk iewski's poor generalship, the Polish forces were routed by the Turks and Tatars near the Moldavian city of Jassy . Michael Khmelnytsky was k illed , and Bohdan was led o ff to two years of captivity in Istanbul. Khmelnytsky took advantage of his en forced stay in the Ottoman

Jewish overseers were the sole possessors of keys to the Orthodox churches, lest the ceremonies be performed in secret and the tax evaded . These impositions and a thous and others won them the undying hat red of the U krainian peasantry. In these darkest years of the Ukrainian nation the man who was destined to lead the U k rainians from bondage was coming of age in the eastern borderland along the Dnieper. His name was Bohdan K hmelnytsky. He was born in 1 595 in Pereyeslav on the Dnieper . His father, Michael Khmelnytsky, had migrated there several years .before from Podcapital to learn Turkish and to acquaint himsel f with the sultan's court and administration, knowledge which would prove very useful in the fu ture. When he returned to the Family farm at Subotiv, on the banks of t he Tiasmin, a tributary of the A ZAPOROZHIE COSSACK 1 638. Those who too k part were forced to sign a h umiliating confession of guilt , and the registered Cossacks were forced to s urrender the last vestiges of t heir autonomy. H enceforth, the hetman, as the supreme comman der

lesia, just east of Poland proper. A member of the:lower gentry, the elder Khmelnytsky had been attracted by the rich farmland of the steppe, which had lain fallow D nieper, he had acquired a maturity and fund of worldly experience rare for a man of his age . He took over the management of the estate and was formally admitted to the Cossack host. In the years fol lowing 1 620 the Polish authorities attempted to tighten t heir cont rol over the of the Cossac ks was known, was to be a Pole, and a garrison of Polish troops was slationed in the sich of the Zaporozhians al Mikitin Rih to watch over them.

The Poles devised a scheme to limit the Cossacks to 6 ,000 men,

the Pol es' attempts to regiment them in 1 625, and again in 1 637 and 1 638. Each time they were bloodily repressed . The uprisings were hampered by an understandable reluctance on the pan of those Cossacks who were duly registered to join their fellows . Nevertheless , e ven ! hose Cossacks who had remained loyal to the king felt the punitive measures imposed following the revolt in

serfdom.

since the depredations of the Mongols 350 years before. Like most frontiersmen Michael Klimelnytsky was a warrior as well as a farmer , and he raised Bohdan to follow in his footsteps . Father and son were members of that m ost extraordinary military society, the Zaporozhie Cossacks. In the words of the great Ukrainian writer, Nikolai Gogol (whose Taras Bulba is the supreme evocation of the Cossack ethos) , the Cossacks were "a free , riotous outgrowth of the U krainian character. " They had arisen over the course of the previous two centuries as the response of Zaporozhie Cossacks. The Cossacks' fon dness fo r unauthorized plundering expeditions ag ainst the Tatars and Turks , even in time of peace, often proved embarrassing to the Polish government . More important, the growing n umerical strength of the Cossacks, continually increased by U k rainians fleeing from serfdom , rai sed the spectre of a future threat to the state . Khmelnytsky, who had been entered on the rolls as a registered Cossack, took no part in the uprisings. At the end of the 1 620's he had married the daughter of a fel low Cossack, Anna Somko, and was occupied with raising his family and increasing his wealth. By the l 640's he had fat hered five children and amassed a substantial estate at Subotiv . In 1646 the ambitions of Poland's King Wladyslaw IV, coupled with the peculiarities of the Polish constitution, seemed to afford the Cossacks the possibility of regaining thei r old privileges. sky into an implacable opponent of Polish rule and the scourge of Jewry in the Ukraine. The Polish governor of Chihirin, Alexander K oniecpolski, was eager to. increase his revenues by ferreting out tax evaders. A Jew in his employ, one Zachariah Sabilenski, sought lo ingratiate himself with the governor by informing him tha1 there was one U k rainian landowner in pa rticular, Khmelnytsky, who consis-1ently concealed the extent oF his wealth. When Daniel Czaplinski, Koniecpolsk i ' s assistant, learned of the case being drawn against

who were required to register with the authorities . The regist ered Cossacks were more strictly disciplined, but they were confirmed in their freedom and put on the royal payroll. Those Cossacks who exceeded the registered number were to be forced back into The Cossacks rose up against ging war on the Turks , which was within his otherwise severely limited rights. Since the Sejm had the sole authority to raise and fi nance armies in peacetime, however , it was necessary for the king to assemble his forces in secret . To that end he conferred covertly with several Cossack l�ders in April 1646. One of them on the Cossack's Subotiv e�late, which had never been formally deeded. With Koniecpol ski's tacit approval, Czaplinski assembled a band of armed retainers and prepared to swoop down on the estate. K hmelnytsky got wind of Czaplins ki's plans and rushed to Chihirin to implore the governor's Polish army, alened 10 the incipient uprising, was a l ready on the march toward M i kitin Rih. The Polish forces were commanded by Stephen Potocki, an arrogant young noble who disdained the fighting qualities or t he Cossack host. At Korsun , 75 m i les south of Kiev, Potocki made the

Although King Wladyslaw's plans for a Turkish campaign were aborted when the Sejm learned of them and ord ered his army disbanded, the Cossack delegation retained the charter, which came into Khmelnytsky's possession. In a short lime it would prove very useful, for in the following year came t he incident which turned Khmelnytthey found that Czaplinski's men had beaten his son to deat h

In a last, vain effort lo have jus tice done, Khmelnytsky succeeded in having his case presented to the Sejm in W arsaw . It proved a humiliating ordeal. Czaplinski was cleared of all charges , and Khmelnytsky was mocked openly by rhe Polish

Far from breaking his spirit, the injustices which the P oles and their Jewish help ers had heaped on Khmelnytsky filled him with a burning desire for revenge. According to one story, Khmelnytsky met again in secret with 1he king, and Wladyslaw advised him, "It's about time you Cossacks remembered that each of you has a sword by his side." Now Khmelnytsky pre pared to put his

On his return 10 the Dnieper region, he spread the word or the charter which he had obtained from the king. Regardless of Wladyslaw 's ability or i ntent to im plement the charter's promises, his seal on the document Jent Khmelnytsky credence and prest ige among the Cossacks. Once again t he talk was of revolt . In January 1 648 K h melnytsky formally sought sanctu ary at the sich. He won the Cossacks' sympathy by recounting his own sufferings and detai ling those of the entire Ukrainian nation. He roused t hem to a frenzy when he thundered , "The Poles have delivered us as s laves to the cursed breed of Jews!" The Cossacks

"accidentally."

lords .

sword to use.

prepared for war.

The officers of the sich were at first dubious of 1he Cossacks' prospects agai nst 1he considerable military strength of Poland, parti· cu larly in the light of the failure of the previous uprisings . But here K hmelnyts ky's genius as a strate· gist and a diplomat began to assert itsel f . He suggested enlisting the Crimean Tatars, the Cossac ks' hereditary e nemies, as al lies , and an em bassy was dispatched to Ca ffa , the Tatar capital . Khan Islam Geray, who had no love for the Poles, quickly agreed to the alliance , and he pl aced a cavalry force of 4,000 men at the Cossacks' disposal. On April 17, 1648, t h e rada, t he general assembly of the Cossack host, rati fied its leaders' decision 10 make war on Poland and elected Khmel nytsky to the supreme military command. The

mistake of divi ding his forces . He sent 2,000 men , most of t hem r egistered Cossacks o s tensibly loyal to Poland, down the Dnieper in boats. With the remainder of his army , some 4 ,000 men, he advanced on Khmelnytsky's for-

On April 29 Potocki and his \roops entered the valley of Zhovty Vody ( "Yellow Waters "). Suddenly the overcon fident young

ces .

Khmelnytsky, he entered a claim

intercession, leaving his children and his mistress Helen (his wife had died several years before) unprotected at Subotiv. In his absence Czaplinski and his men descended on the estate, burned the mill and the granary to the

Wlad yslaw was desirous of wa-

was the centurion of the registered Cossacks in the Chihirin district, Bohclan Khmelnyt sky.

In exchange for the military support of the Cossacks Wladyslaw p romised to do his best to help the Cossacks regain their

known as a passionate and fiery public speaker. He headed the Young National Front during its first year of growth

A highly committed and articulate cadre of idealistic young men and women provides the Front with a second line of leaders, insuring talented and capable leadership for the future.

The Front wins support and frightens enemies by projecting an image of vitality, passion, youthfulness, and strength. For example, the Front's public speakers know how to whip a crowd into a frenzy better than any others in British politics today.

Extremely effective Front posters and newspapers are designed for maximum emotional impact. Few readers can remain indifferent to articles under provocative headlines such as: "Birmingham: Multi-Racial Nightmare City," "Rasta 'Dreads' Terrorize White Women," or "Blacks Wage War Against Police." The "Nightmare File" of atrocities by non-Whites is a regular feature of National Front News.

Front demonstrations are preceded by an impressive mass of Union Jack flags and usually by a stirring marching band. The Froni kicks its way into the headlines by provocatively marching through non-White districts, fully expecting mobs of communists and non-Whites to attack. The resulting photos and film clips of ugly leftist thugs assaulting peaceful Front marchers and British policemen help win new support.

The Front's appeal to the heart is matched by an appeal to the British mind. Articles in Spearhead, the Front's attractive monthly magazine, are intelligent and articulate. (Spearhead is available to American readers for \$11.50 per year from: Excalibur House, 73 Great Eastern Street, London E.C.2, England.)

Most of the headline-grabbing success of the Front has come from widespread British opposition to the growing number of non-White immigrants. And it's the racial issue, above all, which wins fanatical support for — and generates vicious hatred against—the Front.

Jews, liberals, and communists have reacted to National Front successes with a hysterical campaign of lies, slander, and violent intimidation. "The NF is the target of a universal, unremitting, and vicious hostility that is unprecedented in the history of British politics," Richard Verrall charges.

The campaign against the Front is headed by ANAL, the reactionary, hate-mongering "Anti-Nazi League." ANAL is financed by Jews and secretly run by the notorious Trotskyite Socialist Workers Party, which openly calls for a communist dictatorship.

Peaceful Front marches have been repeatedly attacked by communist mobs, while SWP goor squads regularly beat up Britons suspected of "racialism."

The media masters in Britain black out most news favorable to the Front, while keeping information from the public which they claim will "encourage racial hatred." At the same time, government officials threaten imprisonment for patriots who say anything which can be construed as "inciting race hatred," under provisions of Britain's infamous Race Relations Act.

Unfortunately, the smear campaign against the Front has had some success, because it evokes an unreasoning emotional reaction from Britons conditioned by the intense anti-White and pro-Jewish propaganda effort during and since the Second World War. Even widespread opposition to non-White immigration has not yet translated into a corresponding level of support for the Front, because many Britons have been intimidated by simplistic charges in the mass media that the Front is "anti-working class," "hatemongering," or simply "dangerous"

However, the contradiction between the lies spread by the System and the reality experienced by every Briton grows with each passing year. Furthermore, a new generation is maturing which isn't terrified by the phony specter of "fascism" or "Nazism."

The National Front knows that the System it works to overthrow is built upon a shaky base of lies expediency, and shortsighted opportunism. Labor strife is growing. Racial chaos is spread

ing. Britain's position within the Common Market grows more humiliating with each passing year. More than ever, voters are fed up with the tired, old lies of the System parties.

Front leaders are confident tha future events in Britain wil continue to undermine the credibility of the System and vindicate the warnings of the Front

The phenomenal rise of the National Front is only the most spectacular example of a racial-nationalist awakening throughout the White world. This common struggle against a common enemy is not only mutually encouraging, it is also strategically important for the future. It helps to insure that, if a pro-White government should take power in one country, the common enemy will not be able to push other White nations into war against that country, as hannered 40 years ago

For patriotic White Americans, the National Front is an encouraging example and represents a stirring challenge.

(Issue No. 67, 1979)

Singer Killing: Inexcusable Atrocity

Sometimes a single incident occurs which is so poignant and outrageous that it symbolizes the evil of the System we live under more vividly than any reportabout a major social or economic problem. Such was the killing of John Singer by police in January

John Singer was born in New York City 47 years ago. Soon afterward his parents took him to Germany, just as Hitler was coming to power. John joined the Hitler Youth and stayed in Germany until he was 17.

When he came back to America Singer joined the U.S. Marines. Later he moved to a high mountain valley in northern Utah, in order to get "away from the evils and complexities of modern society," as he explained it. He built a log farmhouse and out-huildings on a three-acre home.

as a television repairman. Singe took a wife, Vicki, and they had seven children. In 1973 he took his children ou of the local public school, which

In 1973 he took his children ou of the local public school, which tolerated drugs, defended homo sexuality, and promoted racia mixing. He objected strongly to a textbook used by the school which featured pictures comparing George Washington and Negro "civil rights" leader Martin Luther King. Singer condemnee racial mixing as evil.

"The main issue," Singer said last year, "is that I want to keep my children morally clean."

He built a small, red schoolhouse on the homestead, where Vicki taught the children

State officials demanded that the children be given tests, which found them "behind" academically. But the officials also reported a "family with the father as a strong, vigorous patriarch who has the full support of his wife and the genuine support, love and respect of his children."

I ne Singers were proud of their self-sufficiency and craftsmanship. Their farm has its own, independent water system, and heat comes from wood- and coal-burning stoves. Their orchards and gardens provide an abundance of fruits, vegetables, and livestock. "We have a root cellar, a store of wheat, a small flour mill, and a beautiful organic vegetable garden," Singer said.

The children were talented beautiful, and creative. Fourteenyear-old Heidi, the oldest, was adept at jewelry and leatherwork Suzanne, 11, was an accomplished painter. Timothy, 12, had built a sturdy wood cabin in the back yard by himself.

"You must let a child's talents run free," Singer had said. "They do not do this in the public schools."

The Singers defied state officials who demanded that the

SINGER (right), with two daughters and a neighbor, before police killed him with a shotgun blast in the back for resisting a court order to submit his children to recently appeared by the subbits askeds

children be kept in an "accredited" school. "They are trying to take away our God-given liberty," Singer said. He ignored the official papers and drove off some policemen at gunpoint who had come to arrest him, posing at newsmen.

"I won't let the sheriff arrest me," Singer had vowed. The ex-Marine patrolled the farm with an M-1 rifle, and some of the children were also armed.

One snowy morning last January, as John Singer walked down from the homestead to pick up his mail, eight policemen waited in ambush and surrounded him

"They tried to get him, and I guess he pulled a gun," the sheriff told reporters afterwards. "When he did, I guess they shot him."

with a shotgun blast and died on the way to the hospital.

The police arrested Vicki and jailed her in Salt Lake City on a contempt charge.

Singer's aged mother, Charlotte, told reporters she wished she had been there to die with her son. "He wants to raise his children decent, and for that he has to lose his life," the mother said, weeping. "They murdered him in cold blood."

JOHN SINGER and one of his sons, in a 1978 photo. He believed is law and order, but he believed even more in raising his children to be spiritually healthy and racially conscious.

Hundreds of outraged citizens telephoned state officials to protest the slaying. The state capitol was evacuated twice because of bomb threats.

"Singer tried to place himself above the law," a county deputy attorney said to reporters. "We must have law, or we will have anarchy."

In schools across America, White children are beaten, robbed, and terrorized — victims of government-ordered racial mixing. President Carter has offered amnesty to illegal aliens

who have broken U.S. immigration laws and successfully evaded arrest.

Convicted killers, rapists, and muggers are released every day on parole to continue their lives of crime. Street gangs terrorize whole sections of major cities

Public officials are regularly caught taking bribes. Fraud runs rampant throughout the Federal government, Jimmy Carter welcomes mass-murderer Menachem Begin to America.

But John Singer "broke the law." He wanted to raise h

children away from the evil and immorality of a society gone mad. That was a crime for which the System decreed he had to die

(Issue No. 67, 1979)

Story of the Man Hitler Wanted as a Son

Leon Degrelle and the Crusade for Europe

The Russians came at dawn, the better part of two regiments, men and tanks silhouetted against the blood-red sun as they moved forward across the steppe. Huddled among the peasants' huts of Gromovaya-Balka, the men of the Wallonian Legion awaited them, silently cursing the frozen earth, which had offered implacable resistance to their entrenching tools.

Against the oncoming Soviet troops — 4,000 of them — and the 14 tanks which accompanied them, the 500 Belgian volunteers who held the village disposed of no weapons heavier than machine guns. Their only hope was to hold on until the German command, hard pressed all along the Samara front, could rush them reinforcements badly needed in other sectors.

Corporal Leon Degrelle crouched behind the frozen carcass of a horse, sighting down the barrel of his MG34. He gave no heed to the bitter cold or to his injured foot, painfully broken two weeks before.

The Russian artillery shells were already landing in the village, inflicting terrible casualties when they were on target. Now the Soviet infantry broke into a run, their blood-curdling battle cry, "Ourrah pobleda!," "Hurrah for victory!," ringing in the ears of the French-speaking Walloons, drowning out the cries of the wounded and dying. Degrelle and his comrades began to fire, tearing big gaps in the ranks of the advancing Russians.

Still they surged forward. They had reached the outskirts of the village now and were fighting at close quarters with the Walloons. In the absence of anti-tank artillery or rockets, the Soviet T-34 tanks prowled freely among the huts, gunning down and rolling over any defenders in their paths.

Suddenly Degrelle was struck in the face by a piece of ricocheting shrapnel. Blood streamed down his cheeks, but he held his position, raking the Red infantry with machine-gun bullets as they detted forward from but to but

The Walloons gave ground grudgingly, but the more numerous Russians pushed them back inexorably. As his fellow soldiers retreated to the other end of the village, Degrelle, his face a bloody mask continued to fire

At length the barrel of De grelle's machine gun began to overheat, and the tide of Russian attackers threatened to swamphim. Without hesitating, Corporal Henri Berkmans, Degrelle's armorer, grasped his wounded companion by the waist and dragged him across the ice to the cover of a peasant's hut already crammed with their fellow Walloons.

It was a brief respite. The crew of a Soviet tank had spotted them. Roaring up beside their temporary haven, the massive T-34 fired point-blank at the flimsy structure. The first shell blasted through the hut without hitting the Walloons, who clawed frantically to tear a hole in the rear wall. Two more rounds roared through the hut before Degrelle and his comrades got out, miraculously unscathed.

As the remaining Walloons formed a last defensive perimeter, the Soviet forces regrouped for the decisive assault, eager to apply the coup de grace to these bothersome accomplices of the hated Germans. The Russians began to advance once more, and the Walloons, hunched behind whatever cover they could find awaited them grimly, determined to hold off the Russian assailants and their unseen ally, death, yet a while longer.

All at once the air was pierced by screaming sirens and the ever-louder roar of airplane engines: Stukas! The shrieking German dive bombers swooped down on the swarming Reds at pitilessly and murderously as hawks pursuing field mice. Tank after tank was hit by exploding bombs sown with unerring precision. The bomb blasts tossed tank crewmen and foot soldiers high ir the air, as if they were scarecrows

Clouds of oily, black smoke billowed from the Russian monsters, now reduced to burning hulks. With a mighty shout, the men of the Wallonian Legion rushed forward and drove the Pursian from the willoge.

Twice more that day, February 28, 1942, the Russians attacked and twice more the Belgians, now reinforced by German infantry and armor, threw them back When evening fell on Gromovaya Balka, 700 Russian soldiers lay dead in its ruins.

The Wallonian defenders had paid a heavy price. Seventy of them had been killed, among them the gallant Berkmans. Nearly 200 more had been wounded, reducing the unit's combat strength by half. Shortly thereafter, their valor would be tecognized by the German high command: 34 soldiers of the Wallonian Legion, including Leon Degrelle, received the Iron Cross for their defense of Gromovava-Balka.

Who was this Degrelle, and what drove him to the side of his country's conquerors?

Leon Degrelle was born in 1906 at Bouillon, a small town near the French border, surrounded by the oak forests of the Ardennes and dominated by the castle of Godfrey de Bouillon, a leader of the First Crusade. There his father owned a prosperous brewery.

After attending the Jesuit college at Namur, Degrelle entered the University of Louvain in 1925. He left his studies after several years to work for Rex (from Christus Rex, Christ the King), a Catholic publishing house, of which he became director in 1931.

Under Degrelle, Rex churned out a flood of Catholic literature and propaganda. He himself edited two newspapers, Rex and Vlan, in which he analyzed the Belgian scene. Soon his writing raised eyebrows in the Catholic hierarchy.

Life in modern Belgium offered a depressing contrast to the political and cultural flowering of earlier ages, Degrelle pointed out. The land which had been an integral part of Charles the Bold's Burgundy and the empire of the Habsburgs, which had produced Charlemagne and Charles V, Brueghel and Rubens, Orlando de Lassus and Francois Cuvillies, had become a European backwater, a pawn of international finance and balance-of-power politics

Degrelle was disgusted by the venality and opportunism which characterized Belgian politics. The three major parties — the Catholics, the Liberals, and the Socialists — had come to be nothing more than the tools of powerful interests, whether the church hierarchy or big business or big labor. In his publications Degrelle flayed the party politicians and the establishment they fronted for mercilessly.

In 1935 Degrelle, calling for a national renewal at the expense of the established interests, founded

the Rexist movement. His tireless campaigning and spellbinding oratory led his group to a stunning success in the national election of 1936. The new party rolled up 270,000 votes, 11.5 per cent of the total, and elected 12 senators and 21 deputies.

Confronted by the Rexist challenge, the established parties closed ranks. Their collusion excluded Rexist deputies from important parliamentary committees. The controlled news media directed a drumfire of criticism against Degrelle's "extremism" and alleged lust for power

In March 1937 Degrelle decided to contest a by-election in Brussels, which quickly took on the nature of a plebiscite.

The Belgian establishmen bulled out all the stops against his candidacy. The prime minister Paul Van Zeeland, opposed De grelle for the seat, backed by all three parties. The Catholic primate of Belgium condemner Degrelle and Rexism. The Brussels newspapers supplied the usual one-sided editorials and repor-

The outcome was a foregone conclusion. From that point on, the movement's fortunes declined tharply, although Degrelle did win a later election. By 1939 only Degrelle and three other Rexists from the party list sat in parliament. The disillusioned leader turned his thoughts more and more from the present pettiness of Belgium to the vision of a reborn Burgundy, stretching from Frisia to the Rhone, of which Wallonia would be the pivot.

The onset of the Second World War forced the Belgian establishment to choose between the old order and the new. By making Belgium party to the Anglo-French effort to stifle the European resurgenceled by Hitler and Mussolini, the country's politicians invited the German invasion of 1940.

Volunteers from All Nations Joined Effort To Free Europe from Capitalists and Reds

The Germans knifed through Belgium with relentless efficiency. After 18 days of hopeless struggle, the Belgian army was battered into submission. Meanwhile, the Belgian politicians, after providently appropriating Belgium's gold reserves and the plates used to print the nation's money, fled across the channel to England. There they reconstituted themselves as Belgium's "legitimate" government and whiled away their exile in luxury and petty intrigues.

No sooner had the German armies crossed the frontier than Leon Degrelle was seized at his home by the Belgian authorities, in flagrant violation of his parliamentary immunity. In the following weeks he endured a brutal odyssey through Belgian and French jails.

During his captivity Degrelle lost 30 pounds. Several of his teeth were broken, and he was deafened in one ear by a particularly brutal beating administered in his cell at Caen. At last, thanks to German intervention, Degrelle, who had been given up for lost by his family and followers, was freed from the French concentration camp at Vernet, which had been commanded by a Jew named Bernheim

Upon his return to Belgium, Degrelle found the political prospects of the Rexist movement and the Wallonian people anything but auspicious. The Germans naturally favored their Flemish cousins, and there was little accord between Belgium's Flemings and Walloons. Furthermore, Degrelle had had little previous contact with Hitler and National Socialism.

DEGRELLE AT A REXIST RALLY: In 1933 Leon Degrelle, not yet 30 years old, founded the Rexist movement of Belgian national awakening. A brilliant speaker and an indefatigable campaigner, he aroused

wild enthusiasm at pre-war railles all across Wallonia. In early 1937 to packed the cavernous Brussels Sports Palace with his Rexist supporter for eight nights in succession.

Degrelle considered that any hope of realizing his dream of a new Great Burgundy depended on the good will of Adolf Hitler. The Wallonian leader was sure he knew the way to win the former combat soldier's favor: on the field of battle, fighting side by side with Germany against a common foe.

Thus, when Germany went to war against the Soviet Union on June 22, 1941, Degrelle was ready. Within two months he had raised a force of 1,000 Wallonian volunteers to join the crusade against Bolshevism.

On August 8, 1941, the Wallonian volunteers departed for Germany. As they paraded through the Brussels streets enroute to the railway station, they received an enthusiastic sendoff from their fellow Rexists. The excitement was heightened by Leon Degrelle's presence in their ranks. His decision to enlist, made public only the day before, had stunned his friends and enemies alike

Married and the lather of two young daughters, Degrelle, at 35, was an unlikely infantryman. His ingenuous, almost cherubic face seemed to belie his political accomplishments, something of the enfant terrible still clung to him. Besides, he had never undergone military training, had never so much as fired a gun. Degrelle's enemies smirked and whispered that the leader of the Rexists would depart the train at the first stop after Brussels.

the short but ardudus apprenticeship in the skills of the combat infantryman which Degrelle received at Regenwurm, near the Polish border, more than compensated for his previous lack of military training. By November 1941 Degrelle found himself lugging 65 pounds of machine gun and ammunition near Karabinovska, midway between Dnepropetrovsk and the Donets basin.

In late autumn of 1941 the German advance, after nearly five months of undnterrupted success, had bogged down in the black, cozing, sucking mud of Russia. Roads became impassable for heavy vehicles, and horses and men sank to their thighs in the mire, the Russians took advantage of the Germans' immobility by stepping up hit-and-run attacks by partisan guerrillas.

that the men of the Wallonian Legion saw their first action There were no pitched battles only short, running engagement between small units. Nevertheless they took their toll. In late November the first legionaries fell on the cold soil of the eastern Ukraine, far from their Belgian homes

Shortly after their arrival in Russia, the Belgians were confronted by an even more ferocious enemy than the Red guerrillas. The Russian winter of 1941-1942 fell with a fury unmatched in a century and a half. Temperatures in the Wallonian Legion's zone of operations dropped to 40 degrees below zero, and the snow piled up to heights of over six feet.

At the end of November Degrelle and his comrades marched across the frozen earth to the Donets basin, a center of mining and industry, where they made their winter quarters. The march across the winter hell between Karabinovska and Cherbinovka was 50 miles of torture. Men and animals slipped and slid on vast expanses of ice. Many fell victims to frostbite. By December 10 the Wallonian Legion, at last firmly established in Cherbinovka, had lost 150 men to the cold and to disease.

Through all the rigors of that terrible winter Degrelle was an inspiration to his fellow soldiers. He shared in all their trials; indeed, he bore them with a cheerfulness palatable even to the chronic grumblers. His political authority as chief of Rex was greatly augmented by his fellowship in arms.

Degrelle's own outlook wabeing profoundly affected by hi experiences at the front. Any tendency to the egoism which bedevils the average politician was wept away by a thousand lowlisasks and duties, performed sid by side with men of humblorigins who had once shoute their adulation for him at the cavernous Sports Palace in Brus sels. In the friendly jibing of hif fellow infantrymen, Degrelle became "Modest the First, Duke o Burgundy."

The constant threat of death prorught with it a heightened consciousness and, in the best of men, an increased dedication. Degrelle wrote, "Before we may have led a banal existence, marked by concessions to everyday life. The front taught us to over renunciation. We felt neither natred nor desire. We had overcome our bodies and destroyed our ambition. Thus purified, we could devote ourselves to the cause. And death frightened us no more."

In February 1941 the Walloons got a chance to show their mettle in heavy combat. The Red Army attempted to exploit a number of overextended and exposed sectors along the German front. The Wallonian Legion was in the thick of the fighting, which featured a sharp contest over the village Rosa Luxemburg and the heroic defense of Gromovaya-Balka.

The February fighting was costly for the Walloons. By March 2 only two of the unit's 22 officers were fit for duty, and the Wallonian Legion had been reduced to a third of its original strength.

Reinforced by a new contingent of volunteers from Belgium, the Legion joined the renewed German otfensive in July. The goal was the rich oil fields of Transcaucasia, vital to refuel the mighty German war machine.

The march south across the Don and the Kuban steppe proceeded at a rapid pace. In the space of a month the Legion advanced 700 miles to the foothills of the snow-capped Caucasus, marching in a summer healthat often exceeded 105 degrees.

The Russians offered little resistance until the German forces reached the passes which lead over the Caucasus to Transcaucasia. There the Reds battled furiously to deny the enemy their oil.

its way up the valley of the Pschich River, driving toward Sochi, a Black Sea port. Degrelle,

DEGRELLE FIRES a submachine gun on the fastern Froit. He was the epitome of the new type of soldier which filled the ranks of the Waffen SS: recklessly heroic, granite hard, and politically conscious. He fought to win a leading role for his people in a free, regenerated Europe. Hitler said to him: "You are almost unique in history, a political leader who fights as a true soldier!"

Eastern Front: Mightiest Heroism World Has Known

who had been promoted to lieuten an t a fter Gromovaya-Balka, now proved his ability to lead men in combat as well as in electoral campaigns. His notions of tactics were hazy, but his un flinching courage in the face of enemy fire carried one o bj ective a fter another in the fierce mountain wa rfare.

At P ruskaya on August 19, Degrelle led an attack up a hill bristling with Russian defenders . At the summit he came face to face with the Red commander . Both men fired simultaneously. The Russian fell dead at Degrelle's feet . The Legion continued its advance.

Three days later the Walloons captured the vi llage of Cheryakov. Degrelle )ed a sally which blunted the first Red counter attack . Over the next five days the Wallonian Legion beat off w�ve a fter wave of Russian attackers , until they were relieved.

The German advance stalled once again that autumn. Overextended and running precariously short of supplies and ammunition, the German armies were forced to retreat. At the onset of winter the Wallonian Legion withdrew across the strait of Kerch and up the Crimean peninsula. As they fell back the Russians were tilready springing the trap at Stalingrad.

The Legion's outstanding performance had meanwhile attracted the interest and admiration of the officers of the elite W<iffen SS. After protracted negotiations between Degrelle and Heinrich Himmler, the leader of the SS, the Wallonian Legion was inducted into the Wtiffen SS. The move was popular among the men . The combat prowess and prestige of the SS were unmatched , and the veterans of Gromovaya-Balka and Cheryakov felt honored to share in It. Furthermore, membership in the SS, a supranational Aryan order, would afford Degrelle an important voice in postwar Europe, provided Germany and her allies were victorious .

In the spring of 1 943 the Walloons were dispersed to various SS t raining camps . The

intangible SS spmt and the al l-too-tangible aches and pains of the most difficu lt training t hey had ever experienced elevated even the battle-tested men of the Wallonian Legion to an undreamed-of level of enduran ce, vigilance, and hardness . W hen, in November 1 943 , the Legion was reorganized as the 5th SS Stormbrigade Wallonia, with Major Lucien Lippert its commander and Degrelle the chief of staff, there was no more formidable infantry unit in the world .

Shortly thereafter the Wal-Ionian Brigade returned to the front, which the ever-waxing might of the Red Army had pushed to the west bank of the Dnieper . The Walloons were posted to a sector near Cherkassy, which gave its name to a vast salient, some 10,000 square miles, held by the German 8th Army.

In January 1 944 disaster struck . On the 27th two Soviet armies, Zhukov's in the north and Koniev's in the south, began a dri ve around the Cherkassy sector which culminated in their junction at Zvenigorodka , far behind the German lines.. The Cherkassy salient had become the Cherkassy poc ket .

The German command laid plans for a brea kout in force to the west. They concentrated the bulk of their forces near Steblyov, with the SS Regiment Germania as the spearhead . The Wallonian Brigade was assigned the vital m ission of guarding the rear.

Thr operation, to which the sober strategists of the Wehrmachl staff had assigned a five per cent chance of success, put the Walloons to their greatest test. The Soviets, scenting victory, hammered at the German fianks , but they drove hardest from the rear, straining for the breakthrough which would allow them to roll up the retreating army from behind.

On February 5, at the village of Starosselye, the thin Wallonian line nearly buckled. After repelling wave after wa ve the Walloons panicked and ned in the face of yet another massive Soviet assault. The Russian breakthrough was at hand.

At that point Degrelle rode u p. Standing on his mud-spattered staff car as Russian bullets whined past his ears, he exhorted his men to be wor thy of their Burgundian ancestors . Then Degrelle leaped from the car , seized his rifle, and shouted, " Bu rgundians , rally to my luck I You 'II see how much the Russians fear me l About face ! Forward ! Follow m e l"

Degrelle's counterattack drove the Russians from Starosselye. Reinforced that afternoon by two tanks, the Wallonian Brigade clung to the k ey strongpoint for four blood-dren ched days . On the 8th they fell back to the Ross canal, and then to Novo Buda, where an apocalyptic struggle unfolded .

Infuriated by the prospect of their prey' s e!:caping, the Russians stormed Novo Buda with redoubled fanaticism . The town was raked by murderous artillery and mortar barrages . House-tohouse fighting of an in tensity not witnessed since Stalingrad turned shops and houses into abattoirs dr ipping with gore.

German generals fought and died side by side with privates . Lucien Lippert, the Wallonian Brigade's brave commander , was shot dead outside a mouzhik's hovel. Men's minds snapped , overwhelmed by hor ro r and exhaustion.

If the saying be true that fortu ne favors the brave, Degrelle proved it amply in the Cherkassy pocket. Always in the thick of the fighting, he seemed unkillable. Russian bullets nicked him twice at Starosselye. At Novo Buda a spent mortar fragment lodged between his coat and his chest, barely breaking the skin .

The Reds were thrown back at Novo Buda. On February 1 8 , 1 944, 40,000 German soldiers streamed through the Russian ring near Lisyanka, due in l arge measure to the incredible tenacity of the Wallonian volunteers. Such heroism did not come cheap. Of the more than 2,000 Walloons who had arrived at the front the previous November, only 632 came through the hell of Cherkassy.

A few days later Degrelle was summoned to Adolf Hitler's headquarters , near Rastenburg in East Prussia. The hero from the trenches of the First World War pressed the Knight's Cross of the Iron Cross into Degrelle's hand. In a voi ce husky with emotion, Hitler told the Wallonian leader, "If I had a son, I would want him to be like you ."

Against the Fuehrer's wishes , Degrelle returned to combat. The Wallonian Brigade, which had been decimated at Cherkas sy, was reinforced and expanded to become the nucleus of the 28th SS Wallonian Division. Transferred to the Baltic front, Degrelle and his brave Walloons waged an unending succession of despera,Je holding actions against overw hel m i ng odds. Across the marshlands of Estonia and the nat lake country of East Prussia the men of the Wallonian Division, in ever-diminishing numbers , fought on grimly unti l there was no more hope.

Nor did they fight alone. There fought beside them half-a-mil lion other volunteers, from thirty di ffer en t E uropean peo pl es , bound by Nibelungen fealty to the German Sieg fried until the bitter end. They joined from every walk of life, even to the last days of the war: peasants and aristocrats , craftsmen and scholars, workers from the mines and. mills and workshops of all Europe .

And many of them died , on the vast and lonely Russian steppe, in the rubble-strewn alleys of Budapest and Berlin, in a thousand other places unmarked and forgotten , not s weetly, not decorously, but excruciatingly: shot, stabbed, frozen , crushed, heads sliced off by whirling shell fragments , limbs blasted from their torsos, entrails gushing from their bellies, in every way their fragile bodies could be riven from their mighty hearts .

Should we ask why, a few have tried to tell. Degrelle, a man of culture, wrote that it was for Europe, "the Europe of Vergil and Ronsard, the Europe of Erasmus and Nietzsche, of Raphael and Duerer, the Europe of Ignatius and Saint Theresa , of Frederick the Great and Napoleon . 11

Few of the others could have put their reasons into words. Like the simpler W esterners who came before them, the men who fought and fell at Tours and Liegnitz , at Acre and Lepanto, the European volunteers, though driven by the deepes t loves and longings , cherished most the fragments of the Whole : the sunlight playing on a little girl's blond hair , a favorite spot beneath the willows by the brook, the fellowship by evening in the village tavern, the fields their fathers plowed before them, hearth and family, bl ood and soil. And though today the bodies of so many of them lie commingled with the European soil, see to it, White reader, that their spirit shall not perish from this earth!

Sh ortly after the Anglo-American armies overran Belgium, the Belgian government in exile returned to Brussels , the breasts of its m inisters glittering with the medals and orders for "resistance" which they so freely bestowed on one another. One of the first acts of Belgium's restoration government was to condemn to death their old enemy , Leon Degrelle, for d efiance to the state .

But Degrelle was able to elude their grasp . Granted political asylum by the Franco regime, he has l ived since the war in Mad rid. He managed to save his medals, which by the war 's end included the Knight's Cross wi th Oak Leaf. He has saved as well the silken banners of the Wallonian Division. Some day, Degrelle hopes, they will be exhibited at the Belgian War Museum .

Not long ago a visiting Belgian j ournalist asked him if he had any regrets about the war years . Leon Degrelle thought for a moment, and then gave his reply: "Only that we lost I"

T. O'K.

(Issue No. 67, 1979)

Book Review

A Salvo A gainst Psyehoquackery

The Psychological Society: A Critical Analysis of Psychiatry, Psychotherapy, Psychoanalysis, and the Psychological Revolution, by Martin L. Gross, 369 pages , Random House, 1 978, \$10.00. Reviewed by Peter Yeagher .

It started, a few have speculated, when he spied his mother having sexual intercourse. At age seven he entered his parents ' b edroom to urinate all over the floor. Other excretory problems , constipation and a spastic colon, beset him in later Ii f e.

He claimed he could not work without a big, black cigar thrust into his mouth ; sucking on 20 a day must have given him much ortil gratification. Even so he was forever battling severe depression, except when faced with a train ride. Then he succumbed to terror.

Although his published work explored every real and fanciful element of human sexuality, he was himself impervious to womanly charms : indeed, the major events of his l ife can be plotted against a series of passionate friendships with men like Fliess, Adler, and Jung . The friendships, however, always turned into equally passionate enmities, because he eventually felt betrayed. This led him to formulate a genertil rule: paranoia is caused by repressed homosexuality.

The man, of course, is Sigmund Freud, whose teachings have greatly influenc<;d many fa the so-called helping professions. In addition to psychologists and psychiatrists, these include social worker&, guidance counselors, and certain members of the clergy who have transub&tantiated themselves into pastoral counselors .

Sigmund's foibles and follies, if not his ftil libili ties, have long been common knowledge among these professionals and the more learned of the intellectual faddists. Anyone curious about Freud's dank little secrets can now learn a good many of them without ruining his eyesight on interminable works like Ernest Jones's three-volume biography. Martin L. Gross's The Psychological Scciety contains a handy summary in a readable, journalistic style honed in spots to a polemical edge.

About a third of the book is devoted exclusively to Freud and how his quirks perverted his

theories into queeries. In a sense the entire book is about Freud, since he, more than anyone else, laid the foundations of today's P sychological Society. What Gross wants to topple he must first lay bare.

Gross contends that the central Freudian notions about the unconscious , infantile sexuality, repression, and the psychoanalytic method are unscienti fic and "mystical ." Worse , they have hindered investigations into the real causes of mental illness by denying "the organic view of the mind as a biochemical device with a relatively innexible, gene-determined style, what we generally call one's nature or temperamenl. In this biological view, the environment is capable 6nly of

modifying one's inclination . The person nourishes best when the environment and his nature are in fortunate j uxtaposition."

There is a large measure of truth to Gross's charge. By stressing childhood experience Freudians , in effect, blame mental illness on environment. Time and again Freud , a physiologist by training, denied that most mental aberrations were caused by organic disorders of the brain.

The result, according to Gross, is that the mentally ill are being treated by a method that owes more to shamanism than to science. Instead of pills and injections to correct biochemical imbalances, they are given words . If these words have any effect, it is not because they dredge from the unconscious repressed childhood traumas which are then worked out with the aid of a therapist.

The only active ingredients in the Freudian-based talking cures are suggestion and the passage of time — and the first may be superfluous. Studies, such as the two conducted by Hans Eysenck in 1952 and 1965, have shown that two-thirds of those who go to psychotherapists eventually end up cured. Since psychotherapists are busy men they cannot see everyone; some patients must wait as long as two years for an appointment. While waiting, about two-thirds somehow manage to get well by themselves. No wonder Eysenck's colleagues hate his guist.

Psychotherapists have compounded the mischief by hood-winking the public into believing that they alone know the answers to perplexing questions about human behavior. The reward for their effrontery has been extravagant. In addition to money they enjoy intellectual respect, which often can be put to the uses of power in a society that hangs on any banal word or semidemihemithought, so long as it comes from an "expert" with the right pieces of paper hanging on his office wall

The scope accorded that power has expanded enormously since the beginning of the century. Then its application was limited mostly to rich Viennese Jewesses suffering from species of hysteria the likes of which few had observed before and almost none has seen since. But now — especially in the United States — everyone's psyche is being probed by a cacophonous coven of psychomavens who purvey their insights through books, magazines, newspapers, radio, and television.

So seductive have been their tales of unresolved Oedipal complexes, toilet-training trauma, and reaction formation that the typical maleducated American, most often a college graduate, looks to these charlatans for advice. This state of affairs is what Gross, using cute journalistic license, calls the Psychological Society.

Read casually, Gross's work has much to recommend it. The animus against the Psychological Society is easy to share; the knifework on Freud, deft; the

Sick WASP

Nothing can raise the gorge of a self-respecting White man or woman more surely than the spectacle of a fellow White, unhinged by the incessant prominority propaganda of his television set, apologizing to the world for being White and fawning at the feet of creatures whose ancestors were allegedly repressed by his.

One such unhinged White is Peter Gorton Jenkins, a young Connecticut WASP who set out to walk across the country five years ago, just after graduating from college. He reported on his walk in an illustrated article in the April 1977 issue of National Geographic. In the article he said he was "confused" by America's racial violence, the recent Kent State shootings, and similar happenings, and he wanted to give "the country another chance." Mostly he found a chance for plenty of

strong case for genetics, nourishing fare for those who have had to eat environmentalist pap.

The last, genetics, is crucial to Gross's position. Despite his exhaustive survey of recent research which implicates heredity, Gross fails to prove his case. To do so would be impossible. Mental illness, because of its multiplicity of forms, cannot easily be laid at the doorstep of either genetics or environment. Both are involved in proportions which cannot yet be determined.

Let us assume that every menta "problem" can ultimately be traced to some gene or combina tion of genes. Nevertheless, on the basis of Gross's own evidence many neurotics and a surprising number of psychotics will become "normal" again. Whoever heard of anyone slipping into and ther out of a true genetic disorder like Tay Sachs disease, sickle cel anemia, or thalassemia?

Diabetes has a strong geneticomponent, yet many individual can escape its ravages without using insulin if they follow elementary precautions about die and exercise. If they disregard these precautions and develoy diabetes, which is responsible genetics or environment?

Perhaps a better example is intelligence, which we know is determined primarily by genes How many people of norma intelligence at age 20 become certifiable morons (or geniuses) at 30 and return to normal at 35?

While the new investigations into genetic influence on human behavior are exciting, one should guard against excessive enthusiasm. The old nature/nurture dilemma still has two very sharp horns. For nearly four decades intellectual life has been impaled on nurture. But what is to be gained by pushing ourselves off nurture only to fling ourselves recklessly onto nature, a far harcher determinem?

All this is not to say Freud should be spared. Clearly he needs to be attacked, but on prope grounds. Gross assails Freud for the wrong reason: baldly stated because Freud believed people car overcome many forms of menta impairment without pills or injections — hardly an unwar rantable belief

Gross's target goes beyond Freud himself, however; it in-

self-abasement, meeting lots of "really great" Black folks along the way, moving in with some of them for months at a time, and adopting one batch — in Murphy, North Carolina — as his second family

Now the media-addled Mr. Jenkins has come out with a book about his pedestrian guilt trip (A Walk Across America, Morrow, \$12.95), and its puke quotient is even higher than that of his 1977 magazine article. One excerpt, describing his attendance at a foot-stomping, hand-clapping, amen-shouting sermon in a Black Baptist church, is typical: "Of all the cool things, this service surpassed every far-out and turned-on experience I'd always held close to my snobby heart."

More Rabble

Two Jewish professors who teach English at Eastern Nev Mexico University want to elimi

SOPHOCLES

FREUD

COETHE

THE OLD FAKIR concocted his poisonous witches' brew from plausible concepts originated by Sophocles Goethe, and others. The worldwide Jewish publicity apparatus did the rest.

cludes all use of qualitative "unscientific" concepts, such a the unconscious, in human affair: Much as one would like to se Freud helped out of the helpin professions, the fee Gross pro poses to tharge is exorbitant an ultimately leads to intellectual impoverishment.

Qualitative concepts are absolutely indispensable to the human sciences. They may lack referents and resist quantification, but truth cannot always be fitted into tables of statistics. Any human science from which all qualitative notions have been eliminated is little more than an exercise in precise trivialities.

Many notions associated with Freud which Gross derides as unsclentific and mystical are nonetheless valuable. What should be noted, however, is that Freud has no proprietary right to them, since, for the most part, all he did was pluck elements from two great efflorescences of White culture, classical Greece and compatities Germany.

This is no place for a thoroughgoing influence study, but Freud read more of Greek tragedy than Sophocles' Oedipus plays. For instance, the dangers of sexual repression can be found in Euripides' Hippolytus; the disruptiveness of the id in the Bacchae.

Even the ritual battle betweer psychoanalyst and patient seems to have been adapted from the agon of classical tragedy. (There

nate all grammatical structure from the English language, so it will be easier for minorities to

Professors Stanley Berne and Arlene Zekowski have proposed that all sentence structure, punctuation, and other "complications" of the English language be done away with. They say that the 300 or so rules governing English grammar are arbitrary and so complicated that they drive students of marginal ability away from reading and writing.

"Did God give grammar to Moses on the mountain?" Bernasked. 'It's the whole cancerou structure of the English lan guage'" which must go, added Zekowski.

Their ideas for a "newspeak" version of the English languag are being filmed for presentation on TV by the Public Broadcastin, System later this year.

are also parallels between the so-called psychoanalytic process and initiation into the Greek mystery cults, which scholars say was the origin of Greek drama.)

And as for sublimation of the sex drive as the source of man's higher strivings, see Plato's Symposium.

Goethe's well-known description of his daimon provided enough insight for Freud to "discover" both the unconscious and the id, and Schopenhauer must have been a great help too. Other key notions of the German romantics, which Freud would have been lost without, include ambivalence, subjectivity, and the primacy of history in human affaire.

While Freud's purloined ideas in and of themselves are hardly evil, the use to which they have been put is. As Gross himsell points out, "In the mind of the philosopher-physician [Freud's were the seeds of a mystical yel apparently irresistible revolution against the Christian middle-class of pre-World War I."

Freud made no secret of his Jewishness, one of the many characteristics his disciples share to this day. As in the case of Marx, the real aim behind all his theorizing was to destroy a society which was irretrievably alien to his own nature. Unfortunately, Gross, undoubtedly for his own good reasons, skirts this central interest and the selection of the second reasons.

inconsequential remarks about Jewish mother-son relations.

At bottom Gross's work is seriously misleading. The real danger posed by the Psychological Society is not that the concepts arrogated to Freud may do little to help the mentally ill. It is that Freud's heirs use them to keep the mentally healthy from seeing how healthy they really are.

Whenever anyone raises serious questions about key social problems — the inequality of the races is only one — the psychodoctors spring into action. Rather than allow objective discussion, Freud's heirs cleverly begin to distract attention by speculating about the serious psychological flaws which must have motivated the "socially deviant" questions. The mass media obligingly spreadidle chatter about feelings of sexual insecurity, psychosexua fears, and sexually repressed authoritarian personalities.

While aspersions like these may not deter those sure of themselves, many in the audience are cowed nto following the party line. If propaganda based on sex can overpower truths revealed by personal experience, then the dry scientific truths of genetics stand little chance. Which underscores the important role qualitative notions still play in the human sciences.

(Issue No. 67, 1979)

Recipe for Amazons?

Margaret Dobbins, an assistant professor of sociology at Alabama's Auburn University, has an interesting hypothesis: namely, that the only reason girls grow up to be smooth, soft, and curvaceous, while boys grow up to be hairy and muscular, is that the two sexes are treated differently. If society treated little boys and little girls exactly the same from birth, they would grow up with the same size and strength —

"The hypothesis is that social policy can alter secondary sexual characteristics," Ms. Dobbin. told those attending a scientific conference in Houston in January. If she had really thought he nuttiness through, she might have fealized that she had produced a powerful argument against the Equal Rights Amendment, for those who really believe in the omnipotence of the environment

Worse in Mexico

If you think corruption by public servants is becoming un bearable in the United States (and it is), you should visit ou non-White neighbor to the south It's completely beyond controllers.

A recent survey of Mexico City's 30,000 policemen revealed that more than 75 per cent of them have sold, hocked, or "lost" their official sidearms. The common practice is to sell their expensive, new, government-issue pistols to the underworld or other private individuals, purchase theap "Saturday-night specials" as replacements, and pocket the difference.

(Issue No. 67, 1979)

But it is precisely the ability to associate concepts, to deal with abstractions, to mentally extrapolate the present into the future that has allowed the White race to build and maintain its civilization, and it is the Negro's deficiency in this regard which kept him in a state of savagery in his African environment and is now undermining the civilization of a racially mixed America. That is why it is vitally important fo every White person to understand that there can be no such thing a "equality" between Whites and Blacks, regardless of the amount of racial mixing forced on Americans by the government.

(Issue No. 68, 1979)

"Holocaust" Claims Exposed as Lies

New Investigations Shredding Jewish 'Six Million Dead' Swindle

One afternoon last month President Carter and many Congressmen and Senators crowded into the Capitol rotunda for an unusual ceremony. Elie Wiesel, chairman of the "President's Commission on the Holocaust," told the country's political leaders that America, along with the entire non-Jewish world, was guilty of permitting Jews to die in the so-called "holocaust."

During the Second World War, the prominent Jewish writer declared, the United States gave help to many people, "but not to the Jews. They were forgotten. The world knew — and kept silent."

When his turn came to speak, Carter dutifully agreed. The world "permitted the holocaust to proceed." he said.

Thirty-five years have passed since the end of the Second World War. But instead of diminishing the Jewish propaganda about their losses in that war grows ever more intense.

Television announcements tell viewers to contribute generously to the "Holocaust Memorial Fund." The President officially proclaims two days of remembrance for the "victims of the holocaust."

Jewish groups demand that their television drama Holocauss be shown throughout the world, and then they gloat over the resulting self-abasement and professions of guilt by millions of

School children are barraged with "holocaust" readers, audiovisual presentations, and homework assignments.

But while the propaganda campaign becomes ever more exaggerated and strident, a growing number of historians, civic leaders, writers, and other thoughtful individuals have been working quietly to expose as an enormous fraud the claim that during the Second World War the German government deliberately exterminated six million Jews in "gas chambers."

Dr Hellmut Diwald, a senior professor of history at the University of Erlangen in West Germany, unleashed a storm of controversy with the publication late last year of his Geschichte der Deutschen (History of the Germany)

Unlike the flood of liberal history books offered to West German readers, Diwald's masterwork stresses the fundamental historical unity of the German people, who today live divided in three countries

More importantly, he states categorically that not a single "death camp" — as contrasted with ordinary concentration camps — existed in Germany during the Second World War The campaign of distortions and wild charges about "gas cham hers" and "ovens." he writes, ha

TELLTALE PHOTOGRAPH helps expose "holocaust" hoax. This aerial photo, taken by an Allied reconnaissance plane on August 25, 1944, shows a portion of the German labor camp at Auschwitz, Poland, where interned worker/prisoners made synthetic rubber and gasoline from coal. After the war Jews labeled Auschwitz a "death camp" and claimed 2½ million Jews were gassed and cremated there. The photograph above is an enlarged section of one printed in the April 1970 issue of 116. The two buildings labeled "3" are crematoria where

according to Life, 12,000 Jews were cremated every 24 hours. Each building is approximately 60 feet long, and the assertion that 250 Jews an hour, around the clock, for months at a time, could have been reduced to ashes in each of them is simply ludicrous. Furthermore neither this photograph nor any of dozens of others taken on different days shows any smoke coming from the smokestack of either crematorium (smokestack shadow is visible beside crematorium in

been carried out since 1945 for the sole purpose of morally degrading

Jewish deaths in the concentration camps, Diwald writes, were not the result of an extermination policy, but were the consequence of chaotic and understandable wartime conditions. Furthermore, the claimed figure of "six million" deaths is a gross exaggeration.

Diwald's book was published by Propylaen, a prestigious publishing house owned by philo-Semitic West German media mogul Axel Springer. The book became an immediate best seller, an unusual feat for a heavy, 760-page work of history.

Jewish protests over the book moved Springer to promise that History of the Germans would be "rewritten." Sales of the first printing of 100,000 copies were immediately stopped, and a new, "revised" edition acceptable to the Jews was substituted without Dr. Diwald's approval.

Thus, Jewish and Marxist pressure has successfully censored another important book. But the entire affair has moved many Germans to ask themselves why a respected historian would denounce the "holocaust" as a fraud in the first place, if there were no reason for doing so.

In France an associate professor at the University of Lyon has spent four years investigating the

"gas chamber" legend. Dr. Robert Faurisson analyzed thousands of documents, tirelessly interviewed dozens of historians and other specialists, examined the concentration camps at Stutthof and Majdanek, in Poland, and visited the Auschwitz-Birkenau complex twice.

In a number of recently published articles, he conclusively exposes the entire "gas chamber" fraud. Writing in the prestigious Paris daily Le Monde, Prof. Faurisson notes, for example, that despite thousands of detailed documents on the crematoria built to dispose of the bodies of typhus epidemic victims, not a single piece of documentary evidence has ever been produced to substantiate the existence of even one gas chamber: not an order for construction, a plan, an invoice, or a photograph. During the hundreds of "war crimes" trials nothing could be produced.

Furthermore, Faurisson notes that almost all the original gas chamber claims have been quietly abandoned during the last 30 years. Several years after the war, a number of concentration camp officials were put on trial and "confessed" (under brutal torture) to the existence of gas chambers at Ravensbrueck (Germany), Mauthausen (Austria), and Natzweiler (Alsace). Today, Faurisson points out, the only gas chambers which Lewish writers

still claim existed are those which were located in communist-ruled Poland. And those claims rest essentially upon discredited "affidavits" and "memoirs" extracted from Germans since executed, and not upon substantive evidence.

Prof. Faurisson and a colleague recently debated the facts of the "holocaust" with two former concentration camp inmates and two historians for three hours on Swiss television. This is the first time that the legend of "six million gassed Jews" has been publicly debated anywhere in Europe since the end of the Second World War. The moderator noted that the event was a complete victory for Faurisson and his colleague.

Faurisson's main conclusions about the "holocaust" legend are that

• The German gas chambers never existed.
• The genocide (or attempted genocide) of the Jews never tool place. In other words, Hitle never gave an order or authoriza tion for the mass liquidation of the Jews.
• The lie of the "holocaust," which is largely of Zionist origin has made an enormous politica and financial fraud possible whose principal beneficiary is the state of Israel.
  • The principal victims of this

raud are the German and Pales-

• The enormous power of the controlled mass media has, thus ar, had the effect of ensuring the success of the lie and of stifling hose who have denounced it.
• The participants in this lie know that its days are numbered. They impugn the motives of those engaged in revisionist historical research and label as a "resurgence of Nazism" or as a "falsification of history" what is only a thoughtful and justified seasons for historical truth.

In Australia a leading official of the liberal Victoria Council for Civil Liberties started a major controversy when he questioned the Jewish "holocaust" claims. John Bennett, secretary of the Council, an Australian version of the American Civil Liberties Union, sent a memo in February to several Melbourne academics, along with copies of The Hoax of the Twentieth Century, the definitive expose of the "holocaust" hoax by Northwestern University Professor.

In his memo Bennett noted that no one has ever been charged with murder by gassing. That is, no one has ever been charged with actually operating the alleged gas chambers, although millions of gassings are supposed to have Bennett pointed out that the affidavits which were offered at Nuremberg as the main evidence for the gassings are as unreliable as the "confessions" made at the Moscow purge trials of 1936.

A West German jurist, Dr. Wilhelm Staeglich, has written a solid and compelling new work entitled Der Auschwitz Mythos: Legende oder Wirklichkeit? (The Auschwitz Myth: Legend or Reality?). Taking the example of Auschwitz, the largest of the alleged "death camps," the former Hamburg judge thoroughly exposes the "holocaust" claims as a massive fraud

Several years ago Dr. Staeglich wrote a few magazine articles on the Auschwitz legend. The West German government responded by forcing him into early retirement and ordering a 20-per-cent cut in his pension. Instead of causing him to meekly shut up, as the authorities expected, the brazen act of intimidation only made Dr. Staeglich more determined to speak the truth.

His massive work (489 pages, 25 photos) is especially relevant at this time. Its appearance coincides with the recent West German broadcast of the Holocaust "docudrama," a part of the relentless Jewish campaign to instil a guilt complex in the German people. The effort is meant to facilitate the massive political and financial blackmail of West Germany by world Jewry. Israeli politicians are now demanding reparations of up to 90 billion marks from the German people, to be paid until the year 2000.

These new developments are important contributions to a trend which has been growing quietly in recent years. They add significantly to the conclusions reached earlier in other important works.

Prof. Paul Rassinier, a French Marxist who was interned at the Buchenwald and Dora concentration camps during the war as a result of his resistance activities, wrote five serious books between 1948 and 1965 debunking the "six million" myth. His works appeared in French, German, Spanish, and Italian.

A convincing 28-page booklet, Did Six Million Really Die?, first came out in England in 1974. It has been reprinted many times and translated into all the major European languages.

In 1976 the aforementioned book by Professor Arthur Butz of Northwestern University was published. The Hoax of the Twentieth Century unleashed a storm of controversy and was vehemently denounced by Jews, who told students to boycott the author's classes. Nevertheless, not a single conscientious effort has been made to refute the definitive work.

Several editions of The Hoax have appeared, including one in German. Prof. Butz is currently working on an important sequel to his book.

In February of this year the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency released a paper entitled "The Holocaust Revisited: A Retrospective Analysis of the Ausch witz-Birkenau Extermination Complex." The paper claims that recently released aerial photographs of Auschwitz taken by Allied reconnaissance planes in 1944 and 1945 "prove" that the

extensive complex was a "death

Actually, the photographs reveal nothing of the kind. In fact, the labels added to the original photos by the CIA to identify alleged "gas chambers," "prisoners on way to gas chambers," and "possible cremation pit" were not based upon careful analysis of the photos themselves, but entirely on speculation. Nothing in any of the photos justifies either the labels or the conclusion that Auschwitz was a "death camp" with "gas chambers."

This writer spent many hours at the National Achives carefully examining the dozens of original aerial photographs taken of the Auschwitz-Birkenau complex. I also studied the detailed blowups given in the CIA report. The striking contrast between what the photographs actually show and what Jewish writers and "eyewitnesses" have claimed about Auschwitz further undermines the Jewish "six million" legend.

For example, not a single photograph shows the billowing clouds of smoke which were supposed to have resulted from the alleged cremation of 12,000 corpses dail y.

"Although survivors recalled that smoke and flame emanated continually from the cremation chimneys and was visible for miles," the CIA paper dryly admits, "the photography we examined gave no positive proof of this."

None of the photos shows any trace of the piles of ashes which were the supposed remains of an alleged two million cremated bodies. One photo blowup in the CIA paper does identify an outdoor area about twelve feet square as a "possible cremation pit."

"The Holocaust Revisited" is not an unbiased academic report This official government paper was published to coincide with and contribute to the recenintensification of the internationa Jewish propaganda campaign The authors admit that they prepared the paper for the CIA because their "interest in the subject of Nazi concentration camps was rekindled by the television presentation Holocaust."

The articles which appeared in numerous newspapers and magazines nationwide about the Auschwitz photos suggested that the Allies could have curtailed the alleged mass killings of Jews if they had really wanted to do so.

A widely reprinted Washingtor Post story, for example, begar with an untruthful and highly misleading sentence: "Allied aerial reconnaissance photo graphs revealed the existence of the Nazi death camp at Auschwitz more than a year before the end of World War II, which raises anew the question of why the Allienever bombed the camp or the railine that took victims to the camp."

David Wyman, a Jewish professor at the University of Massachusetts, has seized upon the aeria. photographs to "prove" U.S. government complicity in the "holocaust." Writing in the New York Times, Wyman implies tha American Gentiles, like all othe non-Jews, are "guilty" of geno cide against the Chosen People.

"How could it be," Wyma asks, "that government officia

knew that a place existed where 2,000 helpless human beings could be killed in less than an hour, knew that this occurred over and over again and yet did not feel driven to search for some way to wipe out such a scourge from the earth?"

The answer is that U.S. officials could not "know" what did not happen.

The dike of distortions and lies about the "holocaust" is beginning to break. Ever larger numbers of thoughtful and conscientious individuals are carefully examining the Jewish claims, and some are showing the courage to speak out. Even liberals who have been uncritically sympathetic to the Jews as a "persecuted people" in the past are starting to take another, more objective look.

In the face of this questioning, the Jews have simply intensified their own propaganda compaign,

This campaign has taken on a life and meaning of its own. It no longer bears any relationship to historical truth. The word "Auschwitz," for example, has become so emotionally loaded that an objective look at what actually happened there is all but impossible. Sober discussion and intelligent debate about the facts of the "holocaust" are stifled and denounced as "insensitivity and disrespect for the memory of the dead."

An elaborate propaganda apparatus incessantly hammers a single theme into the conscious-ness of the Western world: Killing Jews is the greatest of all possible crimes. The suffering of the Jews is a monstrous evil for which all non-Jews share blame and for which they must atone forever.

It is not enough that hundreds of thousands of Americans died in the Second World War for Jewish interests. It is not enough that the American people have sacrificed billions of dollars for the Jewish state of Israel.

It is not enough that a Zionist U.S. foreign policy has squandered American goodwill around the world and threatens to involve our country in a Mideast war to "guarantee" the state of Israel. It's not enough that the United States tolerated the deliberate murder of 34 U.S. sailors aboard the U.S.S. Liberty by the Israeli government in 1967.

No, the Jews now claim that the American people have still not atoned for their "guilt" in "permitting" millions of Jews to die in the "holocaust."

The Jews want both sympathy and support as a persecuted minority and continued influence and privilege as a powerful elite. They cannot have it both ways forever.

Over the long run, the entire "holocaust" campaign is creating enormous reserves of hatred and bitter resentment, which will one day erupt against the Jews. Not knowing moderation, the Jews cannot and will not stop their campaign of moral intimidation until the inevitable reaction comes.

M.W

(Issue No. 69, 1979

FAKED ATROCITY PHOTOGRAPHS have been widely used in the Jewish propaganda campaign to convince the Gentile world that it owes the Jews a living in compensation for the "holocaust." The top photograph, showing a group of emaciated prisoners, wasn't dramatic enough for Jewish purposes, so they painted out the background and added the corpses in the foreground. The faked composite was described as a group of Jews waiting to be gassed at Mauthausen concentration camp, along with the bodies of those already gassed. But the Jews failed to destroy all the copies of the original, genuine photograph (top), and it later turned up to discredit their claim about the faked photograph

German Historian Hits Hoax with New Book

The following excerpts are from the first edition of Geschichte der Deutschen (History of the Germans), by Dr. Hellmut Diwald (Frankfurt: Propylaen, 1978), pp. 164-65.

"Since the [German] capitulation in 1945, 'Auschwitz' has served as the main vehicle in the capenging to reduce the German people to complete moral degradation.

". . . Countless works have een published and claims made ince 1945 which cannot be proven and which cynically add to he infamy. Certain people have consciously exploited the gruethrough the use of distortions, deceptions, and exaggerations for the purpose of totally disqualifying a people.

"The victorious Allies claimed the existence of 'death camps,' of which there was not a single one in Germany. For years visitors to the Dachau concentration camp were shown 'gas chambers' where as many as 25,000 Jews were allegedly killed daily by the SS. Actually the rooms displayed were dummy chambers which the U.S. military had forced imprisoned SS men to build after the capitulation. A similar case involved the notorious Bergen-Belsen concentration camp, where 50,000 inmates were

The Task of the National Alliance In three earlier issues (NV Nos. 64, 65, 66) we examined some of the social factors relevant to ^a racially oriented revolution in America and stated several gener· his J c^w-dictated " peace" in the Middle East. Nevertheless , the relative comfort and sense of security justified or not - of the average White American at this time cut the ground from beneath any government buildings and assaulted policemeⁿ , no evidence of real radicalism was seen, except on the part of their Jewish leaders. There may have been more alienation, more irresponsibility , but very little commitment to fundamental The conservatism of the masses is mindless resistance to change and to new ideas . The conservatism of the other elements is more

al criteria for any organizational basi s of such a revolution. In this issue we will look more speci fically at the factors which govern the priorities of the National Al l iance and determine the nature of its task. We will attempt to understand, on the basis of present conditions in America, what can be done 11ow and ^w hat cannot be done, so that we can see better how to concent rate our energies on those organizational objectives we can realist ical ly hope to achieve. One fact of overriding importance should be kept in mind throughout what follows: the situation faced today by the National Alliance is historically ^u nique. Very few of the " ^c lassical " conditions for revolution exist in America today, and, therefore, the classical expositions or revolutionary theory are largely irrelevant to an understanding of our task. There is, for example, no revolutionary class in the White population of America, nor a revolutionary consensus. And , as ^strategy based on winnlng mass support for revolutionary action. What applies to the White masses also applies to the business, professional, and intellectual elements of themiddle class . Most of the latter are better informed than the masses about the destructive processes at work in America, and there is ^a substantial amount of concern for the fu^ture among them; nevertheless, their state of mind and their viewpoint are such that there is very little prospect of winning the support of a majority of them for ^aradical program at thistime . The same conservatism and egocentrism which afflict the masses ^a fflict them , although the maladies may be mani fested in somewhat di fferent forms in the two cases. The mas ses always have been and always will be essentially conservative in outlook rather than radical, whether they are supporting or opposing the gov· ernmenl over them at any particu· ideas of any sort. The one thing the anti-Vietnam leaders had going for them was an an i nability to encom pass ideas which lie outside a rat her rigidly egocentric mental frame, an inability to rise above a conceptual basis w hich is constructed on outmoded values , an inability to " The Alliance is n^ot concerned with Black survival or Jewish survival or Mexican survival, but only with White survival. '' effective organizational basis for their demonstrations and their propaganda. This ^o rganizational basis was staffed with capable and highly motivated cadres, and it allowed the Reds to accomplish ^a remarkable feat of subversion, even without a revolutionary consensus or radicalized masses. Al the height of their power they could put more than a quartermillion protesters on the streets of Washington, and they could make it look convincingly revolutionary . There arc other valuable lessons to be learned from the Jewish visualize a wholly new kind of world or to grasp the ethical concepts which must govern that new world and which transcend their own . And it is ultimately based on a lack of moral courage . Let us look ai this latter conservatism; let us trace its roots and see how it relat es to the task of the National Alliance. Over and over again one hears this argument: "The National Alliance has a fundamental lack of goodwill toward Blacks, Jews, and the members of the present political establishment. Without such goodwill the Alliance cannot hope to achieve any kind of fair

effort to use the Vietnam war as a ^revolutionary instrument, but for

functionsin America today - the central nexus - makes it extraordinarily difficult for anyone without his fingers on the c ontrols of that nexus to generate revolutionary sentiment. That is a situation entirely new under the sun. America is hurtling down the steep slope or racial mongrelization; national , cultural , and racial death lie in wait at the bottom of the slope. But the prosp ect is not one which rouses revolutionary fervor in large numbers of people; the level of abstraction required is too high for the average person, who docs not yet feel personally threatened. That will change somewhat as the press and clamor of the growing non-White hordes in America become more vexing and the economy worsens. The latter irritant will probably increas^e more precipitously than would have been predicted only a few months ago, now that President Carter bas put the finishing touches on the alienation or our souroes of imported energy with example, there was a great deal of talk, especially on university campuses, about opposition to the govern ment's policies "radical· izing" the students and others opposed to continued U.S. participation in the war. That talk was sheer nonsense , as was proved when the whole so-called " movement" collapsed in 1 973. Its existence had depended on the immediate irritant provided by the war, rather than on any demand for fundamental social changes. This editor participated in several of the largest an1i-war demonstrations in Washington during the 1 968-1 972 period, mingling with the other demonstrators and listening to their conversations (and getting severely tear-gassed once for his efforts). N ot only did the great majority of demonstrators have no real understanding of the issues i nvolved , but they had no more radical an outlook than the average American . Even among the m ore violent demonstrators , who "trashed" the moment we arc concerned with just two: first, the aforementioned non-radical outlook of the average While, even when a temporary situation exists which makes him amenable to recruitment for a revolutionary purpose; and, second , the absolute necessity of a thoroughly radicalized cadre organization being already at hand if any useful action at all is to be gotten from the masses when such a situation docs arise. During the Vietnam era the Left drew its cadres almost exclusively from the Jewish population, which constitutes a pe^rp^etually masses .

lar time.

During the Vietnam war, for

explained earlier , the s ystem of public opinion control w hich

radicalized reservoir of manpower and leadership for almost any anti-White cause. An analogous reservoir of pro-White radicals does not exist at this time, either among the masses or among the more illuminated strata of the White population : those White elements whose intelligence, sense of responsibility, and relative independence of the media lift lhem well above the level or the Mexican survival, bu^tonly with White survival. The Alliance has not an ounce of charity for the galJows birds who make up th^e System currently governing America and who have so shamelessly betrayed our race. It is also true that the average American is fairminded - in ^a sense. He thinks in an ind.ividualcentcrcd frame, while we think in a race-centered frame. He carefully distingu ishes between "good" Blacks and " bad" Therefore, most Americans (in· eluding most intelligent, ^t hought· ful Americans) will not support the National Alliance - at this time. The divergence of viewpoints between the Alliance and the average American goes so far that many Americans arc suspicious of our motives . They think, "The Alliance must secretly be ^a communist organization, whose purpose is to make the country's problems worse instead of curio@

settlement of America's present problems and internal conflicts . Therefore, most White Americans, who are fairminded and arc people of goodwill, will not go along with the Alliance." This argument c^omes not only from the TV-brained nitwits, but also from ^agreat many intelligent, thoughtful Whites. And it is, with a couple of important qualifications 10 be mentioned shortly, ^a

Blacks, between "loyal" Jews aod Zionists . We lump them all together, and that clearly is not " fair," by his standards . Implicit in the argument for goodwill and fairness are two major assumptions; one concerns the nature of the race proble^m and the other its soiution. It is assumed that the race problem is one of street crime, deteriorating schools, declining military morale and efficiency, rising wel fare burden , etc. There would be, from the viewpoint of the person making the argument, no race problem if all Blacks obeyed the law, s upported t heir families by honest labor, adopted a White li fe-style, and voted Republican - as some actually

And the only solu tion of which the person with such a viewpoint can conceive is a n egotiated one, a compromise d esigned to end the present strife and unpleasantness, a sitting down with Black and J ewish l eaders and saying to them in effect , "If you will keep your ^people in line, if you will reason with them and be reasonable with us, then we will bend over yet a little fu rther backward for you . We'll work somethi ng out which will protect your i nterests as well

or course, such an arproach to the race problem is not only based on the wrong values, it is an ^a pproach which m ust ultimately fail, as it is failing now, because the problem is a biological one, and it ^requires a biological solution - a fact w hich has been treated at length in other issues of NATIONAL VANGUARD. But the relev^ant point here is that the average American's men· tal frame simply cannot expand to encompass that fact and its implications. And, at this point in history, the same is true of most un-average Americans as well .

do.

as ours.''

It is true that the Alliance has no goodwill at alJ toward the enemies of our race. The Alliance is not concerned with Black survival or Jewish survival or

correct argument.

artificial separation imposed 20 years earlier by the Versailles he knew it would encourage British counter-atrocities against the Germans, but he didn't have the moral courage to refuse to "do his bit" for the British war effort. But one doesn't have to go to history to understand the point being made here. Every member of the National Alliance has had a sheep. What all this means for the Alliance is that the moral attitudes of the better-informed elements , just like those of the masses, are almost wholly dependent on varying external circumstances rather than on any unyielding inner convictions. Most will never expand their ethical concepts to the extent that they see fairness and

peaceful settlement all the more difficult. Therefore, they conclude (incorrectly) , we don't want a solution to the race problem. It is d ifficult to convince a person who believes the foregoing that he is in error , because our Well-known speakers, including aviation pioneer Charles Lindbergh, addressed huge public meetings denouncing Roosevelt and the Jews and the other war schemers. History, political science, and law professors at Yale and Harvard openly scoffed at the official government lies of German aggression and of Hitler's supposed plans for invading the United States via South America. There were even a few politicians in the Congress who were still willing to speak the truth as late as 1 941. But as the Jewish economic and the experience of hearing a " fairmindecr ' conservative explaining that he can't support the Alliance because we are not as concerned about j ustice for non-Whites as we are about justice for Whites, but who has been conspicuously silent about the Jewish treatment of the P alestinians and about every other glaring

value system and his are entirely different. Nevertheless, despite the barrier to communication caused by this difference in viewpoints , the future is not so bleak as it may seem. The qualification made a couple of paragraphs earlier - 1 1at this time" - is an important one. That is because the famous American " fairmindcdness" is a political pressure mounted, as more and more politicians were bought for the Jewish side, as the pro-war newspapers became shriller and more i nsistent, the fairminded people who knew what was going on began to become more timid about speaking out. After the successful engineering of the Pearl Harbor attack, virtually all of them fell silent .

Treaty.

them." They reason (correctly) that any non-White who reads a NATIONAL VANGUARD will become more hostile toward Whites as a result, making a

German annexation of Danzig in terms of a " brutal crushing of Danzigers' independence under the hobnailed jackboots of Nazi stormtroopers," the National Geographic quietly pointed out in its issue of November 1 939 that 93 per cent of the Danzigers were Germans, and that the city-state

rather m ore tenuous thing than those who presently glory in it are willing to admit. The time may never come when most Americans - even the intelligent ones - will be able to expand their mental frameworks enough to fully encompass our view of the world, but the time will certainly come when their view of what is " fair" will change drastically. The fact is that White Americans like to think of themselves as fairminded, as just, as humane, but the truth is that the great majority of them simply do not have the moral courage which is a necessary concomitant 10 t hose traits . Consider, for example, America's entry into the Second World War. The masses, of cou rse, were oblivious to what was goi ng on, as Hardly any of them were brave anough to say what they all knew: that it was the United States, not Germany, which was the aggressor. Only a tiny handful, a few dozen out of the former tens of thousands, continued to stand up ror the truth, for justice, for humanity, for what was right. The rest fell into line with Roosevelt and the J ews . When the U.S. government injustice in today's world, when silence was the only safe response.

always . But a great many Americans were not . Tens of thousands of journalists, of public o fficials, of teachers and professors, of l eaders or Ge r m an-American groups, of influential writers knew the truth of the matter at first hand . They k new the true nature or the National Socialist awakening in Germany, and they approved announced that the Germans were boiling down babies to make soap, the thousands who knew ii was a lie kept their mouths shut. When the United States began its policy of saturation bombing of German popul ation centers in response to the h ate-crazed Jews' demands that as many German civilians as possible be killed, all those White Americans who k new that.

of it. They knew that something of the sort was necessary for a resurgence of the White race . And they k new that the Jews were behind all of Roosevelt's deceitful moves to get America involved in the war to dest roy Germany - in particular, his maneuvering to bring about the Japanese allack on Pearl Harbor and enter the war via the back door, a fter his infamous orders to the U.S. Navy to fire on sight at all German vessels on the high seas failed to provoke the Germans into a declaration of war. And in 1939 and 1 940 many of those who knew what was going on spoke out. Even after the war started in Europe in September 1 939 National Geographic, for example, carried unbiased reporting on Germany, despite the torrent of venomous Jewish abuse this policy caused to be directed at the magazine. While the Jewowned Washington Post and New York Times shrieked about the it was genocide remain ed silent. They not only remained silent, but most of t hem hastened to appease those they should have opposed. They j oined the armed forces; they did volunteer work; they became even more "patriotic" than the warmongers , so no one could suspect them of being pro-Nazi . There were liberals, true pacifists opposed to all wars on principle, who were more courageous in their opposition to the Jews than these " fairminded" conservatives. When fai rmindedness became inconvenient, they abandoned it. When it became dangerous to stand up for justice, they accepted injustice. When the moral pressure to conform be came sufficiently great, they switched sides and supported policies they had previously opposed. It wasn't j ust that they weren't willing to put their lives on the line for what they thought was right; to the Indians, since it was certainly "unfair" of our ancestors to take it away from them. One might ask whether he believes the whole White race should j ust lie down and die, since the entire history of the world in reality consists of nothing more than a series of " i nj ustices" perpetrated on the weak by the strong in Nature's u nending process of upward struggle - and it is a fact that until this peculiar obsession with " fairness" to non-Whites took hold of us in recent years , it has been the White race which has most often been strong - which has, in other words, been most "unfair." One might point out t o h i m t hat the notion of fairness is one which arose and which exists in the White man 's mind only. It is a notion concerned only with the White man's dealings with his own kind , and it loses its whole meaning when applied to interracial relations . But , of course, there is no point in asking such questions, in raising such points , for the " fairminded" Americans who criticize our lack of charity for the· enemies of our race are totally i nconsistent in their logic, and logic will not persuade them. They are like the Pharisees in tual class. has specific functional responsibilities. It is one thing to tackle such a building program d uring a time of mass revolutionary ferment, when these functional responsibilities can be oriented d irectly toward immediate revolutionary goals

they weren't even willing to put income or social status on the line. And it has always been the same. In World War I the eminent British historian Arnold Toynbee wrote a jingoistic pamphlet for mass distribution in which he claimed that the Germans were bayonetting Belgian babies and

One might point o u t t o o n e of these virtuous citizens that unless drastic and sweeping measures to bring about total, geographical racial separation are taken measu res which are certain to cause hardship to a great many non-Whites who have never deliberately harmed us - then the White race will continue to suffer the contamination of its gene pool which is the inevitable consequence of racial integration. One might point out that if this contamination continues , it will eventually destroy the White race, as it has destroyed segments of our race in various parts of the world throughout history, from I ndia to South America, and one might ask what is " fair" about One might ask whether he favors giving North America back the objective conditions which determine most people's altitudes ; it must depend on the forces of history for that. It follows , therefore, that the Al liance must pursue a minority st rategy rather than a majority strategy for the time being, unless it abandons its fundamental approach altogether and caters instead to the shortsighted prejudices of the majority. The latter is a course w holly alien to the Alliance, one which would destroy the very foundation on which it rests . Thus, the short- and i ntermediate-term strategy of the Alliance is based on participation by an elite minority carefully sifted out of the overall White population rather than on direct participation by the White masses or by the bulk of the conservative elements among the professional/intellec-For the foreseeable future our program is to appeal to, reach, move, and recruit the members of this radicalizable elite, wherever they may be, and to build with them a function-oriented organizational structure: a structure made up of cadres, each of whom foundations and erecting sound, well-designed structures on them . The prize will fall to the faction which has done its building beforehand , not to the one which begins then . And so the National Al liance has backed off a bit from the ad hoc approach and has addressed itself more instead to providing an organizational embodiment of a world view , an embodi ment whose value is as much per se as ad hoc, as much intrinsic as extrinsic. That is, while the tasks and runctions of the Alliance are never wholly divorced from the eventual necessity of mass mobili zation , neither are they wholly dependent on that eventuality. They offer to the prospective cadre worthwhile goals to which he can wholeheartedly devote all his energies, for a lifetime if need be, even if he never engages in any massoriented activity. At the same time, however , he is never a l lowed to forget that such activity must eventually come and that the capability for it muse have been prepared beforehand if it is to be meaningful and productive. The intrinsic tasks and functions of the Al liance, those

j ustice from a racial or a cosmic viewpoint instead of an egocentric one, just as a sheep will never become a lion. But they most assuredly will change their atti tudes about w hat is fair as their personal circumstances change, and a great many who will not support the Al liance now will support it in the future. The Alliance does not have the capability at this time to change

important difference. One cannot hope for much success in building an organization whose entire raison d'etre is its ability to mobilize masses, when it is clear to any intelligent observer t hat the chance of accomplishing such mobilization is vanishingly slim . Such an organization is in essence an ad hoc organization, and the hoc is just not credible at this

Yet the fact remains that without an organizational basis for mobilization at hand when we reach a different point in history, one at which mass mobilization is conceivable, il cannot be accomplished . And the conditions which will prevail at such time will not be conducive to laying careful

necessary for their own s ake, are several. One is to provide a fixed pole of the spirit in the swirling chaos of falsehood and illusion surrounding our people in this era, an outcropping of bedrock of immutable principle amid the drifting sands of change and

otic" and "conservative" instituR lions in the society of today weasel on the really vital issues, fawning at the feet of alien masters, denying the di fferences in the value of the various races.

point in history .

the old parable who fastidiously strain out a gnat from their wine but swallow a camel without involving large numbers of people; it is quite another thing during times of relative public lethargy and indifference, when cadres and masses have much more strongly divergent interests. The latter case prevails, and the tasks of the National Alliance have been defined accordingly. These tasks, in accordance with the conclusions reached above, are not directed toward attempting to persuade or mobilize the masses, or to change the objective conditions or irritants to which the masses are subjected. They are directed instead toward building a permanent basis and a permanent structure which exist independently of the masses and which grow and develop without mass participation, but which nevertheless decay, a citadel of the ageless values of our race. At a time when not only the alien-controlled media, but also the schools , the churches, the government, the political parties , big business , and big labor every institution with a stake in the present System - habitually lie, changing their tune from month to month, holding a moistened forefinger to the shifting breezes of opportunity before deciding what stand to take, tolerating every evil and encouraging every weakness for the sake of expediency, riddled with cynicism and a total disregard for the truth, it is essential that there be one institution which knows and speaks the truth. Even the supposedly "patri-

have the capability for persuading the masses, for changing the conditions which motivate them, and for mobilizing at least portions of them at some later

time.

noticing it. Their position has nothing to do with fairness or justice, but only with hypocrisy

and cowardice.

money is on their side and the anyone who opposes them is sucker, a loser, a fool.

One of our responsibilities is remind people — not necessard the masses, but those individue concerned with more than the sex lives and their bank account our elite — that the Jews a beatable; that not everyone I given up; that there are intellige responsible, articulate people we

The masses or hear at this a great many is institution compete with the sess — even the even try to ritheless needs our elite — that the Jew beatable; that not everyor given up; that there are intel responsible, articulate peopiare unconditionally commit compete with sesses — even the even try to ritheless needs our elite — that the Jew beatable; that not everyor are unconditionally commit putting a final end to scheming and to this system on Jewish values, no matter long it takes or how sacrifice is required.

The Educal

One, a stocky, 5-foot-10, 200-pounder in a gray fedora, got on the chair next to me, making a point of shoving me aside. Since neert by the sic critic, Don ock group perago's Madison of P-Funk, very

One, a stocky, 5-foot-10, 200-pounder in a gray fedora, got on the chair next to me, making a point of shoving me aside. Since people are often obnoxiously pushy within the anonymity of the Stadium jungle, I was hoping he was just letting off steam. In any event, I wasn't about to challenge him. Even after he had a chair

ong Blacks, and the is jammed when Mc is wife Susan arrived. In sess of the Black is made McLeese apout he fought back his the well-trained liberal let was conscious of the few white faces in elmingly black crowd it thinking in terms of it."

It was conscious of the ferribly concerned to the fixed white faces in elmingly black crowd it thinking in terms of it."

It was conscious of the other guys was in her purse, and the other two were making a point of closing around us.

"Realizing that we were being set up, I tried to figure the quickest way out. When the gray fedora shoved again, I feigned stumbling over the back of the chair, grabbed Susan, and started moving down the row.

Unfortunately, these guys were far more organized than I had and half to himself, he kept pushing closer and closer, asserting his presence and silently draing me to make a move. As I leaned closer to my wife, I noticed that one of the other guys was in her purse, and the other two were waking a point of closing around us.

"Realizing that we were being stumbling over the back of the down one of the other guys was in her purse, and the other two were having a point of closing around us.

"Realizing that we were being stumbling over the back of the moving down the row.

Unfortunately. When we looked back the three who had been

crowd, but I wasn't prepared for a began rubbin beta and thes, our watches, our our hair — anything they ste a hand on. They worked tely and thoroughly . . . . tly confident that no one rowd would raise a finger our white asses. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

shoved and grabbed by still others who had noticed the fun and wanted to share in. Somehow, Susan had kept her bracelet through the melec, only to be relieved of it by a quick-handed young thief in the mezzanine. Finally we found a policeman out by the gate and clung to him for dear life."

Well, sir, one might think that little experience would have taught Mr. McLeese something. One might think he would have

An Editorial by Dr. William Pierce

learned some of the facts of life—and of race.

and of race.

An United: "I was no racist of the audience would have deplored what happened if they had known. I know that race isn't a factor where human decency is concerned."

After this little recitation of the liberal litany, McLeese spends the rest of the article blaming everyone who passed to be black. I know that most of the audience would have ease seniorying the one one. . . . Thuggery, of ourse, is not a racial characteristic. Many black people have suffered far worse fates at the hands of whites . . . than anything inflicted on Susan and ments. White society for Black hostility in general.

Did he learn anything at all? Factor where human decency is concerned."

After this little recitation of the liberal litany, McLeese spends the rest of the article blaming everyone who passed to the black. I know that race isn't a factor where human decency is concerned."

After this little recitation of the liberal litany, McLeese spends the rest of the article blaming everyone who passed to the value deported what happened if they had known. I know that race isn't a factor where human decency is concerned."

The education of liberals in America has a way at me; the thought of perhaps never again seeing P-Funk. . . is a deeply felt loss, both as a critic and as a fam. . . . I know that if I went I'd be eyeing when the process of the audience would have the process of the audience would have the process of the audience would have beautiful and the concert promoters for not making better security arrangements. Did he concerne

must invariably act in accord with this ordering of priorities.

The Alliance cadre must learn to subordinate personal friendships and loyalties, as well as were are, unfortunately, relative even men and women today who the qualities which the faince demands.

A great many people come to us with a short-range view. "Let's mode and never disciplined them, or perhaps it's due to some other cause, but it is a fact that there are people who can no more comprehend the notion of subordinating their desires to the needs of the Alliance. But subordination does not mean the Lews. Let's have a revolution. Let's awaken the masses." And they actually expect to see a revolution take place in a year's time. When it doesn't they usually become discouraged, lose interest, and they actually expect to see a revolution take place in a year's time. When it doesn't they usually become discouraged, lose interest, and they actually expect to see a revolution take place in a year's time. When it doesn't they usually become discouraged, lose interest, and they actually expect to see a revolution. Let's awaken the masses." And they actually expect to see a revolution take place in a year's time. When it doesn't they usually become discouraged, lose interest, and they actually expect to see a revolution. Let's awaken the masses." Often, it they all the fails in its task, the race will perish."

The Alliance cadre must learn to subordinate personal friends and never disciplined them, or perhaps it's due to some other cause, but it is a fact that there are people who can no more comprehend the notion of subordinating their desires to the needs of the Alliance are valution.

Let's awaken the masses." Often, it they all the actually expect to see a revolution.

The Alliance needs . . . men and women with a short-range view. "Let's ake the country back from the lews. Let's have a revolution.

Let's awaken the masses. The distinct of the Blacks," they say.

Let's avaken the masses. The distinct of the Blacks, "Let's awaken the masses." So the

some Oriental sense. The Alliance is not an Oriental organization. It is an organization of healthy, dedicated, individual White men and women, who have different on in personalities, different likes and dislikes, and different types of fance, and says arardly ership and to the to the to the to the to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to the total to t

whenever a conflict arises between dupon him personal interests and Alliance addre must of for prosupport the in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in order to in o

Alliance needs doers, not talkers, no hesitation about what that choice will be.

It means that, when one is engaged in an Alliance activity which is supposed to be carried out in a certain way, one doesn't try to change that way or to persuade others to change it to a way more agreeable to engest of but, perhaps, less agreeable to the prospects of accomplishing the Alliance's task successfully.

In view of what the Alliance is rying to do, this demand should as eem reasonable to most of the poople we attract. But we are living in the "me" generation, and were very young their parents

Alliance needs doers, not talkers, a person conself-gent workers, not dilettantes.

The Alliance cadre cannot be a clock-watcher, a person concerned with the outcome of everything he does, with the outcome of everything he does, with the prospects of accomplishing the Alliance is to have a long trying to do, this demand should as trying to do, this demand should as the poople who are constitutionally incapable of complying with or even understanding this demand.

Perhaps it's because when they were very young their parents

philosophy and astronomy.

see again, his unorthodox views\nused opposition. When the\ne of religious warfare lapped at
gates of Toulouse once more,
581, Bruno looked for asylum
Paris.

At Paris Bruno published his
t treatises which have come
who to us, on the art of memory.

Bruno derived an ethics and a
politics based on men acting
priests from
the Behead
to attend to
walked bet
and urging
day the prerequisite for this
development was an end to the
Pruno, memory was the key
nastering the knowledge of the

with its own inward inwards
an ajestic cosmology
sterior and a
politics based on men acting
priests from
the Behead
to attend to
walked bet
and urging
development was an end to the
religious warfare crippling the
was lashed\nexecutioner

For Bruno, memory was the key to mastering the knowledge of the cosmos, the internalized images of which, according to him, confer great power on the beholder, if they properly represent cosmic phenomena. During his sojourn in Paris he also wrote II Candelaio (The Torchbearen), a bawdy satire of monastic life entirely in the spirit of the century of Rabelais. Bruno's De umbris idearum (The Shadows of Ideas), on the art of memory, aroused the interest of King Henry III, to whom it was dedicated. The monarch, whom Bruno admired for attempting to steer a middle course between the extreme Catholic and Protestant factions ravaging France, invited the philosopher to his court.

Henry interrogated Bruno with an eye to acquiring the occult provises which was sure the Nolan performed his memonic feats. When Bruno assured the king that he came by his skill entirely through the exercise of natural mental powers, Henry was doubly impressed, and he authorized the philosopher to be contained the king that he came by his skill entirely through the exercise of natural mental powers, Henry was doubly impressed, and he authorized the philosopher to be tout read by him. Still entirely through the exercise of natural mental powers, Henry was doubly impressed, and he authorized the philosopher to be contained the whole apparased by the philosopher to be tourned by him. Still entirely through the exercise of natural mental powers, Henry was doubly impressed, and he authorized the philosopher to be tourned by him. Still entirely through the exercise of natural mental powers, Henry was doubly impressed, and he authorized the philosopher to be tourned by him. Still entirely through a series of prolonged and through a series of prolonged and through a series of prolonged and through a series of prolonged and through a series of prolonged and through a series of prolonged and through a series of prolonged and through a series of prolonged and through a series of prolonged and through a series of prolonged and through a series of prolonge

the College de France.

After two years in Paris, Bruno procured a letter of introduction from King Henry to the French ambassador in London, Michael Castelnau, the Marquis de Mauvisiere. In early 1583 he crossed the Channel and entered the glittering world of Elizabethan England.

Bruno spent two years in particularly into the highest circles of the reading the highest circles of the reading the highest circles of the reading the highest circles of the reading the highest circles of the reading the highest circles of the reading the highest circles of the reading the highest circles of the reading the highest circles of the reading the highest circles of the reading the highest circles of the reading the highest circles of the reading the highest circles of the reading the highest circles of the reading the highest circles of the reading the highest circles of the reading the highest part of the highest circles of the reading the highest circles of the reading the highest circles of the reading the highest circles of the reading the highest circles of the reading the highest circles of the reading the highest circles of the reading the highest circles of the reading the highest circles of the reading the highest circles of the reading the highest circles of the reading the highest circles of the reading the highest circles of the reading the highest circles of the reading the highest circles of the reading the highest circles of the reading the highest circles of the reading the highest circles of the reading the highest circles of the reading the highest circles of the reading the highest circles of the reading the highest circles of the reading the highest circles of the reading the highest circles of the reading the highest circles of the reading the highest circles of the reading the highest circles of the reading the highest circles of the reading the highest circles of the reading the highest circles of the reading the highest circles of the reading the highest circles of the reading the highest circles

commissions these days, and there is . pressure to give them to

Incredible as it may seem, the present leaders of America's ^military establishment are'actually striving for an Army in which 30 per cent of the generals will be Blacks, in order to match the complexion of the lower ranks, instead of trying to reduce the overall number of Blacks. If only such a plan could have been implemented in 1 941 I Then, although the people of Hawaii would now be speaking Japanese, at least the war in Europe would have been won by White nationalists, and the Soviet Union would be out of the picture . Communism would be a dead issue, and there would be no Middle East

The motives of the military planners involving women seem to be the same as those involving Blacks: the drive is not only for a much larger percentage of females in the armed forces , but also foe more women in command positions and in other roles which have heretofore been exclusively

Despite the present prohibition of wartime combat roles for women, they are nevertheless already in armed, quasi-combat roles as security guards and military policewomen, and it is quite clear that the intentions of the planners are to eventually have them in tanks and foxholes

Of course, one cannot place the entire blame on the Pentagon for the seemingly lunatic policies governing our al'med forces.

• in fact, the only long-term solution to the problem - that of removing the Blacks from their midst once and for all, was only a gleam in the eyes of a few visionary men and would have been in any case unworkable in the face of Northern occupation. It was above all Northern attitudes and i ntentions which were to supply the framework for the re-es tablishment of government in the Southern states . Yet at the end of the Civil War the North was deeply divided as to whether magnanimity, sel fjshness, or an especial ly virulent form of anti-White racism disguised as egalitarianism would prevail in determining its policy for reconstructing the ruined

Abraham Lincoln had envisioned the return of th� seceded states to the Union in pragmatic terms. During the war he established provisional state governments in Louisiana, Arkansas , Tennessee, and Virginia, which exercised an authority limited by the amount of territory they actually controlled and by the mistrust of the Republican Congress. Lincoln' s leniency toward ex-Confederates and his attempts to circumvent what Congress saw

Blacks."

problem .

male.

as well .

South .

campaigns featuring non-White

When the Army announces , as it did last month, that volunteers no longer need have a higlL school education, it is not necessarily because they want even more Gl's who cannot read the simplest training manuals; Army standards for recruits are governed in large measure by the quality and attitudes of the civilian popula-

This soon a fter being forced to deliberately lose a war, it is no wonder that enthusiasm for military service is not all it might be and that the armed forces are obliged to scrape the bottom of the barrel in .order to meet their

But beyound the matter of sheer numbers is the matter of fundame11tal values , motives , and goals. We cannot hope for a strong and healthy military establishment until we have a strong and h ealthy civilian society . And we cannot have the latter u ntil the entire spiritual and ideological basis on which it rests has been

As Brig. Gen. John Johns, the Pentagon's top man for dealing with the military drug p roblem, pointed out last month: "What you see [among U.S. occupation troops in Germany] is a reflection of what's happening in the United States . There's no quick fix for the drug problem until we get a complete change in the value

Let's just hope that the necessary revolution can be carried out in this country before the Soviet Union decides to make its move.

as its prerogatives aroused strenuous opposition to his plan in the Radical wing of his own Republi-

A powerful motive for other Northerners' interest in the prostrate South was personal greed . The most notorious instance of this in the immediate aftermath of the war was the conduct of Treasury agents who had been empowered to confiscate abandoned Confederate property in order to pay off the South's lapsed taxes . The Treasu ry men reaped vast, illegal gains by selling the confiscated goods to collaborators at absurdly low rates , forwarding the proceeds to tlie government, and then reselling their spoils at the going rate. As Trea&ury Secretary Hugh McCullough was forced to admit , "I am sure I sent some honest agents to the Sou.th; but it sometimes seems very doubtful whether any of t]\em remained honest very long.'' Then there were the crazed egalitarians . At the Civfl War's end their primary vehicle was lhe Freedmen' s Bureau , a large educational and welfare department under military jurisdiction which catered to former Black slaves . Under its aegis Northern Whites , many of them women, flocked South to fill the Blacks' heads with visions of equality. One of the most widely-used prim ers in the bureau's schools contained glowing accounts of the B lacks ' insurrection and s laughter of the

(Issue No. 71, 1979)

tion.

quotas for recruits .

utterl y trans formed .

system .''

can Party .

what we had in 1 97 1 over here, from the viewpoint of dissent and

ton, Texas.

South.

The former soldier had traveled alone until he reached Orange-

feet and ordered the Blacks to leave the train. Their response was

mutiny. We can make it if the education level goes down .... I deeply feel , if given the chance, the Anny can take a low-intelligence guy and make him operate complicated equipment ." Somehow, t hat ' s not very reassuring. Gen. Patton's faith in the Army is not unlike the pride more serious by the overwhelming advantage in numbers enjoyed by America 's strongest potential adversary, the Soviet Union . Not counting her Warsaw Pact allies, the U.S.S.R. alone outnumbers the United States by a facior of 2.2 in troop strength: 4.4 million men under arms to our 2.0 million. The Russians have S0,000 tanks to America's 12,000; 20,000 pieces of heavy artillery to our Gl's in glamorous roles , when the single gravest problem in the armed forces is the large numbers of Blacks already there. Even m ore intense is the drive to promQte Blacks into command positions . Alt hough 30 per cent of the Army is Black , only 6.4 per cent of the officer corps is .

armed forces is made infinitely

an animal trainer might show in being able to teach a one-legged chimpanzee to ride a bicycle: a ma rvelous feat, but so what? Where will that one-legged chimp end up when he's put in a bicycle race against sound chimps? And where will America end up when her all-volunteer, barely literate, one-third Black , eight per cent zonked out, and five per cent pregnant Army is obliged to fight a conventional ground war 5,SOO; and more than 8,000 tactical aircraft to our S,300. Our smaller armed forces might still be formidable enough to deter an enemy force two ro three times as large from starting a fight - if our forces were so mani festly tough, efficient, well disciplined, and well trained that the enemy would have to count on an Pentagon officials seem quite embarrassed about this discrepancy, apparently accepting the position that it is due to " discrimination. " (Such a stance might be expected, since Jimmy Carter 's appointee as secretary of the Army is a Black.) The consequence is the. same sort of officially approved reverse discrimination in the armed forces with which Whites in civilian life are all too familiar. Complains a

against a real army? In the old days, if 10 per cent of the troops were sick with the flu, that just meant IO per cent fewer ri flemen in the skirmish line: serious , perhaps , but not necessarily catastrophic. But the troops in today's fighting ' forces arc extraord inarily expensive and bloody fight. As it is, the moment the Soviet Union develops an effective defense against the United States ' strategic missiles , our goose is cooked, even if we also have such a defense. They know that their White colonel with the 21st Support Command at Kaisers\autern: "If you get a bad [Black officer] you can't give him a bad fitness report without a very long explanation and a lot of hassle from higher up. It 's also tough for Whites to get regular Army

The Shame of Reconstruction Shortly after nightfall on September 8, 1 865, a train steamed south from Orangebu rg, South Carolina, through countryside which had been devastated by to elbow their way past the veteran and to begin pawing at the two women in his charge. In a flash Crozier drew his knife and grappled with the Blacks in the darkened car. He slashed one time of Lee's surrender . A quarter of a million Confederate soldiers, five per cent of the South's White population , had fallen in the conflict, and many of the surviving veterans h ad been perma-It seemed clear to Southern Whites that the prerequisite for rebuilding their society and economy was to bring the Blacks under co ntrol and to set th em to productive work in the fields once more. A more effective solution

s uffered severely from artillery shelling, arson, and looting. The Southern transportation system,

^White women and children iⁿ

isolated areas.

General William Sherman's troops only a few months before. Among the passengers was a gaunt and battle-weary Confederate veteran named Calvin Crozier . After four years of war, Crozier was making the long journey home to face the grim task of rebuilding that awaited him in his native Galvesof them across the face, and the two Blacks fled the train, screaming for help. The Negro troops, enraged by this White resistance, forgot their search for booty. They forced the Whites from the train and seized a hostage, whom they proposed to shoot on the spot. nently scarred by wounds or disease . When the Southern veterans returned home, their farms a11d towns presented a depressing prospect . Vast areas of farmland had been devastated by the fighting. Cities and towns had

burg, where a local doctor had asked him to escort two women journeying south to Georgia. Crozier readily agreed, for the collapse of the Confederate state governments had fostered anarchy throug hout . much of the Outside Newberry the train came to a shuddering halt. It was no accident: the train had been deliberately derailed. A large band of men milled around the train. Now two Blacks, obviously drunk , pushed their way into Crozier's coach. They wore the blue uniform of the 33rd Regiment, U.S. Army . In the foulest language they could muster , they demanded that the White passengers present their purses and baggage for inspection for "rebel contraband." Calvin Crozier sprang to his coach, stepped forward . In level tones he told the Black soldiers that their business was with hill), not tbe other man. Without further ado the Blacks seized Crozier and led him away to the regimental bivouac, punctuating their whoops and threats with bayonet jabs and blows from their rifle butts. Crozier received no hearing. He was shot at the dawn of the next day. His killers mutilated bis body , Then the Black soldiers cavorted drunke'!IY on his fresnly filled grave, laugning and shouting . The United States has defeated and laid waste no foreign nation as totally as it did the 11 states of the Confederacy. The pride of the Southern armies , Robert E. Lee's Army of Northern Virginia, had particularly the railroads, lay in ruins . The South ' s rudimentary industry had been destr oyed, and Confederate bonds and currency were worthless. Even - these vast d i fficulties paled in comparison to the fallen South's greatest problem: the presence of four million Blacks, the overwhelming majority of whom had just been freed from slavery . On receiving their freedom, most Blacks had abandoned. the plantations and farms of their former m asters and roamed aimlessly for several weeks in search of the millennium which the Northern abolitionists had promised them. Many of the Blacks took advantage of the breakdown in law and order that accompanied the end of Southern resistance to rob, rape, and kill

been reduced to a few thousa11d ill-clothed, starving wraiths by the

Calvin Crozier, who had been unrecognizable in the darkened

minent apostates and most of their contemporary deists and atheists, who inclined to esteem the Jews as enemies of Christianity. The others were taken in by another great hoax, the endless whining by theJews thai they were "persecuted" during the Middle Ages, when the Church gave them a virtual monopoly of usury, sorcery, and international trade; when they spun financial webs about kings and noblemen and most rulers were attended by skilled Jewish physicians, always spies and potentially executioners; when the Jews exercised such political , intellectual , and economic power that, as Bernard S. Bachrach has shown in his Early Medieval Jewish Polley in Western Europe (University of Minnesota, 1977), out of the 98 rulers whose policies he examines in have, by covenant or established custom, bestowed on themselves ; and that while the citizens may show kindness to aliens, slaves , and dogs, such beings obviously can have no rights . They do not believe that one-third of a god became incarnate in the most squalid region on earth to associate with illiterate peasants, harangue the rabble of a barbarian race, and magically exalt the ignorant and uncouth to "make folly of the wisdom of this world," so that "the last shall be first" - that they do not believe, but they cling to the morbid hatred of superiority that makes Christians dote on whatever is · lowly, inferior , irrational, debased, deformed, and degenerate. They gabble about the "sancboob-tubes and other means of communication, greedily participate in the current drive to reduce Americans to total imbecility with every kind of irrational hoax, from as t rology to " pyramid power.'' It is to the g reat honor of Mr. Simpson that, as he says somew here in his book, he is not a man "to do things by halves ." When he ascertained that the Biblical fictions were unbelievable, he logically perceived that the residue of derivative superstitions was equally mythical . He had the intellectual vigor and integrity to begin a search for truth, i.e., ascertained facts about the real world - a search that is an iiltelfectual drama narrated in his candid pages . H is studies of all subjects relating to the social bewildered females of our race into epidemic hysteria, thus applying the immemorial technique of their race, which , as some of its leading agitators have frankly stated, consists in creating dissension, antagonisms, and social dlsruption by finding groups of individuals who can be isolated on the basis of so me supposed common interest and persuaded by artful sophistries that they are the victims of " social injustice" and "oppression." It is a grim fact that our people today is as h ag-ridden with superstitions as were our ancestors in the Middle Ages . We have voluntarily shut our eyes to reality as though life were a child's game to be played by capering blindfolded , until now we s!and , as A.K. Chesterton says in his Thus, in only 25 centuries, they became the arbiters and virtually the masters of the world today. If our race has been so debilitated by menticidal illusions t hat it no longer has the will to subjugate and dominate other races, then , by the irrevocable law of all life, it has become unfit to survive . If that is so, the superiority that we won by our courage and technological power and have now lost by our fatuity is lost forever, and despite what you and I may wish or hope, we are, in the grim balance of nature, what the Jews believe us to be, an irredeemably inferior species, fit only for brutish servitude or, at best, extinction. Dr. Revilo P. Oliver Is Profes-

realities of our time were thorough and almost exhaustive, and his citations from writers of recognized scientific and scholarly competence form a bibliography of almost encyclopedic scope . Mr. Simpson resolutely exa-

posthumous book or t hat title, facing the abyss. Our recent h istory reminds one of the old Mexican myth of Toveyo , the cunning so rcerer who exterm inated the Toltecs by beating faster and faster on a magic drum that

sor of the Classics at the University of Illinois, in Urbana. He received his Ph.D. there In 1940 and has been a member of the faculty since then, except for a three-year period of service as a research director for the War

tity of human life" - especially the vilest forms of it - without reflecting that it takes a god to make something sacred. And they frantically agitatr for a universal "equality" that can be attained only by reducing all human beings

detai l , 88 (including Charlemagne) had to pursue pro-Jewish policies, while the ten who attempted to oppose the aliens in their domains went down to failure in one way or another; when the Jews could usually count

on royal or ecclesiastical protection whenever their depredations excited local resentment so strong that it became violent; when even t he famous and belated expulsion of Jews from England and Spain overlooked those who thought it worth while to have themselves sprinkled with holy water ; and when the Church itself was a great ladder by whi ch marranos climbed to power and wealth, laughing among themselves at the stupidity of the goyim who imagined that a Jew could be transmuted by a few drops of magic fluid. I therefore exempt Taylor from the generalizations about apostates I shall make below. His was a vigorous and incisive mind, and I am unwilling to guess how much of Christian doctrine he unwittingly retained. Almost all of the apostates and anti-Christians of recent centuries exemplify the operation of what may be called the law of cultural residues . In all civilized societies, when a long-established and generally accepted belief is found to be incredible, good minds abandon it, but they commonly retain derivat ive beliefs that were originally deduced from the creed they have rejected and logically must depend on it. Thus it happened that modern enemies of Christianity rejected the mythology, but uncritically retained faith in the social superstitions derived from it - a faith which to the level of the lowest, evidently unaware that they are merely echoing the Christians ' oft-expressed yearning to become sheep (the most stupid of all mammals) herded by a good shepherd, which is implicit in all the tales of the New Testament. Although the " Liberal" and Marxist cults have doctrinal differences as great as those that separate Lutherans from Baptists, they are basical ly the same superstition, and whether or not we should call them religions depends on whether we restrict the word to belief in supernatural persons or extend it to include all forms of blind faith based on emotional excitement instead of observed facts and reason. When those " atheistic" cults scream out their h atred of "Fascists" and "Nazis," they obviously must believe that those wicked persons are possessed of the Devil and should therefore be exterminated to promote holiness and love. And when, they see "racists," who impiously substitute fact and reason for unthinking faith in approved fairy stories their lust to extirpate evil ls � great as that of the Christian mob that dragged the fair and toointelligent Hypatia from her carriage and lovingly used oyster shells to scrape the flesh from her bones while she was still alive. [Hypatia was a Neoplatonic philosopher , renowned for her beauty, wh^otaught at Alexandria and w as mines the psychological and social consequences of our great industrial t echnology, which made us masters of the w hole earth until Jewish superstitions paraly;zed our vital instincts as well as our rationality, so that now our own technology is being used by our enemies Hwith deadly effectiveness to produce a herd of fellaheen, bemused, stupefied, tamed cattle, whom it will be easy for them to milk in the world-state corral they now have nearly ready to receive them . " That is a fact that no candid observer of the present will doubt, but Mr. Simpson goes on to consider the effects of industrial organization, which is n ecessarily inhuman, on the biological entity that is nian. Needless to say, there can be no question of abandoning the technological power on which alone depends our only chance to survive in the world we lost, but it is well that we understand the price that we must pay for power . One chapter in th is book ruthlessly demolishes a prejudice that has been inculcated into all or us by the dominant mythology. Sixty-five years ago, when the great American student of historical causality, Correa Moylan Walsh (who would be ranked with Spengler , had he been born in Europe), identified the causes of the catastrophic decline that was then already imminent, he noted the perverse "effeminizatlon of men, for which the masculinization of women will be no made the hypnotized people dance ever more furiously until they, exhausted, made a final leap into the abyss of eternal night. If we are not to follow the Toltecs , we must at last use the cognitive and object ively rational powers that are peculiar to our racial mentality. Whether our decaying race still' has the will or even the capacity to make that effort is the only question, and it must be answered soon . Mr. Simpson is too honest to palliate our peril with illusory hopes or tranquilizing verbiage. His book , I warn you, is only for those who dare look upon the stark realities of a terrible universe. The sun is but a lonely spark amid billions of suns that are themselves lost In endless night, and in all of infinity our planet may be the only lump of rock infected with sentient life, of which men are merely a peculiar and ephemeral variety. Among the mammalian bipeds, our race is a small and hated minority. For us there is no help from the infinite void that encompasses us, and no help beneath the clouds, except in ourselves. Like all living organisms, we must fight to survive in the unceasing struggle for life. But, as Mr. Simpson reminds us, seeking mere survival is not enough : a race can survive only by aggression. At their origin through some biological mutation or phenomenal hybridism, the Jews can have Department during the Second World War. He is active In a number of scholarly societies in the fields of philology, modern and ancient languages, history, archaeology, and philosophy. A mong his many pub/lea/Ions are a translation of a drama from the Sanskrit (The Little Clay Cart, 1938) and a critical edition of Niccolo Perot/l's version of the Enchiridion of Epictetus (/ 95.f). Dr. Oliver has also long been an active partisan of our Aryan race, with numerous books, pamphlets, and articles to his credit, Including Conspiracy or Degeneracy? (/ 967) and Christianity and the Survival of the West (2nd edition, Howard A llen, 1978) . When Will/am Simpson 's book appeared last year, Dr. Oliver immediately recognized its unique value and began recommending it highly, and; although nor a member of )he National A l/lance, has contributed this review of it to NATIONAL VANGt!ARD. (lssue No. 72, 1979)

As carpetbagger Governor Adalert Ames of Mississippi lament of the Blacks made them easy prey for Democratic maneuvers. As one earnest Black voter expressed it, "I can't read, and I can't write order and hold office. Ribotovote and hold office. Ribotovote and hold office. White that the polls led to ever numerous electoral victories forced the remaining Sounaged the remaining Sounage or nerve — whatever it may be called — to act the part of soldiers."

One successful ruse involved distributing false ballots to Blacks. Since so few Blacks could read, their ballots were often adorned by a pictorial symbol of the Republican Party, such as the Liberty Bell or some appropriate right electoral fraud on the off the Republicans was now napanied by the use of force

electoral fraud on the Republicans was now Bed by the use of force

Dr. Pierce's Banquet Address

The Future Belongs to Us

Second General Conthe National Alliance close, we have before peet which is a great ter than the one we st year's convention to thing that just happens. They receive their copies of NATION-AL VANGUARD each month, and they tell us how pleased they are with the we began to dedided to do things and they tell us how pleased they are with the we began to other heads on the maintenance of faith and on finding new people like Rosemary.

A lot of people, including some of our own members, seem to think that progress is some-time than the one we st year's convention to thing that just happens. They receive their copies of NATION-AL VANGUARD each month, and they tell us how pleased they are with the way things are superstitious, I might of the take a significant step forward, it's because they sing to tell us something but I'm not superstitions to one one up there has go to tell us something but I'm not superstitions that they have because they want to watch from the sidelines and offer advice while someone else does what's required.

And one of the things which and they tell us how pleased they are with the way things are superstitious, I might out take a significant step forward, it's because someone up there has go to tell us something but I'm not superstitions. I might work necessary to take that step. And when we go a long time without taking as step, it's because we're already work-sons is our National step forward, it's because we're already work-sons is our National step. And when we go a long time without taking as step, it's because we're already work-sons is our National step forward, it's because we're already work-sons is our National step forward, it's because we're already work-sons is our National step forward, it's because we're already work-sons is our National step forward, it's because we're already work-sons is our National step forward, it's because we're already work-sons is o

coming along, I don't believe it occurs to them that each time we're able to take a significant step owners, it is because work and when we go a long time without taking a step, it's because we're already work in a till capacity and no one new has come to us and given us the additional capacity that we need in order to do more. a transformate or our Progress who will capacity that we need in order to do more. a transformate or our that the abunct of the work necessary to take that step. And when we go a long time without taking a step, it's because we're already work in a till capacity and no one new has come to us and given us the additional capacity that we need in order to do more. a transformate our progress who us for several didn't give up, rit us when, for there was very They have the in will also be years ahead—by some than we always has been.

The people who make those severs are saled and believe up, roughly not because we're project. And the person who sa sow as it has a Lexpect uson that wheels off the peak, but there blems, I guaranblems, it is the programs they tell us about. They can visualizeal the details; but here blems, I guaranblems, but there blems, I guaranblems, but there blems, I guaranblems, but there blems, I guaranblems, it is the programs they tell us about. They can visualizeal the details; but here blems, I guaranblems, but there blems, I guaranblems, but there blems, I guaranblems, the future progress would multiply the circulation of NATIONAL VANGUARD.

runway, so to speak, but there will be other problems, I guarantee you.

And the whole future progress of the Alliance, just like our progress in the last year, de
They can visualize all the details: just how we would win thousands of new members, how we would multiply the circulation of NATIONAL VANGUARD many times over, how we would multiply the circulation of NATIONAL VANGUARD many times over, how we would multiply the circulation of NATIONAL VANGUARD many times over, how we would multiply the circulation of NATIONAL VANGUARD many times over, how we would multiply the circulation of NATIONAL VANGUARD many times over, how we would multiply the circulation of the see me about new Alliance projects, in fact, into

inght, the Swedish explorer and his last companion, the faithful Kasim, at last reached a line of poplars on the 4th of May. Water could not be far off.

But Hedin's and Kasim's strength was ebbing. The native could go no further. Mustering all his inner reserves, Hedin went forward. On the next day the hardy Swede, at the limit of his resources, reached the banks of the Khotan River. The river bed was dry.

A voice within him, Hedin was to recount, urged him to continue on to the southeast. Walking as though led by an invisible hand, estaggered on for another mile. Supcirer. Nordensk poled, a captain ing the steamship Vega across the Corean, had led the first expedition through the Northeast Passage to the Bering Strait and into the Pacific.

When the Vega returned to Stockholm the entire population gave Nordensk joeld and his companions a tumultuous welcome. The 15-year-old Hedin, who watched the Vega's triumphant entry into Stockholm harbor from a hill overlooking the city, later wrote: "It decided my career. I, too, would like to return home on to the southeast. Walking as though led by an invisible hand, estaggered on for another mile. Sugourn in Baku piqued his taste for the wonders of the Orient, and when his term as tutor came to an end he traveled by steamer from Baku to Persia, on the south shore of the Caspian. Whith a Persian companion Hedin continued his journey by crossing the Iranian plateau on horseback, visiting Qum, where Mohammed's daughter, Fatima, lies buried beneath a magnificent tomb, and Teheran. Then the adventurous Swede rode south adventurous Swede rode south adventurous from the days of Persia's Aryan eminence under that way."

The youth's life was now guided by a fixed purpose. He coreal core was the wonders of the Caspian. Whith a Persian companion Hedin continued his journey by crossing the Iranian plateau on horseback, visiting Qum, where Mohammed's daughter, Fatima, lies buried beneath a magnificent tomb, and Teheran. Then the adventurous Swede rode south adventurous from the wa

denly he heard a splash and a wild duck whire into the air before him. Forcing his way bugh the undergrowth, Hedin tons in the North as reported in the press. To toughen himself against cold and hunger, he rolled in the winter snow, slept with his man to cross the murderous unse of desert in the western la Makan and live to tell at it filled his boots with water walked back to revive his ken helper Kasim.

Tead voraciously of the explorits of the Arctic explorers and drew painstaking maps of the explorations in the North as reported in the press. To toughen himself against cold and hunger, he rolled in the winter snow, slept with his windows open during the coldest highly severised, and fasted.

From 1881 to 1883 Hedin turned westward and crossed the spine of the Zagros to reach Bushire on the Persian Gulf. Then he traveled by steamer to the Shatt-al-Arab, where the Tigris and Euphrates Rivers join to flow to the gulf.

akla Makan and live to tell bout it filled his boots with water studied geography and related subjects at Uppsala, drawing enough maps to fill six volumes as an extracurricular activity. The expeditions into Central Asia of the Russian general Nikolai M.

Sven Hedin was born on ebruary 19, 1865, in Stockholm. It grew up in comfortable, pper-middle class circumstances in the Swedish capital. His father audiy was the city architect; oth Ludvig Hedin and his wife

in the Swedish capital. His father Ludvig was the city architect; both Ludvig Hedin and his wife Anna were descended from an eminent line of scholars, physicians, and state officials.

The Hedin family lived in considerable style in Stockholm, with a fine residence where they were attended by servants. They summered in the country and were in perfect accord with the bourgeois liberalism which had established itself in Sweden, as in the rest to 19th-century Europe, as the dominant outlook.

In 1810 Trackin's amounts of the Caspian Sea, in order to travel to Baku, the great oil city on the Caspian Sea, in order to tutor the young son of a Swedish engineer employed by the Nobel brothers' huge oil company. The 20-year-old Hedin accepted with alacrity and made the long journey south across Mountains, along which he trace with lacrity and made the long journey south across Mountains, along which he trace by the Georgian military lighway to Baku.

On the Apsheron Peninsula, on the south shore of which Baku the dominant outlook.

nestles in a fine natural harbor, Hedin made his first acquaintance with Asia. Baku was inhabited by a diverse and polyglot medley of sure reading the of Cooper and owing reports of of Stanley and or of Stanley and roof the Swedish Erik Nordenscholm on April rystallized young and Tatars and quickly mastered most attential made his first acquaintance with Asia. Baku was inhabited by a diverse and polyglot medley of Asiatic peoples: Armenian merchants, Tatar nomads, Turks and Persians and Azerbaijanis and dozens of others. In Balakhany, in the north of Apsheron, where he was often the guest of the Nobel family, Hedin made friends with some of the resident Persians and Tatars and quickly mastered the where they were return the fine anguages.

S THE ARKA-TAGH: Sven Hedin took this photograph of his caravan, not on the obj or the Takia Makan, but on the frigid summit of the Arka Tagh, nearly 17,00

are (rear from left) Gregory le Roux, Marlanne Frey, Suzanne Cope ai Mdondana. In front are Susan Erasmus, Ashley, Kasana, Mathews Ga Vanessa Gain, all of the Cape Peninsula

Non-racial league

A non-racial student league tor high school pupils is to be formed in Cape Town to break down race barriers.

More than 120 senior pupils from Black, Coloured and While schools made the decision after a discussion at the University of Cape Town. The workshop was organised by UCT's Centre for Intergroup Studies.

THE ENCOURAGEMENT OF RACIAL MIXING between Blacks and characteristic of the South African government's "new look." South Africa publication of the Information Service of South Africa, a government agency, displayed here consists of four White high school girls, three Black males, a which is to convince other Western nations — all of them paying lip service to and therefore, hostile to "raciett" South Africa — this South African Whites.

HE RHINE, just as on the Thames, the Potomac, and the Mississippi, NATIO sses the issues which concern responsible White men and women of good will and terrace overlooking the Rhine, a young German woman reads NV's front-page ulent Jewish "Holocaust" claims.

until the White majority in the United States has become a minority. They are solidly backed in this determination by the Christian churches, the largest labor organizations, the majority of the nation's political leaders, and even a substantial portion of the White electorate.

The few labor bosses who initially opposed uncontrolled immigration are dropping their opposition and falling into line with the others. Big business, including those sectors of it relatively free of Jewish control, is in favor of continued non-White immigration as a means of maintaining a plentiful supply of relatively inexpensive labor. Even those politicians with constituencies which are still predominantly. White are afraid to oppose non-White immigration for fear of incurring the hostility of the increasingly powerful minority pressure groups.

In view of these political realities the U.S. government — not just the Carter administration, but previous administrations as well — has virtually abandoned any effort to enforce its own immigration laws. While special "emergency quotas" for Soviet Jews and Indochinese "boat people" are instituted to allow more non-White immigrants into the United States on a quasi-legal basis, the Immigration and Naturalization Service and its enforcement arm, the U.S. Border Patrol, have had the rug pulled out from under them in their efforts to check the flood of illegal Black immigrants from the Caribbean and Chicanos from Mexico.

• The U.S. Army is now 30 per cent Black, with Black enlistments of the Army will pass 40 per cent before the end of the decade.

The Blacker the Army grows, the more the re-enlistment rate of White Army personnel dwindles, and the greater becomes the danger of a "tilt," as has happened in thousands of formerly White schools and neighborhoods when gradual Black encroachment reached a critical level, at which most of the remaining Whites suddenly fled.

Even without a "tilt," however, the effectiveness and dependability of the J.S. Army will almost certainly continue to decrea

them has been any realistic hope of a military solution to America's internal political and racial problems.

The number of persons in the United States receiving all or a substantial portion of their income from government sources — in the form of salaries, pensions, or doles — now accounts for 54 per cent of

indescribably terrible - more so because it will almost certainly be ^adescent in many steps, rather ^t h an the single plunge and " crash" about which right wingas disappointed as lhose who ^think they can head it off by

The essential aspect of what is happening to the West is spiritual. It is decadence which has sealed the fate of the West, not the bi ^rthrat ^ein the Third World. It i^s the absence of a common purpose which has sapped the West's viability, not just the scheming of the Jews . It is the loss of racial consciousness which has left the West defenseless, not the growing strength of our eⁿemies. What is important isthat the ^corruption of the West's spirit will ^continue in theyears ahead perhaps for decades - while the increasing anarchy , the more ^freci_u^ent breakdowns of order and flareups of violence, the economic disintegration, will be only incidental. There undoubtedly will come a great bloodletting, a ti^me of mass throatcutting and mass rape, when the West's Internal enemies will havefree rein for ^a while. But the West will already have sunk before then.

(Issue No. 74. 1980)

Letters

White America While I was in Philadelphia last ^w eek 1 stopped in a phone booth on Chester St. to call ataxi, ^and I saw your sticker there: "Dream of ^aWhite America." I would appreciate your sending me some literature on your organization. I am White and a combat veteran of World War II (95th Infantry

Division).

all of them .

wing."

R.P.0 . Urbana, IL Happy Teacher I have j^us^trecently begun reading ·your newspaper , and ^I cannot express adequately the feeling of joy I felt when I finally realized that there are others in the world who think as 1 do. I am a history teacher in an inner-^city senior high school, and for the longest time I have fel^t almost isolated because of my views - views that seem com^pletely obvious to a thinking White person, but are so foreign to others . All through my Ph .D. degree in education, I had to put up with ilberal tripe. That is wby your paper seems so appealing . J.H. III Columbu^s , OH

(Issue No. 74, 1980)

E.S.M. Paulsboro, NJ New Tel Aviv 1 have friends in the Old Glory Republican Club h^ere as well as in the Chamber of Commerce and the Steuben Society. I give ^copie^s of NATIONAL VANGUARD to

I have worked most of my life in New York City, with both Christian^sand Jews , and I will say this: the Jews use their brains , and the Christians sit on theirs . That is why the city, which wa.s once called New Amsterdam, might as well be called New Tel Aviv now. F.M .K. Ridgewood , NY Moderation, No Which Way Western Man? is a book that one can recommend whole-heartedly. I am comiⁿg more and more to believe that books which try to compromise and exhibit " moderation" do more harm than good now , whatever may have been true in ^theearly years of the " ^r ight

And most of the inhabitants of the West will hav^esunk too, to the point w here little of value will be left to be lost in the bloodletting. This is a point worth emphasizing again: the majority will perish with the civilization to which they are Iⁿseparably bound.

The problem is not to cull out the mongrels, the Judaized, the degenerates, the moral prostitutes from a h#althy mass, so that the cull can be destroyed and the mass saved. The problem is to pick the few who embody the best of wha^t the West once was and to take th^e necessary measures to see that thM which they embody does not perish with the ma.ss .

Those who would survive more correctly, those who would have a hand in determining which genes and which values su^rvive, for the time scale of the West's sinking is such that no individual now alive can besure of living to sec the new age d^awn - must

They ^mus^tbe both willing and ^able to fight for theright to determine the shape of the future; the meek and the disarmed will vanish without a trace.

They must be free of the superstitions and prejudices of this age; those who are mentally bound to this age will go down

They must be p^ur^ein spirit and ^strong in will; this is the age of egoism and materialism, of sclfindulgencc and permissiveness, but the passage into the new age demands both selflessness and

They must be united in an organization which comb ines their strengthsand focuses their wills; in this age of atomized individuals, where each person is submerged in the mass , without

have these qualities:

with it.

self-discipline.

praying ^or voting.

There will be a grisly justicein that most Whites who have collaborated with the enemies of the West in sinking. it will themselves be drowned. It is almost amusing ^tocontemplate the fate of the White gun-control advocates in America's cities in the days to come, when they will be even more at the mercy of roving gangs of Black thugs than

And the rich White liberals in their exclusive suburbs - the fashionable writers, the ACLU lawyers, the pulpit prostitutes, the organizers of fund-raising dinners for trendy causes, the socially conscious coupon clippers who won't own stocks in corporations doing business in South Africa, the news editors wlro consci^entiously excise any mention of race from crime stories, the schoolboard members who pretend that all is well in the racially integrated hells they supervise, theoverpaid bureaucrats, the coke-snorting sophisticates who party with the new non-White elite and plan to ride high while their race goes down - will fare no better when the pets they have so long boosted as the "equals" of w^{o r}king-class Whites come surging out of the cities in their multlhued millions . The ravages of these pampered non-White hordes in the years ahead will make the sadistic butchery of the Manson gang of the last decade seem like good , clean fun in comparison. Unfortunately, the innocen^t and the wholesome will perish along with the guilty ^and the deg^enerate; the racially conscious and the racially valuable will go down with the deracinated egoists and the half-breeds. Nature' ^s justice operates at the species and

ers fearfully talk.

they are today .

subspecies levels .

improvemen^t .

such a catastrophe.

Nor will anyone evade th^{e s}uff^ering ahead, neither those who perish by it northose who survi� it, neither the grasshoppers nor the ants. It Is said that suffering is good for the soul; if ibis is true, Westerners can look forward to a great ileal of spiritual

But whether the ^m axim is true or not, the suffering is necessary. As long as be is moderately comfortable, the average man will not change his way^s . Only wheⁿ existence becomes utterly intolerable and there is no alternative can he be persuaded to do what ha should have done from foresight and through self-discipline at the begiⁿning. That is his unalterable nature, and it ls why democracy is

And whowill ^survive to be th^e founders of aNew Order? No one

people to future dangers, the chances are that the majority on the government tea^twill cling all themore tightly to it. One may talk about taxpayer revolts all ^on^e wants, but with each passing year the prospect of a successful one

voters, who, although they have ^a dark suspicion that something is seriously wr^ong and a nagging rear that the captain doesn't know what he's doing, arc much more concerned that t heir feet are getting wet than that the ship is

The most important distinc^t ion for the Alliance is the firs l one. The right wing^ers sec the value of the West in its outward forms: its governments, its economic systems, its life.styles . When those are broken up - when the ship of state goes down - there is, for

But the National Alliance sees the value of the West in its biological essence, in the human genetic material which was responsible for the building of Western civilization - and which has the capability of bui lding another civilization to replace it. When the ship goes down, there will be lots of passengers in the water, and they will drown. What is important is to make certain that some passengers - the right ones - are in lifeboats, with a compass, oars, and directions to

That is the primary task of the National Alliance now: bllilding lifeboats and organizing lifeboat crews. In many respects the work is not unlike that of trying to keep ^theship from going down or trying to throw the captain overboard and install a new one: that is, "working within 'the System" by organizing yet another pressure group to compete with the minority pressure groups, or preparing for an armed assaul^t

In any ^event, one must find, recruit, and ^motivate an elite minority among the mass, and one must then use that minority to build a viable, functional organization. Whether that organization eventually works within the System o^rtakes up arm^sagainst the System or works at building something to replace the System when its own internal contradictions have destroyed it, many of the organizational requirements

Nevertheless, it is important to understand what the outcome of current historical processes will be, becaus^ethere are differences, ^subtle and not so subtle, in the way one prepares for that out-

Not the leaat of these differences is in outlook: the degree of optimism with which one goes about thetask at hand. The events of recent years must be depressing in the extreme for intelligent conservatives and right win.sers. Unless they are blind to what is happening in the world, they must feel utterly overwhelmed by the prospect of trying to patch the old tub up and keep it afloat. For ^thoseof them who arc racially

going down.

them, nothing left .

the nearest land.

on the System.

are quite similar.

come.

• Those who are working for the West's ruin know well the psychology of mass man; they know how tenaciously materialistic he is, how he wiU cling to his ^comforts and luxuri^es at th^e expense of his honor, hii freedom, and ^even his life, deceiving himself all thewhile as 10 his own motives. Perhaps the very besl example of this fatal weakness i^s provided by the behavior in recenl years of the Whiles of Rhodesia and South Africa, a subject treated elsewhere in this issue of NATIONAL VANGUARD. It is true that the world including the ^rest of the West ganged up on them; it is true that they are saddled with twice a.s many Jews, per capita, as the people of theUnited States; it is true that they were stabbed in the back by the Christian churches, in which they had foolishly placed their trust; it is true that their news media are controlled by the same gang which controls ours . But the fact ^re^maiⁿs that the Whites of southern Africa have, with their eyes wide open, chosen prospe^rity over racial integrity. As ^aconsequence, in the long run they shall have neither. The same shopkeeper mentality which made them fear an economic boycott more than the mongrelizing of their posterity prevails throughout the West. It is the mentality of what historian Brooks Adams has called "economic man"; men of this type havewielded power in the West since the Industrial Revolution, and their values arc shared as well by most of the powerless. The values and way of thinking of economic man may be tolerable for a while in an all-White world, but they are le^t hal in a world which also includes Jews. In the very near future they will bt: j^us^t as lethal for America and Europ^e as they ha^ve been for White

becomes less likely.

Rhodesia.

reach our noses?

• • • In view of these trend^s- trends which transcend party pglitics and the short-term fluctuations of changing government administrations , trends which show every pro^mi^se of remaining unchanged in the years ahead, indeed, of becoming increasingly worse ' there can be little room for debate as to whether the West will go under. It has already passed the point of no return in its descent. The water is up ^to our necks , and the only question is, when will it

The ship, in other words, is going down, and it is goirtg down

Despite Betrayal, Hungarian People Put Up Bravest Fight Against Reds

Hungary Fights On

On October 15, 1944, Admiral Miklos Horthy, the Hungarian regent and chief of state, announced to his countrymen that his emissaries to the U.S.S.R. had concluded an armistice with Stalin. Horthy, who had led his nation to war on the side of Germany in order to share in the fruits of that nation's victories in the East, had decided to back out, as Romania and Bulgaria had done two months before, and leave Hungary to the mercy of the advancing Red Army.

The designs of Horthy and the clique of reactionary aristocrats and Jewish financiers who formed the mainstay of his political support were to be swiftly undone, however. The great majority of the Hungarian people were not, disposed to hand over their country to the Soviets and the Jewish puppet regime which Stalin had chosen to rule Hungary. No sooner than Horthy's speech was being broadcast to the nation, a group of fervent Hungarian patriots, led by Major Ferenc Szalasi, had begun to seize key points in Budapest.

With the help of units of the elite German S.S., led by Colonel Otto Skorzeny, Szalasi was able to topple the Horthy regime within 24 hours. Over the same microphones which had broadcast Horthy's capitulation, Szalasi addressed his fellow Hungarians with a ringing appeal to carry on the struggle for their race and nation.

The background to Horthy's treachery and Szalasi's heroism lies in the troubled history of Hungary in the twentieth century. At the outset of the era Hungary was the junior partner in the creaking Habsburg dual monarchy of Austria-Hungary. After the First World War Hungary was subjected to the most vindictive terms of any of the vanquished powers: the Treaty of Trianon detached from Hungary two-thirds of its prewar land area as well as 60 per cent of its population, including more than 3000 000 Hungarians

The upheaval at the war's end resulted in the fall of the monarchy, and power passed into the hands of the left-liberal government of Count Michael Karolyi. When Karolyi proved unable to master the chaos, he surrendered authority to the Communists, led by Bela Kun. Kun and his henchmen were, almost without exception, Jews.

Hungary's Jewish problem dated from the Habsburg empire's annexation of Polish Galicia in 1772, from which tens of thousands of Jews flocked into the country. The pace of Jewish infiltration was stepped up after 1867, due to the relaxation of immigration controls within the Habsburg territories and to the burgeoning industrial revolution in Hungary. By 1910 there were nearly a million Jews in Hungary.

The Jews quickly established a stranglehold over the country's industry, banking, commerce, and press. Budapest, the capital,

FERENC SZALASI (1897-1946)

where the Jews made up a quarter of the population, was completely under their sway. Nevertheless, thanks to the general exclusion of Jews from the Hungarian civil service and military, the Hungarians had been spared open Jewish domination.

The Kun regime changed that. Kun and his ministers, particularly the bloodthirsty Tibor Szamuelly, carried out a Red Terror in which hundreds of Hungarians, particularly small farmers opposed to the regime's collectivization of the land, were tortured and murdered. After six months the victorious Entente powers intervened, and a Romanian army moved into Budapest, drove Kun and his supporters-into exile, and set the stage for the return to power of a Hungarian government.

The savagery of Communist Jewish domination under Kurdestroyed whatever feelings o sympathy the great mass o Hungarians had had for the Jews Nationalist and anti-Semitimovements began to spring up None of them was to exercist power for some time, however for the Hungarian army prevailed upon the National Assembly to restore the monarchy and to appoint Admiral Horthy as regen for the vacant throne,

Horthy had commanded the Austro-Hungarian navy during

the First World War and was a member of the landed gentry; his outlook was rooted in the past, and he was a compliant tool for a circle of aristocrats and big businessmen (many of the latter Jewish) concerned with defending the status quo (which in practice meant their profits and privates)

influence of these men enabled Horthy to thwart the aims of Hungary's radical nationalists, such as General Gyula Goemboes (who was later to become prime minister, from 1932 to 1936) and Major Ferenc Szalasi.

Szalasi, an honor graduate of the General Staff College and a veteran of the war, founded the Party of National Will in 1935, the name of which he changed to the Arrow Cross Party shortly thereafter. Szalasi's party championed the small farmers and industrial workers and had a strong appeal for soldiers and the civil service. The Arrow Cross Party favored a Greater Hungary, including the territories detached from the country by the Treaty of Trianon. Although most non-Hungarian nationalities were to be treated more favorably than was their lot under the Habsburgs, the Jewish question was to be dealt with strictly on a racial basis: the Jews would have to leave Hungary.

Szalasi's personal dynamism and his movement's support for Hungarians whom the other parties had neglected led to rapid success at the polls. In the 1939 elections the Arrow Cross Party won nearly 40 per cent of the vote, eclipsed only by the powerful Government Party, which was the chief vehicle of the Hungarian establishment.

The Horthy regime was quick to respond to the threat posed by Szalasi. The charismatic officer was twice sentenced to prison, in 1937 and 1938, the first time for daring to speak the truth about Jewish political activity, the second time for "subversive activity."

Szalasi was imprisoned for over two years as a result of the second conviction, and when he was released in September 1940 the Arrow Cross movement had lost a good deal of its momentum. War was approaching, and the Horthy regime had begun to curtail the freedoms of opposition politica

Hungary's proximity to Germany, the close economic ties of the two countries, and a mutual desire to sweep away the results of the postwar treaties of Versailles and Trianon led Horthy to align his country increasingly with Germany, although he shared the prejudice of his class against Adolf Hitler and National Socialism. In 1938 and again in 1940 the Germans enabled the Hungarians to reacquire former Hungarian territories lost to Czechoslovakia and Romania after the previous war. When Germany went to war against the Soviet Union in June 1941, Hungary, albeit reluctantly, joined the German anti-Bolshevist crusade.

The Hungarians suffered heavy losses on the Eastern Front, and Horthy, whose personal sympathies had always inclined toward the British and the Americans, began to entertain hopes of making a separate peace with these two powers. His country's internal situation reflected the regent's leanings: by early 1944 Hungary fairly swarmed with Allied agents, defeatists, and Jews (of whom there were still more than 800,000, constituting a dangerous fifth column).

Admiral Horthy set the tone in what, for a nation locked in a desperate war, was a very strange soclety. He had numerous Jewish friends, most of them leading bankers and businessmen. His son Miklos, the vice-regent, had a Jewish mistress, one Mile. Goldberger, the daughter of a wealthy Jewish industrialist. Many upperand middle-class Hungarians dissipated themselves in an endless round of cafe- and cabarethopping.

In March 1944 the Germans laid down the law to Horthy, threatening military occupation unless Horthy's regime began to act like an ally instead of ar enemy. Horthy went along only

HUNGARIAN PARATROOPERS of the elite Szent-Laszlo Division on the match. Segate equipments which was often inferior, Hungarian soldiers, in both the Honved (Hungarian Army) and in Waffen S.S. units, fought bravely on the Eastern Front from the initial assault on the U.S.S.R. to the defense of Hungary in the last months of the war.

grudgingly. The Jews of Hungary (with the exception of those in Budapest) were deported to labor camps, and there was a crackdown on the more overt species of anti-German agitation.

Nevertheless, Horthy bided his time, waiting for the opportune moment to separate Hungary from the German alliance. In August 1944, when Romania and Bulgaria surrendered to the Russians and the retreating German Army Group South Ukraine was cut off from 16 of its divisions as a result, it seemed Horthy's opportunity had come. In September he secretly dispatched his negotiating team to the Soviet Union, with instructions to surrender.

When Szalasi took power on October 15, 1944, the machinations Admiral Horthy had set in motion and the advancing might of the Red Army confronted him with a desperate situation. Thanks to Horthy's reluctance to seize the vital passes leading from the Romanian province of Wallachia across the southern Carpathians into Transylvania, the Soviets' new-found Romanian allies had streamed into Transylvania in September, and the Russians followed soon afterwards.

By the time of Szalasi's coup the Russians were in control of one-fourth of Hungary. When Soviet advance units reached the southern suburbs of Budapest at the start of November, it seemed that Szalasi's call for a last-ditch defense of Hungarian nationhood would hear no fruit.

The resistance of the German and Hungarian armies to the Soviet advance had in no way slackened, however. S.S. units drove back the initial Soviet thrust into the Hungarian capital. After that the Hungarian and German forces, vastly outnumbered and outgunned by the Red Army, gave ground grudgingly, falling back toward Budapest in good order from eastern Hungary.

The Russians concentrated overwhelming forces in the area of Budapest. On December 26, 1944, the Soviets succeeded in encircling the magnificent Danubian capital. Marshall Malinovsky, commander of the 2nd

Ukrainian Front, with a halfmillion troops under his command, boasted that he would capture the city within three or four days.

The 70,000 Hungarian and German soldiers in the beleagured capital were in a position that left little hope for survival. They could only attempt to hold out till the bitter end, to make victory as costly as possible for the Soviet forces, and leave an example of their steadfastness and courage for a future generation ready to follow it.

Nearly 45,000 of Budapest's defenders were Hungarians. They were commanded by Colonel General Ivan Hindy and consisted of the remnants of several divisions badly depleted by the fighting in Transylvania and eastern Hungary, as well as the city's gendarmes and police. The city's gendarmes and police. The city's gendarmes and police. The proper fuehrer Karl Pfeffer von Wildenbruch, comprised two S.S. cavalry divisions, the 8th and the 22nd, as well as the Wehrmacht's 13th Armored Division and the armored grenadier division Feldherrnhalle.

On December 26 the Russians unleashed an all-out assault. The defenders quickly showed their mettle. The Russians made only small gains in Pest, on the east bank of the Danube. Across the river, on the western outskirts of Buda, the German defenders threw back the elite Soviet 83rd Marine Brigade with terrible losses.

The struggle for Pest quickly assumed the form of classic street fighting. There was little in the way of a clearly demarcated front; attackers and defenders fought each other in small groups, from house to house. Much of Budapest's civilian population took refuge in their cellars. Many brave and patriotic Hungarian civilians helped the defenders in every possible way at great risk. It was not uncommon to see well-dressed women of Budapest building barricades alongside their menfolk

As January wore on, the positions of the defenders of Pest became increasingly untenable.

FORTRESS BUDAPEST: Every building, every street was flercely contested by the 70,000 Hungarian and German defenders and the balf-million Soviet attackers. Here German artillery quards a vital intersection.

The wounded bled to death where they lay for lack of medical attention and supplies. Bringing supplies by airlift became ever costlier, and as the Russian ring closed landing space constantly decreased. The Soviets, as a propaganda device, took to announcing over loudspeakers the times of their next artillery barrages, with an invitation to surrender, mess kit in hand, for a warm meal.

Certain units fought with particular heroism. The S.S. divisions carried on a grim resistance to the last. The Hungarian artillerists, in particular General Billnitzer's section, also held their ground doggedly.

While the defenders of Budapest were holding off the Russians, the German and Hungarian forces to the west were attempting to relieve their besieged comrades. The German army's 4th Armored Corps drove hard at the Soviet forces to the west of Budapest, first in the north, then in the

south, before the Russians drov

On January 17 Pfeffer vor Wildenbruch ordered the remaining forces in Pest to fall back to the western bank of the Danube Those who made it across the seven Danube bridges that night did so under heavy fire. Then the defenders blew up the bridges and prepared for a last stand in Buda

The German and Hungarian positions in Buda were strong, particularly those on the Castle Hill, which overlooks the city. They beat back assault after furious Soviet assault. The Russians' Romanian allies, who had fought at the Germans' side six months before, took particularly heavy losses.

The defenders held on to Buda for nearly a month after the evacuation of Pest. Finally, their resources expended to the limit, Hitler gave his permission for the defenders of Budapest to attempt to break out to the north and west. Only 785 eventually reached the German lines.

The defense of Budapest for nearly seven weeks against overwhelming odds added further glory to the record of the German armies in the East, while it inscribed yet another chapter in the history of Hungary's resisjance to the numberless hordes attacking the West out of Asia.

Nor did Hungary's struggle end at Budapest. The Hungarian army, as well as the Hungarian volunteers who fought within the ranks of that unique pan-European fighting force, the Waffen S.S., battled the Soviet armies valiantly until the fina German surrender. Of all Germany's allies, only Hungary fought beside her to the bitteend

After the war the American handed over the members o Szalasi's Hungarian government which had established itself i exile in Salzburg, Austria, to th puppet regime which the Sovie army had installed, at the behe of Stalin, in Hungary. Like th Kun government, the new Sovie backed regime in Hungary, heaced by Matyas Rakosi, was com posed almost entirely of Jews.

Also like the Kun regime, the Rākosi regime instituted a Red terror. Szalasi and almost all his ministers, as well as scores of other Hungarian patriots, were condemned to death in farcical trials.

Szalasi went to his death with the same bravery with which he had conducted his life. Hungary's new Jewish masters, with a characteristically ghoulish touch, exhibited a film of the hangings of Szalasi and his comrades at public cinemas. When the Communist regime realized the powerful impression being created on Hungarian viewers by Szalasi's brave end, however, the film was withdrawn from circulation.

In 1956, the Hungarian people — driven to desperation by the brutal rule of Jews like Rakosi, his successor Erno Gero, and Gabor Peter, the commander of the secret police — rose up against their alien masters. It was a struggle hardly Jess gallant than the last-ditch defense of Budapest eleven years before.

But this time the Hungarians fought alone. For all their words of sympathy, the Western democracies offered no substantive help to the Hungarian freedom fighters. When the Soviet Army, which had been briefly withdrawr at the start of the uprising returned in force in early November, the Hungarians were quickly crushed.

The Hungarian revolt of 1956 is justly remembered today, whill Szalasi and his countrymen' gallant struggle to save Hungariat the end of World War II is either forgotten or maligned Some day it will rank as an ever greater example of Hungaria.

T.O'

(Issue No. 74, 1980)

This is the real enemy, the invader from the East, the Druze, the Rifflan, the Oriental parasite, in a word, the Jew.

London Morning Post, December 3, 1925

MEN AND WOMEN of Budapest construct barricades in the last days before the Soviet onslaught. Twenty

Whites Didn't Start Black Slavery; They Stamped It Out

The Roots of Black Slavery

One of the principal elements in the mythology of racial equality being propagated by the mass media, the schools, the churches, and numerous governmental agencies in America today is that of White responsibility for the Negro's servile status in the past According to the mythmakers it was the White man's greed for the Black man's labor which brough about the institution of Black slavery.

Prior to White encroachments into Africa south of the Sahara, beginning around the start of the 16th century, so the myth goes, Black Africans lived in a state of rustic innocence in their thatched huts, happily busying themselves with farming, handicrafts, colorful festivities, charming native customs, and so on. Then the cruel and rapacious White slave traders suddenly appeared on this blissful scene with their guns, brutally rounded up Blacks, packed them aboard slave ships, and sent them off to a life of slavery and misery in America.

That is the way the story wen in the widely ballyhood TV drama Roots, and that is about the way it goes in the newer history textbooks approved for use in the public schools. It is the "guilt" associated with this alleged enslavement of the Black race by our ancestors that Christ ian preachers and Federal bureau crats alike use as a mora bludgeon to coerce a reluctan White majority in America into going along with the racial hiring and promotion quotas, the force housing and forced busing schemes, and the thousand other racially destructive programs which characterize the policy of the ruling System.

The same myth is used to excust the bloodiest and most savage depredations of the Black descendants of slaves against the Whit descendants of slaveholders to day. The extraordinarily high incidence of violent Black crime in

America is passed off as a manifestation of "Black rage," justified by past and present inequities.

In the closing years of the 19th century and the early years of this century, when many of our information media were still in the hands of the Gentile majority, such a myth could not be successfully propagated. Those were also the years when Whites were first becoming acquainted with Blacks in their natural state in the interior of sub-Saharan Africa, and there was a great deal of public interest in the reports of the White missionaries and explorers who pushed beyond the coastal trading posts into the dark heart of Africa. These reports were widely published in such journals as National Geographic, Harper's New Monthly Magazine, and The Century Magazine.

The authors of the reports were generally men full of Christian charity and fuzzy notions of interracial brotherhood, and they were writing for a readership still under the baleful influence of the abolitionist propaganda which had brought on the fratricidal disaster of the Civil War a few decades earlier. Yet they wrote truthfully about things they saw and experienced, and the facts they reported spoke for themselves.

Those facts spoke of Africar slavery, not as an alien institution introduced or sustained by the White man, but as a wholly indigenous institution, as wide spread and as natural among Black Africans as the building of their thatched huts, the practice of their voodoo rites, or the celebration of their many festivals, and with roots just as deep. All the evidence, in fact, indicates that the Black tribes of Africa has been enslaving one another, both for food and labor, since timismemorial. It was the Whitman's intervention which even tally resulted in a substantia

curtailment of African slavery and cannibalism, even though these practices still persist to a certain extent in Africa today.

And African slavery, as practiced by the Blacks, was a far more brutal and cruel institution than anything perpetrated on Blacks by White slave merchants A salient feature of the reports by White missionaries and explorer in this regard was the bloodthirsty cruelty of Blacks in their natura state, their utter disregard for any life but their own, and their total lack of any sense of compassion or suffering fellow creatures.

There is a tendency today to dismiss as wholly self-serving the earlier claims of White slave-holders who defended their owner-ship of Blacks on humanitarian grounds, but the stark reality of African life in its natural state supports these claims — and it also gives us a new understanding of the Black predilection for especially savage and cruel acts of violence in America today.

Let us allow the facts now to speak for themselves. Everything which follows has been excerpted from a firsthand report titled "The Slave Trade in the Congo Basin." It was written by E.J. Glave, an associate of the noted explorer, Sir Henry M. Stanley, and it was first published in the April 1890 issue of The Century Magazine.

. . .

"THE heart of Africa is being rapidly depopulated in consequence of the enormous deathrolicaused by the barbarous slavetrade. It is not merely the bondage which slavery implies that should appeal to the sympathies of the civilized world; it is the blood-shed, cruelty, and misery which it involves.

"During my residence in Central Africa I was repeatedly traveling about in the villages along the Congo River and its almost unknown affluents, and in every new village I was confronted by fresh evidences of the horrible nature of this evil. I did not seek to witness the sufferings attendant upon this traffic in humanity, but cruelties of all kinds are so general that the mere passing visits which I paid brought me in constant contact with them.

1883, and traveled without delay into the interior. Arriving at Stanley Pool, I received orders from my chief, Mr. Henry M. Stanley, to accompany him upriver on his little boat the En Avant. Stanley at that time was engaged in establishing a few posts at important and strategic points along the upper river. Lukolela, eight hundred miles in the interior, was one decided upon, and I had the honor of being selected by him as chief of the thing that I had every opportunity of studying native character and customs.

"At Lukolela . . . I had hardly settled down in my encampment when I was introduced to one of those horrible scenes of bloodshed which take place frequently in all the villages along the Congo, and which will be enacted so long at the life of a slave is counted at naught, and the spilling of his blood of as little account as that of a goat or a fow!

"In this particular instance the mother of a chief having died, it was decided, as usual, to celebrate the event with an execution. A the earliest streak of dawn the slow, measured beat of a big drum announces to all what is to take place, and warns the poor slaw who is to be the victim that his end is nigh. It is very evident tha something unusual is about to happen, and that the day is to be given up to some ceremony. The natives gather in groups and begit studiously to arrange their toilets.

ornament their legs and arms with bright metal bangles, all the time indulging in wild gesticulations and savage laughter as they discuss the coming event. Having taken a hasty meal, they produce from their houses all available musical instruments. The drums are wildly beaten as groups of men, women, and children form themselves in circles and excitedly perform dances, consisting of violent contortions of the limbs, accompanied with savage singing and with repeated blasts of the war horns, each dancer trying to outdo his fellow in volence of

exhaustion, combined with the heat of the sun, they are compelled to cease; then large jars of palm wine are produced, and a general bout of intoxication begins, increasing their excitement and showing up their savage nature in striking colors. The poor slave, who all this time has been lying in the corner of some hut, shackled hand and foot and closely watched, suffering the agony and suspense which this wild tumult suggests to him, is now carried to some prominent part of the village, there to be surrounded and to receive the jeers and scoffs of the drunker mob of savages. The executioner's assistants, having selected a suitable place for the ceremony, procure a block of wood about a foot square. The slave is the placed on this in a sitting posture his legs are stretched out straight in front of him; the body is strapped to a stake reaching up the back to the shoulders. On each side stakes are placed under the armpits as props, to which tharms are firmly bound; other lashings are made to posts driver into the ground near the ankle and knees.

A pole is now planted about ter feet in front of the victim, front the top of which is suspended, by a number of strings, a bamboo

Slavery, Cannibalism Traditional in Black Africa

ring. The pole is bent over like a fishing-rod, and the ring fastened round the slave's neck, which is kept rigid and stiff by the tension. During this preparation the dances are resumed, now rendered savage and brutal in the extreme by the drunken condition of the people. One group of dancers surround the victim and indulge in drunken mimicry of the contortions of face which the pain caused by this cruel torture forces him to show. But he has no sympathy to expect from this merciless horde.

"Presently in the distance approaches a company of two lines of young people, each holding a stem of the palm tree, so that an arch is formed between them, under which the executioner is escorted. The whole procession moves with a slow but dancing gait. Upon arriving near the doomed slave all dancing, singing, and drumming cease, and the drunken mob take their places to witness the last act of the drama.

"An unearthly silence succeeds. The executioner wears a cap composed of black cocks' feathers; his face and neck are blackened with charcoal, except the eyes, the lids of which are painted with white chalk. The hands and arms to the elbow, and feet and legs to the knee, are also blackened. His legs are adorned profusely with broad metal anklets, and around his waist are strung wild-cat skins. As he performs a wild dance around his victim, every now and then making a feint with his knife, a murmur of admiration arises from the assembled crowd. He then approaches and makes a thin chalk mark on the neck of the fated man. After two or three passes of the knife, to get the right swing, he delivers the fatal blow, and with one stroke of his keen-edged weapon severs the head from the body.

"The sight of the blood brings to a climax the frenzy of the natives: some of them savagely puncture the quivering trunk with their spears, others hack at it with their knives, while the remainder engage in a ghastly struggle for the possession of the head, which has been jerked into the air by the released tension of the sapling. As each man obtains the trophy, and is pursued by the drunken rabble, the hideous tumult becomes deafening; they smear one another's faces with blood, and fights always spring up as a result, when knives and spears are freely used.

"When the taste for blood has been to a certain extent satisfied, they again resume their singing and dancing while another victim is prepared, when the same ghastly exhibition is repeated. Sometimes as many as twenty slaves will be slaughtered in one day. The dancing and general drunken uproar is continued until midnight, when once more absolute silence ensues, in utter contrast to the hideous tumult of the day.

"I had frequently heard the natives boast of the skill of their executioners, but I doubted their ability to decapitate a man with one blow of the soft metal knives they use. I imagined they would be compelled to hack the head from the body. When I witnessed his sickening spectacle I was alone, unarmed, and absolutely bowerless to interfere. But the nute agony of this poor black martyr, who was to die for no crime, but simply because he was a slave — whose every piteous movement was mocked by frencied savages, and whose very death throes gave the signal for the unrestrained outburst of a hideous carnival of drunken savagery — appealed so strongly to my sense of duty that I decided upon preventing by force any repetition of this scene. . . .

"All tribes I have known have an idea of immortality. They believe that death leads but to another life, to be continued under the same conditions as the life they are now leading; and a chief thinks that if when he enters into this new existence he is accompanied by a sufficient following of slaves he will be entitled to the same rank in the next world as he holds in this. From this belief emanates one of their most barbarous customs — the ceremony of human sacrifices upon the death of any one of importance. Upon the decease of a chief, a certain number of his slaves are selected to be sacrificed, that their spirits may accompany him to the next world. Should this chief possess thirty men and twenty women, seven or eight of the former and six or seven of the latter will suffer death. The mer are decapitated, and the women are strangled. When a woman is to be sacrificed she is adorned with bright metal bangles, het toilet is carefully attended to, her hair is neatly plaited, and bright colored cloths are wrapped around her. Her hands are ther pinioned behind, and her neck is passed through a noose of cord the long end of the cord is led over the branch of the nearest tree, and is drawn taut at a given signal and while the body is swinging in ind-air its convulsive movement: are imitated with savage gusto by the spectators. It often happen that a little child also becomes a victim to this horrible ceremony by being placed in the grave alive as a pillow for the dead chief These executions are still perpetuated in all the villages of the Upper Congo.

"But the life of the slave is no. only forfeited at the death of the chief of the tribe in which fate has cast his lot. Let us suppose that the tribe he is owned by has been maintaining an internecine warfare with another tribe in the same district. For some reason it is deemed politic by the chief to bring the feud to an end, and a meeting is arranged with his rival At the conclusion of the interview, in order that the treaty o peace may be solemnly ratified blood must be spilled.

"A slave is therefore selected, and the mode of torture preceding his death will vary in different districts. In the Ubangi River district the slave is suspended head downwards from the branch of a tree, and there left to die. But even more horrible is the fate of such a one at Chumbiri, Bolobo, or the large villages around Irebu where the expiatory victim is actually buried alive with only the head left above the ground. Al

his bones have first been crushed or broken, and in speechless agony he waits for death. . . .

stantiny attacked by the powerful roving tribes of the Lufembe and Ngombe. These two tribes are voracious cannibals. They surround the Lolo villages at night, and at the first signs of dawn pounce down upon the unsuspecting Balolo, killing all the men who resist and catching all the rest. They then select the stronger portion of their captives, and shackle them hand and foot to prevent their escape. The remainder they kill, distributing the flesh among themselves. As a rule, after such a raid they form a small encampment; they light their fires, seize all the bananas in the village, and gorge upon the human flesh. They then march over to one of the numerous slave markets on the river, where they exchange the captives with the slave-traders of the Lulungu River for beads, cloth, brass wire, and other trinkets. The slave-traders pack the slaves into their canoes and take them down to the villages on the Lulungu River where the more important markets are held. Masankusu, situated at the jumction of the Lupuri and Malinga tributaries, is by far the most important slave-trading center. The people of Masankusu buy their slaves from the Lufembe and Ngombe raiders, and sell them to the Lulungu natives and traders from down river. The slaves are exhibited for sale at Masankusu in long sheds, or rather under simple grass roofs supported on long poles. It is heartrending to see the inmates of

"They are hobbled with roughly hewn logs which chafe their limbs to open sores; sometimes a whole tree presses its weight on their bodies while their necks are penned into the natural prong formed by its branching limbs. Others sit from day to day with their legs and arms maintained in a fixed position by rudely constructed stocks, and each slave is secured to the roof-posts by a cord knotted to a cane ring which either encircles his neck or is intertwined with his woolly hair. Many die of pure starvation, as the owners give them barely enough food to exist upon, and even that they grudge them. These hungry creatures form indeed a truly pitiable sight. After suffer ing this captivity for a short time they become mere skeletons. Al ages, of both sexes, are to be seen mothers with their babes; young men and women; boys and girls and even babies who cannot ye walk, and whose mothers hav died of starvation, or perhap been killed by the Lufembe. On seldom sees either old men or ol women; they are all killed in the raids: their marketable value being very small, no trouble it taken with them. . . .

"There were certainly five hundred slaves exposed for sale in this one village alone. Large cances were constantly arriving from down river, with merchand dise of all kinds with which the purchased these slaves. A large trade is carried on between the Ubangi and Lulungu rivers. The people inhabiting the mouth of the purchased these slaves inhabiting the mouth of the purchased these slaves.

the Ubangi buy the Balolo slaves at Masankusu and the other markets. They then take them up the Ubangi River and exchange them with the natives there for vory. These natives buy their slaves solely for food. Having purchased slaves they feed them on ripe bananas, fish, and oil, and when they get them into good condition they kill them. Hundreds of the Balolo slaves are taken into the river and disposed of in this way each month. A great many other slaves are sold to the large villages on the Congo, to supply victims for the execution ceremonies.

"Much life is lost in the capturing of slaves, and during their captivity many succumb to starvation. Of the remainder, numbers are sold to become victims to cannibalism and human sacrifice ceremonies. There are few indeed who are allowed to live and prosper.

"Cannibalism exists among all the peoples on the Upper Congo east of 16° E. longitude, and is prevalent to an even greater extent among the people inhabiting the banks of the numberous affluents. During a two-months' voyage on the Ubangi River I was constantly brought into contact with cannibalism. The natives there pride themselves upon the number of skulls they possess denoting the number of victims they have been able to obtain, saw one native hut, around which was built a raised platform of clay a foot wide, on which were placer ows of human skulls, forming a ghastly picture, but one of which the chief was very proud, as h signified by the admiring way h drew my attention to the sight Bunches of twenty and thirty skulls were hung about in prominent positions in the village, asked one young chief, who wa certainly not more than twenty five years old, how many men had eaten in his village, and h answered me thirty. He wa greatly astonished at the horror expressed at his answer. In on village again, as I had bought tusk of ivory, the natives though perhaps I might buy skulls, an several armfulls were brough down to my boat within a feminutes. . . .

"During my first visit to the upper waters of the Malinga River cannibalism was brought to my notice in a ghastly manner. One night I heard a woman's piercing shriek, followed by a stifled, gurgling moan; then boisterous laughter, when all again became silent. In the morning I was horrified to see a native offering for sale to my men a piece of human flesh, the skin of which bore the tribal tattoo mark of the Balolo. I afterwards learned that the cry we had heard at night was from a female slave whose throat had been cut. I was absent from this village of Malinga for ten days. On my return I inquired if any further bloodshed had taker place, and was informed that five other women had been killed.

"While in the Ruki River at the beginning of this year, I was furnished with another proof of the horrible fate of the slaves. A Esenge, a village near which stopped to cut wood for m

steamer, I heard ominous beating of drums and outbreaks of excited mirth. I was informed by one of the natives from the village that an execution was taking place. To my inquiry whether they were in the habit of eating human flesh, he replied, 'We eat the body entirely.' I further asked what they did with the head. 'Eat it,' he replied, 'but first we put it in the fire to singe the hair off.'

Thus, the Black man in his natural environment — not observed at some awkward moment, during a time of turmoil, when the worst in him may have been temporarily brought out, but just as he had been for countless thousands of years before the arrival of the first White man. Only fools can believe that any fundamental change has taken place in his nature during the last

(Issue No. 75, 1980)

Ephemerides

May 3: Niccolo Machiavelli whose Prince and Discourses are considered to have inaugurated modern political theory, was born at Florence in 1469.

May 5: Napoleon Bonaparte died in exile on the rocky island of St. Helena in the South Atlantic, 1821

May 10: Major General Thomas "Stonewall" Jackson, shot in error by his own sentries, died in his moment of triumph at Chancelorsville, 1863.

May 13: The first English settlement in North America was founded at Jamestown in Virginia, in 1607.

May 14: Henry IV, whose reign (1589-1610) brought an end to the fratricidal religious wars which had wracked France for half a century, was assassinated in Paris by Ravaillac, a fanatical monk, in 1610.

May 17: Edward Jenner, who in troduced vaccination agains smallpox, was born in Berkeley England, in 1749. Jenner's ac complishment made possible th virtual elimination of smallpox an age-old scourge, and laid th foundation for all subsequen achievements in immunology.

May 20: Christopher Columbus died in Valladolid, Spain, in 1506

May 21: Albrecht Duerer, Germany's foremost artist, was born in Nurembers in 1471

May 21: Alexander Pope, the greatest poet of the Augustan Age of English letters, author of The Rape of the Lock, Essay on Man,

May 22: Richard Wagner was born at Leipzig in 1813.

(Issue No. 76, 1980)

White Disunity Gave Reds Opening in Takeover of British Schools

Report from a Britain Fores, notorious for in our children lies the future of our race — a future under assault around the globe. In Britain, where I was, until a few days ago, a biology teacher in a racially mixed, inner-city high school, the assault is no less furious than in the United States.

This anti-White onslaught differs in its specific form, though not at all in its opicitives, in Britain from that in America, however. So far, in Britain from that in America, however. So far, in Britain from that in America, however. So far, in Britain from that in Merica and the physical aspects of the problem have been less severe; while gangs of Webs and so the physical aspects of the problem have been less severe; while gangs of Webs and the physical aspects of the problem have been less severe; while gangs of Webs and an an SWP member. With him went of the did was levess Amanda extort money from them to such

not at all in its objectives, in Britain ther on that in America, however. So far, in Britain the physical aspects of the problem have been less severe; while gangs of West Indian Negroes do be at up British schoolchildren and extort money from them to such an extent that in some inner London schools they have to be confined during school hours in prison-style 'sin bins,' there has been relatively little gunplay, gang rape, and assaulting of leachers. Since these and similar manifestations of 'Black consciousnes' are increasingly common on the streets of British tictes, though it is only a matter of time before they spread into the classroom. But it is in the attack on the minds of 'White children that the wo systems differ most noticeably. In Britain the goal is not merely to indoctrinate them with the sort of ethnomasochistic Marxism. This latter has become a highly organized and systematic process, deliberatism inflicted on them by a maniferation of the British teaching profession.

I imagine that very few U.S. is and supporters of the British teaching profession of the British teaching profession of the British teaching profession of the British teaching profession.

I imagine that very few U.S. is and supporters of the British teaching profession of the British teaching profession.

I imagine that very few U.S. and supporters of the British teaching profession.

I imagine that very few U.S. is an ambient of the British teaching profession of the British teaching profession.

I imagine that very few U.S. is an ambient of the British teaching profession.

I imagine that very few U.S. and the read and the profession.

I imagine that very few U.S. and the read and the profession.

I imagine that very few U.S. and the read and the profession.

I imagine that very few U.S. and the read and the profession of the British teaching profession on the sual ethnic term of the British teaching profession on the british teachers or panisations. Fee and the profession of the British teaching profession on the sual ethnic

high school teachers are members of the Communist Party or the Progressive Labor Party. In Britain, on the other hand, the teaching profession has harbored for many years more than the profession has harbored for many years more than the profession has harbored for many years more than the profession has harbored for many years more than the profession has harbored for many years more than the profession has harbored for many years more than the profession has harbored for many years more than the profession has harbored for many than the profession has harbored the profession has harbored for many than the profession has harbored to the profession has harbored to the profession has harbored to the profession has harbored to the profession has harbored to the profession has harbored to the profession has harbored to the profession has harbored to the profession has harbored to the profession has harbored to the profession has harbored to the profession has harbored to the profession has harbored to the profession has harbored to the profession has harbored to the profession has harbored to the profession has harbored to the profession has harbored to the profession has harbored to the profession has harbored to the profession has harbored to the profession has harbored to the profession has harbored to the profession has harbored to the profession has harbored to the profession has harbored to the profession has harbored to the profession has harbored to the profession has harbored to the profession has harbored to the profession has harbored to the profession has harbored to the profession has harbored to the profession has harbored to the profession has harbored to the profession has harbored to the profession has harbored to the profession has harbored to the profession has harbored to the profession has harbored to the profession has harbored to the profession has harbored to the profession has harbored to the profession has harbored to the profession has harbored to the profession has harbored to the profe

can be seen in the many arches
fighted primary industries. But by
fine 1330's the Dutch had surmounted these intrinsic hardeliss
and were beginning to prosper.
It was during this time that Fordwith the surposer in the controlled press
proar in the controlled press
person, most of them innates of
about the sterilization of mental
defectives in Virginia hospitus
have too do with the behavior of
the American hostages in Iran?
Answer: They both reflects the\nessentially infantile, arrested state
of personally development which
has become the norm for American be seen in the many arche
the lower right corner of the full play of Bruegel's unique
to the controlled press
person, most of them innates of
the Alarge number of intellecto sterilization of a Netherlands
defectives in Virginia hospitus
have too do with the behavior of
the American hostages in Iran?
Answer: They both reflects the\nessentially infantile, arrested state
of personally development which
has become the norm for Americall the lome, the Supreme Court\nell Holmes, the Supreme Court\nell Holmes, the Supreme Court\nell Holmes, the Supreme Court
test-tude's basic and capital
punishment. Even the
media
reaction to the sperm bank\nestablished in California to preserve the genes of Nobel reach
the basic values and attitudes
the basic values and attitudes
the basic values and attitudes
the basic values and attitudes
the basic values and attitudes
the basic values and attitudes
the basic values and attitudes
the basic values and attitudes
the basic values and attitudes
the basic values and attitudes
the basic values and attitudes
the basic values and attitudes
the basic values and attitudes
the basic values and attitudes
the basic values and attitudes
the basic values and attitudes
the basic values and attitudes
the basic values and attitudes
the basic values and attitudes
the basic values and attitudes
the basic values and attitudes
the basic values and attitudes
the basic values and attitudes
the basic values and attitudes
the basic values and attitud

question. Fifty years ago such a question could hardly have been raised with any hope of a sympathetic response, for there was still a general recognition of the fact that reproduction is a social and racial, as well as individual, function. The assertion that a congenital moron or a person with some other severe genetic defect has a right to generate offspring if he or she so desires would have seemed gro-

Today that is no longer so. Priests, lawyers, bureaucrats, politicians, and media commentators alike now take it for granted that such a right exists.

To be sure, there is still quite a bit of doubletalk and obfuscating sophistry being thrown up as a smokescreen by some of the less brazen champions of feebleminded fertility. They question the motives and conscientiousness of the medical authorities who administer sterilization programs, painting a frightening picture of thousands of healthy, even gifted, boys and girls being forcibly sterilized merely for being "misfits" or "troublemakers." They argue that heredity is governed by the laws of chance; that dull parents sometimes have apparently normal offspring. They complain that using intelligence as a criterion for reproductive fitness is arbitrary and unjustified; that many persons of low intelligence

Behind all the sophistry, however, remains the naked conviction that even persons who are unquestionably defective and who stand a very high probability of having defective of spring — and an even higher probability of keeping their defective genes in circulation — should be allowed to reproduce; that it is the whim of the individual which should prevail in such matters, rather than any social or racial considerations.

One can see the same attitude manifested, perhaps even more clearly, in the debate between the pioneers of the new in vitro human fertilization technique and their Bible-quoting opponents. Do the scientists point out that their technique opens up magnificent new vistas for upbreeding the race by allowing a genetically superior woman the possibility of becoming the genetic mother of thousands of offspring? Heavens, no! The merest hint of such things sends them scurrying for cover.

The sole merit they claim for their work is that it allows individual married couples who cannot produce children because of congenital or disease-related defects in the woman's Fallopian tubes to enjoy the pleasures and rewards of parenthood. One might hope that the physicians themselves have a somewhat broader outlook on the implications of in vitro fertilization, but clearly they have no hope that their opponents — or the general public — will respond to anything but the maudlin "joys of parenthood" stand they have publicly taken.

The subject of test-tube babies just as that of the involuntary sterilization of mental defectives inevitably raises the eugenic question, of course, which provoke all the fear-ridden cliches of the egalitarian dogmatists. The samistrue of the high-IQ sperm bank in California which recently draw

such withering blasts of condemnation from the controlled media. The very suggestion that all spermatazoa may not be equal sends some people up the wall; they begin raving about an attempt to create a "master race," as if such an attempt would be the most reprehensible thing imaginable.

from the arbiters of public morality whenever any challenge or potential challenge to the democratic ideals of universal equality is raised. Egalitarianism is really a religion for those Westerners who uncritically accept the preachments of the controlled media, and heresy has never been popular. But there is more than ignorance of genetic realities and the natural fear of heterodoxy in the public reaction to all these topics. The most significant things revealed are the extent to which an extreme form of egocentricity is the individua frame of reference in today's society — and, more so, the extent to which such extreme egocentricity is accepted and approved.

That is, it is taken for granted now that involuntary sterilization is bad, because it deprives an individual of certain possibilities for self-expression. The average person judging the nuatter (who is not personally threatened with sterilization) puts himself in the place of the person so threatened and reacts negatively. And that's all his judgment takes into account: how would this affect me as an individual; would I want to give up the possibility of parenthood if I had a low IO?

Similarly for a thousand other things, from capital punishment to the problem of illegal aliens: the feelings, the desires, the comfort, the safety, the fears of the individual are the criteria; the needs of the race or of society are irrelevant. One may argue that the average man has always been egocentric, that it is only the exceptional person who views the world from within a broader mental framework. If that is so, is merely provides one more argument against democracy.

In any event, two things are clear. The leaders of the West and the spokesmen for its principa institutions — religious, political educational, juridical, and so or — look at the world form a substantially more individual centered viewpoint today that they did in Justice Holmes's day and the average citizen, even if his egocentricity is no worse, feelemuch less need to make excuse for it. In fact, whereas 50 years ago most persons at least fel obliged to accept and pay lip service to society-centered, nation centered, or race-centered mores today there is often no comprehension or even awareness of any viewpoint but the one of extremindividualism. Society, in the eye of far too large a portion of the current generation of Westerners exists to serve the needs of thindividual, and that is all.

The transformation, of course has not been total; such matter are never very sharply defined Nevertheless, the change is un deniable. Consider, for example the behavior of American prison ers of war during the closing year of the Vietnam conflict, or of th U.S. military personnel amon the present hostages in Iran. What

is interesting is not just that a few hostages are behaving badly, but that their behavior draws no reproaches from their neers

From their first week of captivity several Marine hostages, without torture or deprivation, were whining for their government to hand the Shah over so they could be released. There has been no really significant adverse reaction to this from the American public. Indeed, the most common attitude seems to be one of acceptance of such behavior as expected. if not admirable.

There was much soul-searching and hand wringing during the Vietnam war by sociologists and psychologists trying to explain why our POW's were not behaving the way they had in earlier wars. Actually, the matter is not all that difficult to analyze, but as a starting point it requires the recognition of one salient fact: the shift in personal viewpoint toward egocentricity during the past few decades is, in its barest essence, a partial regression toward infantilism.

The infant has a totally egocentric perspective. All that exists, exists solely for him: to feed him, to keep him warm, to soothe him, to give him pleasure, or to harm him. All his motives are completely selfish, completely individual-centered. His vocabulary, just as his catalog of menual concepts, is focused entirely on himself and his needs: "want": "give"; various words for food—and for that warm, nourishing, protective, comforting machine of his, mama.

The infant always chooses the course of least resistance; he is ruled by his craving for pleasure and his fear of pain. Outside the realm of his personal needs the world has no reality for him. As he grows, however, the size of his world also grows, and with it his perspective. He begins to value things beyond those which give him immediate pleasure or pain He becomes capable of post poning self-gratification, some times into an indefinite future.

And when he has come to the point wherehe consciously accepts the fact that there is a reality which transcends his own existence; that he is but a part of a greater social, national, and racial whole which existed before he did and will continue to exist when he no longer does; and that as a part of this greater whole he is responsible for it and must guide his actions in accord with its needs as well as with his purely personal desires — then he has reached ful adulthood.

It is only reasonable to believe that, in every generation, a substantial portion of the population never reaches adulthood. Our misfortune is that that portion seems to have increased markedly in our generation. Thus we no only have physicians, jurists bureaucrats, and politicians treating matters concerned with human reproduction as purelipersonal, disregarding all social and racial aspects, but we also have a population with a lower tolerance for discomfort, lesself-discipline, and less capacitics authorized to the solid policy.

The former — the official attitude toward sterilization, for example — might be explained purely political terms as the consequence of a shift toward

more democratic ideology, but the latter — the behavior of POW's and hostages, for example — seems to have little to do with politics. The soldier who, faced with an uncomfortable situation, is ready to do whatever will ease his immediate discomfort, without a thought for the larger implications of his behavior, simply has not grown up; he is less a man than was the average soldier of his age 35 years ago.

Why is this so? What has unmanned the West? What has changed in the West in the last few decades to cause a shift toward egocentrism?

An adequate answer to this question is hardly possible in the space available here, but a sugestive outline can be sketched, at least. In essence, fewer people grow up today, because there is less demand for them to do so. Child-rearing practices, the educational system, the impact of technology on life-styles, and many other factors play a role, but what they have all done is decrease the necessity, the environmental pressure, for achie-

For thousands of years the raising of children, and the relationship of the child to the world around him, remained relatively unchanged in northern Europe. Children, at a very early age, became economically integrated into the family. Even children four or five years old had regular family responsibilities: caring for younger children, performing daily chores on the farm, or helping in some cottage industry.

By the time a child reached his teens he was a full-fledgec member of the family community— if he had not already left the shelter of his parents' home During the Middle Ages it was no uncommon for a boy who in tended to learn a trade to be apprenticed to a master in anothe town or village at the age of 10 o ol 1. In the rougher times prior to the Middle Ages, a boy wa required to learn the martial art and be prepared to defendings of the first his family, and his trib at a much tenderer age than tha at which young men were callefor military service in this countrecently.

Not only were responsibilities pressed upon a person earlier in years past, but he absorbed many of life's other lessons sooner as well: living most often as a member of an extended family of several generations in which births and deaths all took place under one roof, and usually in the more intimate contact with nature provided by a rural setting, a young person's formative years were not distorted by the artificiality of urban living. He progressed in a natural way from the dependence of infancy to the independence/interdependence of adulthood as a responsible mem ber of his clan and his tribe.

Although the average person's life was by no means one of unremitting toil and unrelieved hardship during most periods of history, it was usually hard and unforgiving enough to discourage any attempt to unnaturally prolong the process of maturation. Almost from the time a person could walk and talk, he knew he was expected to pull his own weight — and he knew that he was a member of a community whose

members depended in many ways upon one another. These two complementary facts were deeply ingrained in every person's consciousness

Today life for most people is rather different from that of our ancestors. In particular, two things are different: during the years of physical maturing the pressure to mature psychically is reduced, and the bonds formed between the individual and the community are distorted and weakened.

The dependence and irresponsibility of infancy are prolonged into a person's early 20's in a substantial portion of the population, and the individual-community relationships of urban living are far more impersonal. At the same time, family life has become a much more tenuous and insubstantial thing.

We should hardly be surprised that men and women who, in growing from infancy through childhood to physical adulthood, have never been subjected to corporal punishment, no matter what their behavior; who have never had to perform strenuous manual labor or otherwise earn their daily bread; who have been shielded from every danger, hardship, and unpleasantness; who have always been pampered with a superfluity of material goods and never experienced real deprivation; who have always been cajoled and bribed rather than commanded, always persuaded with the carrot instead of the stick; who have never had to suffer the natural consequences of a failure to perform; whose most weighty decision has been how most pleasurably to while away their idle hours and days; for whom the word "discipline" has an unfamiliar albeit vaguely nasty ring; and to whom self-induly gence, no matter how gross, has never borne any reproach still retain, as university graduates much the same view of the world and their relationship to it that they had when they wore diapers 20 years earlier, and that this mindset then remains with them through life.

Likewise, we should hardly be surprised that these same men and women, who spent their childhood years in homes from which one or both parents were absent much of the time; who seldom saw other kin except on holiday occasions once or twice a year; who grew up in an urban environment, where most of the people living around them were nameless strangers; who never had the experience of belonging to a racially homogeneous community, whether at school or at work or on the neighborhood playground, where everyone els whared their racial, cultural, and spiritual heritage, are unable to feel a sense of responsibility to anyone or anything beyond them selves.

Once again, a cautionary note is in order: the above exposition has focused on extremes, and the actual situation in the Western world is by no means so clear-cut. Yet it is true that the trend in childraising during the past half century has been toward increased permissiveness; that there are more working mothers, and the increasing shift of labor from rural farm or village to urbar industry has meant less contact a well between children and thei

fathers, not to mention other kin; that universities have become less training centers for an elite of scholars and professionals than excuses for everyone to postpone coming to grips with the world for four more years; and that the alienating experience of a multiracial environment has become alarmingly common. And the consequence of these and other trends in modern life has been a population with a more infantile

world-view: more egocentricity and less sense of responsibility.

Thus, the weeding out of defective members of society, whether through sterilization or the electric chair, has become, in the public view, less the way to a healthier future than a denial of individual rights; scientific breakthroughs in human reproduction are seen less as offering the glorious possibility of breeding a truly superior race than as, at

best, a benefit to diseased individuals or, at worst, a threat to the individual's sense of self-importance; and military service is not seen as "service" at all, but as a meal ticket for those who cannot find better employment.

The ramifications reach into every area of American life: the rising rate of racial miscegenation, the failure to halt non-White immigration, falling labor productivity, and the declining effec-

tiveness of the armed forces, name only a few.

Being able to find the causes of our present social ills in certain of the changes our life style has undergone in recent decades does not cure the ills, of course. But it does give us an understanding of how deeply rooted in — how organic to — our society they are. It lets us understand that there can be no purely political cure, gotten simply by electing a few new

politicians to office and changing a few laws. It leads us to the certainty that, if our race is to survive, we must undertake a revolutionary restructuring of our whole society.

WIP

(Issue No. 76, 1980)

Denis Kearney and the Struggle for a White America

The discovery of gold at Sutter's Mill in California early in 1848 ignited the famous California gold rush, in which thousands of "forty-niners" flocked across the deserts, mountains, and plains of the North American continent to seek their fortunes panning and digging for gold in the streams and fields of the newly conquered territory. The new Californians were a two-fisted, brawling breed, whose desire for golden riches was matched by their thirst for adventure and freedom. The frustration of the hopes of most of them for quick fortunes scarcely dimmed their enthusiasm for their new-made lives in the Far West, and nearly all the "forty-niners" ended by staving in California" ended by staving in California.

There was another sort of immigrant to California, however, radically different from the hardy White pioneers who had crossed the continent. In 1848 the first Chinese immigrants to California of whom there is any record, two men and a woman, debarked from the steamship Eagle at Yerba Buena cove. By 1850 there were still only a few dozen Chinese in the state — but in that year the news of the gold strike at Sutter's Mill reached Chine

It stirred ready excitement at Canton, one of South China's chief cities and the Middle Kingdom's traditional window on the White world. At that time Canton swarmed with peasants from the surrounding province of Kwantung, who had been uprooted and displaced by the Opium War. For some years chinese businessmen had made a practice of buying rights to the labor of their poor countrymen, organizing them into gangs, and shipping them to the Americas, principally to the west coast of South America and the islands of the Caribbean. These entrepreneurs, and the more ambitious of the Chinese middle class, saw an opportunity to amass untold wealth in the new territory. Soon California had a name in Chinese: it meant "Mountains of Gold."

of California had soared to

25,000. Most of the new immigrants found employment in the goldfields, especially as cooks and laundrymen in the mining camps. At first they were generally tolerated, or treated with no more than a bemused contempt, by California's Whites; a small delegation of Chinese immigrants had even been allowed to take part if the celebration of California's admission to the Union in 1850.

This situation began to change throughout the course of the 1850's and '60's. During those years tens of thousands of Chinese laborers found their way to the shores of North America most of them brought by American steamship lines, which advertised heavily in Canton for the lucrative coolie transport trade Although figures on the Chinese immigration are inexact, there were probably more than 100,000 Chinese in California by 1870.

Meanwhile, the economic base of California had changed rapidly. As the surface gold veins became worked out, mining became a vastly more expensive propostion, demanding large amounts of capital. Most White workers ceased being independent and were forced to hire themselves out as wage earners, where they often competed head-to-head for employment with the Chinese workers. The latter demanded a far lower standard of living and, consequently, lower wages. This made the Chinese workers the favorites of the big employers and aroused the ire of the White working people.

Even more important than the decline of mining as the state's central economic activity was the rise of agriculture and of the railroads. The Central Pacific Railroad became the titan of California's economic life, with a correspondingly powerful influence on the state's government. The Central Pacific and its subsidiary, the Southern Pacific, were big employers of Chinese labor. The number of coolie immigrants in the Central Pacific employ reached 10,000 in the course of the 1870's, while the Southern Pacific employed a work force which was almost

entirely Chinese

The rising anti-Chinese feeling among American workers resulted in a number of spontaneous outbursts against their Asiatic competitors. At French Canal and in Nevada City, White workers forcibly expelled the Chinese from the work camps associated with the mines. On October 23, 1871, Whites rose up in Los Angeles, invaded Chinatown, and sacked the Chinese quarters, killing a score of Chinese in the process. Nevertheless, there was no coordination behind the White efforts, and anti-Chinese incidents remained isolated.

It was the financial panic of 1873, leading to America's first great depression, which brought anti-Chinese feelings among the Whites to a head. The slump spread from the East Coast to California. By 1877 there were 16,000 White laborers unemployed in San Francisco alone.

California's capitalists exploited this situation by encouraging an ever-rising tide of Chinese immigration. Between 1873 and 1876 an additional 70,000 Chinese flocked to California, the largest number ever. Soon the Chinese dominated the work force not only on the railroads but also in various light industries, including boot and shoe manufacturing, cigarmaking, and broom-making.

The industrial robber barons who dominated American business in the post-Civil War "Gilded Era" had further plans for the hordes of docile, low-paid Chinese workers. As early as 1870 Chinese laborers appeared in New Orleans and in Belleville, New Jorsey. In that same year, Chinese workers were employed as strike breakers in the mills of North Adams, Massachusetts.

America's White laborers wer at a loss to combat the morte threat to their race and thei livelihood presented by the Chinese immigrants. Labor union were in their infancy in the 1870's and management enjoyed enor mous advantages against wage earners: far greater financia resources, support in government

DENIS KEARNEY (1847-1907)

and the courts, and a strongly

The White workers in California were no exception. A San Francisco Trade and Labor Union, organized in 1875, had ittle success in rallying the workers or in intimidating the posses. The few Marxist agitators in the area, most of them neavily-accented foreigners (and not a few of them Jews), were generally ignored by the White aborers, who tended to be extremely independent and patrictic.

Everything changed, however, one summer afternoon in San Francisco in 1877. As usual, a large number of citizens crowded the vacant field across from the San Francisco City Hall. Like London's Hyde Park, the "sandlot," as it was called, was a place where soapbox orators could hold forth on whatever topics struck their fancies, and most of them were awarded exactly the same tolerance and indifference that has been the lot of the speakers in Hyde Park.

On this day, however, a new speaker took the stand. With rising indignation, in stentoriar tones, he berated the Chines immigrants and the greedy capitalists who had brought them to America. Gradually listeners be gan to abandon the other speaker and drift over to the newcomer Passersby joined the crowd. The enthusiasm rose. The speaker'

voice reached a crescendo, and he roared, "The Chinese must go!" The crowd erupted in a storm of

The speaker's name was Denis Kearney. Born in County Cork, Ireland, 30 years before, Kearney had gone to sea at 11 to support his widowed mother and his six siblings By the age of 21, in 1868, the young sailor had risen to the rank of first mate on the American clipper ship Shining Star. In that year he had settled in San Francisco, where he soon married an American woman. An industrious man of sober habits, Kearney had established his own draving business in 1872

Kearny was an earnest young man, bent on self-improvement. In 1874 he had begun attending the Sunday-morning sessions of the People's Meeting for Discussion, where questions of the day were debated by an assortment of intellectuals and eccentrics, which at that time included Henry George, the famous advocate of a single tax on land. At first Kearney had been a halting speaker, but he had improved over the course of three years to the point where he was a skilled debater and a practiced orator.

After his debut in the sandlot Kearney returned again and again to hold forth against the Chinese immigrants and the wealthy lords of industry who sought their presence in America. The crowds of onlookers grew, until Kearney had become the de facto leader of a large movement.

As the White workers began to rally around Kearney, the upper and middle classes of San Francisco became alarmed. The evident resentment of the mass of White laborers toward the arrogance and privileges flaunted by the city and state's economic elite was greatly exacerbated by the workers' feeling the employers were betraying them by favoring the Chinese. The wealthy classes began to fear possible outbreaks of worker violence.

On September 21, 1877, Kearney and several others organized the Workingmen's Party to gain their goals of Chinese exclusion and fair treatment by their employers. Two nights later Kearney announced the formation of the organization to a large crowd at the sandlot, declaring that the new party proposed to "wrest government from the hands of the rich and place it in the hands of the people," as well as to "rid the country of cheap Chinese labor."

Specifically, the platform of the Workingmen's Party called for reform of banking practices, which were notoriously unsound in California at the time. Grants of state-owned land were to be made first to farmers and settlers, rather than to the real-estate speculators and railroad builders who had up to that time been the chief beneficiaries of government largesse. The Workingmen's Party sought the breakup of monopolies (particularly the Central Pacific) by judicious use of the taxing power.

For the workers Kearney's party sought an eight-hour work-day. The party platform further called for a system of universal education, with a strong emphasis on vocational training. And, of course, the party demanded an immediate and unconditional end to Chinese immigration.

The nightly rallies continued, and Kearney became ever bolder and more demonstrative in his oratory. On one occasion he allowed that "a little judicious hanging' might be the best course against those he characterized as the "robber-capitalists." He reviled the Chinese immigrants in even more colorful style: "leprous, rat-eating Chinese slaves" was one of his gentler epithets.

On October 29 Kearney and his lieutenants organized a large rally on Nob Hill, an affluent neighborhood where San Francisco's industrial lords dwelt in baronial splendor. Kearney fired the crowd to a fever pitch, and the workers built a large bonfire not far from the mansion of George Crocker, head of the Oriental and Occidental Steamship Line, which was particularly prominent in the transport of the Chinese aliens to America. In less than a week Kearney and five of his aides were arrested and imprisoned on charges of incitement to riot.

On this occasion the charges were dropped after three weeks of incarceration for the fiery leader in the San Francisco jail. Neither Kearney's ardor nor that of his followers was dimmed by his arrest and imprisonment. The White workers of San Francisco celebrated their leader's release with their biggest demonstration to date, a parade of more than 10,000 marchers on Thanksgiving Day.

Support for the Workingmen's Party boomed among the White workers of California. At a well-attended convention in January 1878, where Kearney served as permanent chairman, the party wrote into its platform the anti-Chinese and anti-big business sentiments that had led to its foundation. Furthermore, the Workingmen's Party called for a state constitutional convention to incorporate their demands into the fabric of the state's basic law.

Throughout January Kearney continued to hold torchlight rallies and parades at which he denounced the White workers' twin enemies, the Chinese and the capitalists, with redoubled vigor. On January 10 he went so far as to ask for support not only "at the ballot box, but at the bullet box if necessary." Four days later Kearney roared that the Chinese would be run out of the country "if it takes the life of every White mar in California."

Later in the month Kearney led a large march on City Hall. At the subsequent rally he threatened again to lead his men to the docks of the steamship companies, and "blow up the Pacific Steamship Company's steamers and docks." He also promised the invasion of Chinatown and the slaughter of its Oriental denizens by firearms and "infernal machines" if the Chinese problem were not dealt with in a more lawful way by the authorities

Reacting to these threats, William T. Coleman, a prominent merchant, mobilized his militia of 6,000 vigilantes, which had already been employed against the threat of anarchy, real or imagined, several times in the previous 25 years. But Coleman's peers in the industrial and financial elite, fearful that his vigilantes would not be able to contain the aroused workers, appealed to the Federal government for aid. It came in the form of a U.S. Navy man-of-war, sent ostensibly to protect San Francisco's government mail docks, which serviced mail delivered by the steamship lines.

Once again Kearney was ar rested, but this time he wa quickly released, thanks to the intervention of a judge who found his arrest unwarranted. Stung by Kearney's release, the Californial legislature quickly passed a law aimed at the Workingmen's lead er, making it a felony to incite o commit acts of violence agains

For a time Kearney drew back rom his more violent flights of rhetoric or devised clever ways around the statute. In a code language designed to mock the censors, he substituted harmless phrases for more threatening ones; thus, "serving the Chinamen coffee and doughnuts" became interchangeable with pouring into their lairs and routing them with fire and firearms.

Kearney needed less recourse to fiery threats at this period in any case, for the Workingmen's Party was beginning to win strong support at the polls. In 1878 it elected a number of judges, as well as mayors in San Francisco Oakland, and Sacramento. More important, however, was the showing the party made in the balloting for the state constitutional convention, which was arranged to be held in April 1878

Against the heavy opposition of the state's economic powers, the Republican and Democratic Parties, and the newspapers, the Workingmen's Party elected more than a third of the delegates to the convention. It seemed as if Kearney and his party were marching inexorably to the accomplishment of the aims they had set out in their own platform.

The monopolists who ruled California were forced to retreat to their second line of defense. Unable to stem the rise of support for the Kearney movement at the polls, they resorted to the greater skill in tactical maneuvering that is conferred only by experience. The Workingmen delegates to the constitutional convention found themselves confronted with a solid phalanx of delegates controlled by the railroads and industrial and farming interests. They were able to make progress only on the Chinese issue, where the businessmen were willing to make concessions as the price for staving off attacks on their economic privileges.

The convention wrote into the new constitution several strictures against employing Chinese. The provisions of the Workingmen's platform which called for reform of the banking system, breaking up the monopolies, and areight-hour day were all defeated however.

More insidious ways of countering the rise of the Kearner movement were resorted to. A whispering campaign agains Kearney was begun, suggesting that he had been bribed by railroad interests, and it spread to the ranks of the Workingmen Party. The churches were enlisted in the capitalist crusade as well The Protestant ministers double.

the fervor of their attacks against the outbreak of unchristianity which had seized the state's laboring men. The Catholic archbishop of San Francisco threatened Kearney's supporters with fire and brimstone, which didn't faze the freethinking Kearney but doubtless alarmed the more simpleminded among his many Irish followers.

Kearney was removed from his position as chairman of the Workingmen's Party for a brief period in 1878, but he battled back to regain his leadership. By then his fame had spread across the United States and as far as England, where the great historian James Bryce devoted several chapters to the California agitator in his American Commonwealth. Bryce, like most of the writers who dominated American and English historiography at the time, viewed the orator as a dangerous, communistic rabblerouser, whose talents threatened the very basis of democratic society.

Bellwethers of the American establishment of the time concurred. Harper's Weekly condemned Kearney as uncouth and ignorant, and the editor of The New York Times praised the authorities for the earlier jailing of "the incendiary agitators [Kearney and his aides] who have been kindling the passions of the dangerous classes of the city."

Yet sentiment against Chines immigration had been irreversibly inflamed, and it spread rapid! from coast to coast. The South had just fought its way free fron the attempts of Northern fanatic to "reconstruct" it on an egalistic to accemixing was abroad in America. In 1878 the U.S. Congres passed a bill to exclude Chines immigrants from America, the first racially exclusionary legislation in American history. It was quickly vetoed by Presider Rutherford B. Hayes, who Kearney denounced from acrost the continent, claiming he coul make a better president tha Hayes by stuffing Andrew Jach soon's old clothes with rass.

In 1882 Congress passed the Chinese Exclusion Act again, and it was signed into law by Presiden Chester Arthur. The 1882 ac inaugurated nearly four decade of immigration legislation which progressively excluded immigrants from the nations of Asia and culminated in the Nationa Origins Act of 1924, which

mandated quotas based on America's (at that time) overwhelmingly Northern European population. Unfortunately, even the National Origins Act failed to establish a purely racial criterion for immigration eligibility, and hundreds of thousands of Jews entered the country as "Poles," "Germans," "Hungarians." "Gussians." et al.

Kearney might have gone into the history books as just another labor agitator if he had not brought the problem of non-White immigration to the attention of the nation. The Party, torn by factional disputes, went into a severe decline in 1880. The following year Kearney left the party, and it was officially disbanded in 1882.

After the failure of the Workingmen's Party, Denis Kearney returned to private life, where he devoted himself to the same sort of small entrepreneurship he had engaged in before his involvement in the anti-Chinese fight. His carting company had failed (thanks to a boycott by his opponents during his days with the Workingmen's Party), but he founded a successful employment office. Late in his life he came into a large legacy, and he was able to live his twilight years in something approaching the style of the barons of industry whom he had once so terrified. He died in Son Eracesco in 1907.

The heyday of pro-White immigration legislation in America was asadly short-lived. The first chink in America's armor came in 1943 when Congress, at Franklin Roosevelt's bidding, allowed a toker 100 Chinese to enter the United States each year. Two years later a law to permit foreign "was brides" to enter the country without regard to race or nationa origin was passed, and thousand of G. I. 's returned from Asia with non-White wives.

In 1965 Lyndon Johnson saw to it that national quotas were completely abolished. The subsequent flood of legal non-White aliens, not to mention the even more numerous illegal aliens, has since threatened to swamp what was once a White America. In the year ended June 30, 1970, nearly 50,000 Chipnese entered America

The California Kearney and his followers fought to keep White now is populated by Asiatics in the following numbers: Filipinos, 300,000; Koreans, 200,000; Chinese, 125,000; Vietnamese, 100,000; Japanese, 75,000. The end is not in sight. The Asiatics in California have a growth rate, due to both births and immigration, which is twice as high as that of the Mexicans and a staggering 12 times as high as that of American Whites.

The British population his torian A.M. Saunders-Carr, the outstanding authority in the field wrote in the 1930's that in the absence of the Chinese exclusion ary legislation sparked by Kear ney's efforts the Western sea board of North America would have been completely Asiatic by 1900. If a non-White Pacific Coast and a non-White America are not to be our fate by the yea 2000, America's Whites must ac in the resolute spirit of Deni Kearney and the White workin, people who followed his lead.

T.O'K

The Coming of the Jews to America

The first 23 Jews to settle in what is now the United States landed as a group in 1654 at a small trading village at the tip of Manhattan Island. It is fitting that from the outset the destinies of American Jewry and of the little town that grew to be New York, America's greatest city, should be linked, for it was through the portals of New York harbor that the great majority of the later Jewish immigrants to America would pass, and it was in New York that their children and grandchildren would amass the power which has made them the most influential minority in 20th-century America

No subsequent band of Jewish immigrants had a rougher journey, or a more difficult time in being admitted, than that first group of 23, who were refugees from Brazil. They were chiefly Sephardim, the Biblically derived name for the Jews of the Iberian peninsula, descendants of those Jews of the eighth century who had stealthily thrown open the gates of the Visigothic cities to the Moorish invaders and then, over the course of nearly eight centuries, battened on the glittering Islamic civilization of Toledo and Granada. Cordoba and Valencia.

The recrudescence of Spanish and Portuguese power on the peninsula, spearheaded by the crusading descendants of the Germanic Visigoths and Suebians who had fallen before the Moorish storm in the 700's, placed the Jews of Iberia in a precarious position. As city after Moorish city, redoubt after redoubt, capicity, redoubt after redoubt, capitulated to the Christian onslaught, the worldly and wealthy Sephardim were forced to throw themselves on the mercies of their Christian conquerors.

At first they enjoyed no small favor with the Spanish and Portuguese kings, who esteemed the Jews' financial acumen and their uncanny ability to sweat money from their Christian subjects. Yet their power, and increasingly their very presence, grew ever more odious to the ordinary Spaniards and Portuguese. The people chafed under the onerous regime of Jewish tax collector and Jewish usurer. For a century before 1492 the tide of popular discontent swelled to full flood: mobs sacked the opulent Jewish districts, Jews were beaten, Jews were killed.

In 1492 Ferdinand and Isabella, who had joined their realms of Aragon and Castile to form the first unified Spanish kingdom since the days of the Visigoths, acceded to the heartfelt demands of their subjects and decreed that the Jews of the land must depart. Five years later the king of Portugal followed suit. A great swarm of Jews departed Iberia forever, most of them fleeing to the African domains of the Muslims who had been their patrons in the Spain of the Moors.

Ominously for the West, not all the Jews who fled from Iberia went to Africa. A substantial minority headed north, where they found a ready reception in the Netherlands. Over the course of the 16th century, as the Reformation made progress in the land and as the Dutch embarked on their epic 80-year struggle for freedom from Spain, the Sephardic Jews of Amsterdam and other Dutch cities became increasingly influential.

Spain and Portugal, to their later regret, failed to drive all Jews from their territory. The Achilles heel of the anti-Semitism of the time was the notion that the Jews might be cleansed of their ancestral vices by the regenerating flow of baptismal water. Upwards of 50,000 Jews in the two countries were allowed to feign conversion to Christianity (although doubtless a few of the conversions were genuine).

Not a few of these converted Jews (the polite usage for them was conversos or "new Christians"; their opponents called them Marranos, i.e., pigs) made their way to the Spanish and Portuguese colonies in the New World, as soon as the commercia possibilities of these territories became evident. It was in Brazi that the ancestors of the immigrants to New York found a center for profitable activity.

In Recife, in the province of Pernambuco, on the northwest coast of Brazil, a large number of "new Christians" established themselves as merchants and businessmen. There were only two industries of note: the raising of sugar on large plantations and the importation and sale of Black African slaves. The Jewish converts to Christianity played a large part in each of these businesses and were prominent as tax farmers as well. For over a century they plied their various trades in Recife, unvexed by the Inquisition which had been instituted in Spain and Portugal to ferret out secret Jews in the ranks of the conversos.

The rise of the Netherlands as a maritime power at the start of the 17th century soon brought a change in the affairs of Brazil During the course of their was with the Spanish, the Dutch had begun to resort to piracy on the high seas. Their successes encour aged the doughty burghers of Amsterdam and Rotterdam to embark on a more ambitious policy by which they would displace the Spanish and Portuguese as merchants to the Indie and to the Americas.

They made little headway against Spain's overseas possessions, but Portugal, exhausted by its heroic efforts of the preceding two centuries, vitiated by an influx of Negro genes, and overrun by Spain, was an easy prey. One by one Portugal's overseas possessions and trading factories fell to the Dutch: Java, Mauritius, the South African Cape, India's Malabar and Coromandel coasts.

The Dutch followed up thei conquests with a vigorous tradiconducted by the Dutch Eas India and West India Companies A good number of Sephardic Jew who had come from Spain and Portugal participated in thesi joint-stock companies. The Jew of Amsterdam and the other

PIETER STUYVESANT

Dutch commercial centers brought more than capital to their ventures: through their ties to their Marrano kinsmen scattered around the world in Spanish and Portuguese colonies, they had access to commercial and military intelligence as well.

In 1630 the forces of the Dutch West India Company launched an invasion against Pernambuco. The Jewish "new Christians" promptly sided with the invaders, acting as a fifth column to frustrate the Portuguese defenders. During the subsequent 25 years of Dutch rule Recife's Marranos returned openly to Judaism, practicing in public what they had hitherto practiced in private.

The Jews of Recife maintained their activity in the slave trade buying slaves imported by Dutch carriers and reselling them, a exorbitant profits, to the sugar planters. They also continued at tax farmers, collecting 63 per cent of Dutch-ruled Pernambuco's revenues, and pursued their various other commercial interests. A synagogue was built, and the Jewish community flourished.

The Portuguese were not easily reconciled to the loss of Pernambuco and its capital city, Recife. They waged a bitter guerrilla war against the Dutch invaders and their Jewish allies which culminated in the Portuguese reconguest of Pernambuco in 1654.

While one might have expected a condign and merciless settling of accounts with the Jewish false. Christians of Recife, the Portuguese viceroy was most mild Although he decreed that the Jew must depart Pernambuco, he allowed them to sell their property at good prices and to leave with their liquid assets. The Jews of Pernambuco disposed of their sugar plantations and slave pensand set sail for the Netherlands where their coreligionists would assure them a friendly reception.

All but one of more than 21 boatloads of Jews to sail fron Brazil reached Holland. The Jew aboard one ship, however, wer plundered by pirates in the Caribbean and then rescued by French privateer, the St. Cather ine, whose captain was bound fo New Amsterdam. When the St. Catherine, with its 23 Jewisl passengers, reached Manhattar

Island sometime in early September 1654, the Jews applied for permanent residency in the little trading village.

Although the bourgeois Dutch were in general favorably disposed to the Jews, the governor older of the Jews, the governor older of the Jews, the governor older of the Jews ant, was an exception. Hardkop pige Piet (Hard-headed Pete), at he was known, had opposed Jews settling on the Caribbean island of Curacao when he was the Dutch West India Company's governothere several years before. He wand less opposed to Jewish settler in New Amsterdam.

In a long communication to his superiors in Amsterdam, Stuyve-sant wrote: "The Jews who have arrived would nearly all like to remain here, but learning that they (with their customary usury and deceitful trading with the Christians) were very repugnant to the inferior magistrates, as also to the people having the most affection for you; the Deaconry also fearing that owing to their present indigence they might become a charge in the coming winter, we have, for the benefit of this weak and newly developing place and the land in general, deemed it useful to require them in a friendly way to depart."

The little company of Jews was not so easily gotten rid of, however. While Stuyvesant awaited the directors' permission to send the Jews on their way, the leaders of the would-be immigrants drafted their own letter to the directors of the West India Company, vaunting their sympathy for the Dutch in Pernambucc ("It is well known to your honors that the Jewish nation in Brazishas at all times been faithful and has striven to guard and maintain that place, risking for tha purpose their possessions and their blood."). A more potentalking point, however, was the position of some of their fellow Jews in the Company: "You should also please consider tha many of the Jewish nation are principal shareholders in the Company."

The response from the directors of the Dutch East India Company arrived at New Amsterdam the next spring. It is a classic of cowardice and equivocation, first conceding the threat posed by the Jewish presence to the colony, but then going on to justify that presence on the basis of the Jewish financial power in Amster dam: "We would have liked to effectuate and fulfill your wishes and request that the new territory should be no more allowed to be infected by people of the Jewish nation, for we foresee therefrom the same difficulties which you fear. but after having furthe weighed and considered the mat ter, we observe that this would be somewhat unreasonable and un fair, especially because of the considerable loss suffered by the nation, with others, in the taking of Brazil, as also because of the large amount of shares which the [the wealthy Jews of Amsterdam still have invested in the Company."

For two years thereafter Stuyesant fought a rearguard action against the alien interlopers, attempting to deny them citizenship as well as the privilege of plying their various trades in the colony. In a letter to the Company directors dated October 25, 1655, Stuyvesant pointed out that "to give liberty to the Jews will be very detrimental here, because the Christians here will not be able at the same time to do business" — a misgiving that has been borne out in so many fields of endeavor in America over the subsequent three centuries.

Stuyvesant's efforts were all in vain. The directors of the Dutch East India Company granted the lews of New Amsterdam one iberty after another, until by 1660 hey were on an equal footing, in every respect, with the colony's Dutch citizens. One of their number, Asser Levy, soon became of New Amsterdam's wealthiest traders and landowners. The Jews of what was to become, a few years later with the British conquest, New York, were on their way.

(Issue No. 77, 1980)

Pope Wants Blacks, Not Voodoo

The recent tour of Pope John Paul II through Africa and Latin America, during which the Pope repeatedly emphasized that the Catholic Church is shifting the focus of its recruiting from the White to the non-White world, has greatly encouraged the one million Black Catholics in the United States

At the same time he is attempting to consolidate the Church's Third World support, however, the Pope is trying to restrain the non-Whites already in the Church from mixing voodoo, polygamy, and other non-approved elements into their practice of Catholicism, but this effort is not meeting with much success. The following account from the New York Times of a Sunday sermon in Brooklyn's Out Lady of Charity Roman Catholic Church indicates what the Pope is up against: "Father Goode... took to the aisle, flapping his arms, jiggling his body, and speaking faster and faster, until his voice grew hoarse. Then came the beat of drums and tambourines, the choir started clapping rhythmically, and Father Goode ended his sermon in an ecstatic transport, writhing on his back in the middle of the aisle."

(Issue No. 77, 1980)

THE BEST OF ATTACK! AND NATIONAL VA NGUARD TABLOID Learning to Get Along

outnumbered now more than 1 00 to one by Blacks, have ^m anaged to blend into the l andscape so thoroughly that one can only pick them out of the Black crowds by the color of ^t heir skin; nothing else distinguishes them. One of ^t hem will pass anot her White on the sidewalk - perhaps the only other White he has of the social ladder in a White encountered all day - without country, can live well and easily .in even a glance. To accost one of an African country, the Whites them is almost an a ffront ; the who fled from the Congo during attitude is, "Why should I stop to the bloody, anti-White paroxysms talk with you? You are nothing of the early 1 960's have come

perform.

has done.

niggers.

But now there is a new social contract between Black and White. Before, the White was the undisputed master everywhere, and 'the Blacks - all of them addressed him as such. They may or may not have loved the White man, but they thoroughly res· peeled and feared him . Now the White man has voluntarily surrendered both his position as master and his claim to respect. He asks only to be tolerated , in return for the services he can

The Blacks, however, have demanded one thing else of him: that he cease being a member of. a race apart . They have demanded that he sleep with their women and give them his, that he give up his racial pride altogether, that he cut all his ties to his own race and sink down Into theirs , that he accept them as brothers and equals. In Zaire that is what he

And the White man is in the process of doing the same thing in Rhodesia/Zimbabwe. In April of this year the United States, Great Brita.in, and other Western countries forced the White Rhodesians , outnumbered 20 to one by Blacks, to accept a Black government headed by the Black Marxist leader of a terrorist band which had spent years raping White women and butchering White children. Within days after the change of government the Whites who chose to stay in Rhodesia and submit to Black rule were obsequiously addressing their new president as "Comrade Mugabe." What has taken place in the Congo and Rhodesia is frightening not so much because it proves that some Whites ere willing to crawl for their s upper - we've known that to be the case for a long time - but for two other reasons: First, as our member observed during \lis year in Zaire, the Whites there ere not just pretending to have forgotten their Whiteness and to have cut themselves off from their race; they have actually done it. Approaching them on the basis of shared blood and acommon heritage not only frightens them, it also offends their new sensibilities . They·want nothing to do now with anything which smacks of "racism." Their conversion is complete. They have become White

special to me. " trickling back ,

I suggested that , perhaps , this was merely an affectation employed to avoid BTOUsing the suspicion or hostility of the Blacks all around them . Un fortunately, that is not so, he replied; the Whites who live permanently in Zaire have not only convi nced the Blacks that they ere no longer " White racists ," they have also convinced themselves . A common sight in t he restaurants of Kinshasa is a blond Belgian with a coal-black African wife end a sickeningly multihued assortment of offspring; no one even looks up when racially mixed couples enter . No Bleck country in Africa can operate without the presence of ^a White minority. By themselves, the Blacks cannot keep elevators or telephone systems operating, b uses or taxis running, sewage systems or roadways in repair. Many of the Bleck countries have had a whole generation of political independence now , and they have sent tens of thousands of their citizens off to European or American universities for technical training. But they have learned the bitter lesson that, no matter how many d i ploma-holding· Blacks an African country may boast of, it very rapidly sinks. back into the j ungle unless ther� is a tiny minority ·- often less than one-tenth of one per cent of the population - of Whites present to keep things running, do the planning, and solve the problems which inevitably arise.

A Black may come back to Zaire from a White university with a degree in electrical engineering, but unless there is a White to tell him to do it, he seems incapable of so much as replacing a blown fuse on his own initiative. Even at such relatively non-technical occupations as farming, the Blacks are dependent on Whites. More than one-third of the agricultural output of Zambia (the former Northern Rhodesia), for example, is the product of White farmers there, who make up much less than one percent of the population. Because of this, every Bleck nation even those which have indulged in mass raping and throat-cutting o rgies against their White minorities in typically Bleck celebrations of Independence, as was the case with the 'Belgian Congo/Zaire tolerates a White minority. And because even a second-rate White man, who would be at the bottom

I spoke recently with an Alliance member just back from a year in Zaire (the former Belgian Congo). He is a government scientist who is obliged to spend most of his time in rather odd places: A frican jungles, Arabian deserts, polar icecaps , and the like. While in Zaire he took Second, the phenomenon reveals a general characteristic of man's nature. What has already happened in Kinshasa end Is well and reporting them to the secret police. Suppose further that , after three months or so of taking down students to stone-throwing riots.

launch their occasional raids from neighbo'ring, Black-ruled areas or stir up local Black workers and

advantage of every opportunity to avail himself of White company, which is all too scarce there, and he became intimately familiar with the attitudes and ways of thinking of the permanent White residents of that country. The story he told me about his experiences chilled my blood the more so because it had the solid ring of truth and agreed with reports from other places , such as Rhodesia (now " Zimbabwe"). What our member said , in essence, is that the Whites in Zaire have " gone native. " A fter two weeks of work in the bush, our member would return to Kinshasa h ^u ngry fo ^rthe sight of a White face. But the Whites, in the part of K inshasa which used to be Leopoldville, underway in Salisbury is also beginning to happen in Johannesburg - and in every city in America as well. Americans who were adults during the 1 960's .and who have kept their equilibrium since then arc aware of the enormous shi ft in White public opinion which has taken place in the United States in the .past two the names and addresses of all potential troublemakers, the authorities rounded up all these people end put them into concentreion camps . They might amount to as many as a couple of million Americans altogether: perhaps five per cent of the adult, male Whites in the count ry. The point I then made with my Even without the riots and bombings , the mere physical presence of the Black majority is threatening. It is a regrettable fact that most soft, city-bred W hites, whether they pretend to like Blacks or not, fear them . The moral pressure in South Africa (as in America) is provided by the Christian churches and the

In 1 959 or 1 960 an announcement by the Federal government that henceforth the racial composition of the students at all public schools in the country would be "balanced" by forced busing; that all employers must give preference to "disadvantaged" minorities in hiring and promoting; that White neighborhoods were to be broken up by the mass resettlement of welfBTe Blacks and non-White immigrants in them - would have caused an armed uprising in every region of the copntry end among all classes of the White population . Today, although such a program still causes a bit of grumbling, White politicians arc able to campaign for office 011 platforms incorporating similar measures end entertain reasonable hopes of

example was that it would not be necessary for the Soviet rulers lo shoot these Americans or even keep them locked up in order to quell all resistance. The Soviets could instead proceed as follows: After explaining to the Americans that the old life they had known was gone forever, that there w� no way for them to escape communist rule, nowhere left for ihem to flee, and no one to come to their aid, 100,000 sturdy Russians , each armed with ^a stout, oak table leg, would take the prisoners aside and beat each of them to within a quarter i nch of his life, while those not yet

1 99

1 ewish media working in tandem . The Dutch Reformed Church , Calvinist in doctrine, has always had an extraordinarily strong influence over the Whites of Boer, or Dutch , stock, while the Whites of English origin have allowed virtually all their news and entertainment media to slip i nto Jewish hands. (South Africa has twice as many Jews per White inhabitant as the United States.) From the earliest days of White settlement in southern Africa, Christian missionBTies have played a destructive role there. Virtually every Bleck terrorist l eader in Africa has been educated in ^a Christian mission school and incited by priests or persons to demand " equality" for Bl acks . Today the White Rhodesians who remain in Black-ruled Zimbabwe arc being told by their preachers that it is "the will of God " for them to be ruled by Blacks , while the White citizens of the Republic of South Africa read each day in their newspapers a slightly �i fferent variation on a single theme: they must " change their ways before it is too late, " meaning they must accept Blacks as equals or terrible things will happen to

beaten w atched.

end believing them.

prerogatives.

White South Africans have suffered no physical violence to speak of, but the threat is clearly there, as Black terrorist groups

As I said, that example is rather fBT-fetched, but the phenomenon it illustrates is all too real. Indeed, physical violence is not necessary to bring about the type Qf conversion described. The mere threat of violence, provided it is credible and is combined with sufficiently intense moral pressure, works quite as well. What is happening in the Republic of South A frica today ·provides an excellent example of this . Whites have been living in South Africa since the 17th century - approximately as long as they have been living in North America. The aboriginal inhabitants of the land which became South A frica were Hottentots and Bushmen , members of the yellowskinned Capoid race, who now constitute only a small minority there. The ancestors of most of the Blacks (Bantus) in South Africa, who now outnumber the Whites five to one, entered that area during the 19th century. For nearly 300 years the Whites ruled. the land as masters, first over the Capoids end then over their Bantu successors. Now the Whites are questioning their ewn right to rule, and, step by fatal step, they BTe abandoning all. their former them.

anticipation.

The worldwide sickness of the White race - the loss of pride, of virility, of honor, end of contact with reality - is rooted in several things . In part it comes from i gnorance, which in turn is the consequence of the breakdown end subversion of our educational systems, so that they no longer provide White men and women with histnrical roots; and in part it is merely an aspect of the general spiritual malaise of the times - in particular, of the prevalent egoism and materialism, which lead

Already there are South A frican student organizations, businessmen 's organizations, an d c hurch-related organizations acting on this threat by working to undermine the nation's system for keeping Blacks and Whites from mixing (apartheid) while the government either gives its bless· ing or looks the other way . Judging from these groups ' public statements, some of them seem to believe that if they're sufficiently generous and apologetic toward the Blacks now , when the B lacks eventually get the upper hand the latter will be grateful for past favors and will tolerate the continued presence of Whites in Africa - perhaps . even allowing them to keep their wealth and continue their comfortable life styles . Others, especially the church-related groups, seem almost to hope the Blacks won't be grateful, but will allow Whites to remain anyway, perhaps as menials . The thought of being punished for their past " racism" brings on a delicious shiver of

A good, five-minute beating, administered scientifically, should cause perhaps JO per cent of the prisoners to die from their injuries . Perhaps another live per cent would turn out to be recalcitrant .and would eventually have to be shot. But the remaining SS per cent of the pick of America's manhood would see the error of their ways. Before they were even out of ·their bandages end casts they would be asking themselves how they could have failed to see that anti-communism Oust like "racism") is not only a thing of the past but is morally indefensible, wicked, and the mark of a loser. Within another month they w ould be enthusiastically parroting Marxist slogans -

decades .

being elected.

voices against it.

order in that light.

I gave a speech in New York last summer in which I illustrated the tendency of people to adapt morally and spiritually to changed circumstances by using a rather far-fetched end hypothetical example: Suppose, I said, the Soviet Union launched a lightning invasion of the United States and, after a few weeks of fighting, subdued our armed forces. Suppose the Soviet 11ictors, having set up a Marxist regime here, then brought two or three million English-speaking Russians over and settled them among the conquered Americans, for the purpose of spying on any malcontents or overt anti-communists

In 1 960 there were relatively few parts of the country where a racially mixed couple could appear in public without arousing open hostility . A daughter who brought a Black boyfriend home risked being d isowned by her family - if her father restrained his urge to shoot her and the Black on the spot. In the last few years , however, miscegenation has spreed like a metastasizing cancer throughout the nation, and few now raise their hands or their

In pert, of course, these changes have been brought about by armed compulsion. There has been resentment and resistance against them every step of the way, and were it not for the Federal government's awesome firepower and massive use of police agencies, they would not have been accomplished - at least, not so quickly . But the fact remains that the White public has, by and large, adapted itself to the new order of things . A conversion has , taken place - not as thorough a conversion as in the Congo yet , but a conversion of the same sort, nevertheless - in which many Whites who formerly regarded the old order as right and proper now regard the new

Albrecht Duerer: Nuremberg Mas

It is strange indeed that artistic
nius seems to ebb and flow
roughout Western history, to
ther in pools of greatness in
rtain centuries, only to trickle
ray and disperse during others.
hy is it that, for example, the
th and 16th centuries were so\nil of artistic talent and the 19th
d 20th centuries so barren?
Why could Renaissance Italy
oduce a Botticelli, a da Vinci, a\ninchelangelo, a Titian, and a
sphael; and Germany at the
me time produce a Holbein, a
anach, and a Duerer; while our
ntemporary society produces no
te approaching their greatness?
A partial answer to these
testions may be found in
oking at the life of the man
no, in some ways, was the\neatest of all the artists named

usual elementary schooling, the young Duerer became his father's apprentice, as was the custom for children of the time.

He remained in his father's workshop for several years, until it became increasingly evident that his propensities lay in painting, not goldsmithing. To change apprenticeships was no small step in the rigid guild system of that day, but, nevertheless, with his father's blessing, young Albrecht joined the house of the very respected artist Michael Wohlge multi to learn oil painting and the then innovative media of wood-block and media-plate printing. These printing media played a major role in the aesthetic development of Europe, and both Duerer and hoth Duerer and his city of Nuremberg were leaders in the movement.

Duerer's world came between the waning Middle Ages, characterized by its calcified Church control, and a growing Renaissance humanism, which in norther network and a growing Renaissance humanism, which in norther network and a growing Renaissance humanism, which in norther network and the center of the more mediance of the control, and a growing Renaissance humanism, which in norther network and the center of the more mediance of the very least the north to Venice in the south. The control, and a growing Renaissance humanism, which in norther network and the center of the major rote in the aesthetic development of Europe, and both Duerer and hoth current of the eder Duerer and sold and the center of the major rote in the aesthetic development of Europe, and both Duerer and sold father of Albrecht, set upon to the venice in the south. The norther of the major rote in the aesthetic development of Europe, and both Duerer and sold father of Albrecht, set upon the venice of the very least the north to Venice in the south. The norther of the artistic direction Duerer's other Nuremberg were leaders in the movement.

Duerer's world came between the waning Middle Ages, characterized by its calcified Church propaganda. His painting and the then intovative media of the venice of the world w

general heads (although the relative share of blame in each case may be a matter for debate). They are insidirected altrusim, compounded by superstition; capitalist greed; and general short-sightedness and lack of responsible leadership.

A Rite of Summer

The beauty contest! That familiar, warm-weather ritual will take place hundreds of times this summer across the length and breadth of the land, just as it has for decades, stretching back to around World War 1 and the beginning of the so-called "Happer" era.

Even Miss Cotton to Miss Paducah to Miss Pennsauken, Miss Paducah to Miss Pennsauken, Miss America to Miss Pennsauken, Miss America to Miss Nude America, countless young ladies will hopefully exhibit their charms with the aim of being declared the fairest of the fair. Despite the noisy feminist hostility toward these "meat market displays" and "cattle calls," the American beauty contest seems to make and the matter and the matter of the fair persists of the process and all other of living broads to the more of the said in its gases which is being poured in with every new Black baby born to a welfare when the White world is no longer able to help them; and the magismachineryofever-increasing white personal to the way of lasting preading the guide the industries, and when the White world is no longer able to help them; and the magismachineryofever-increasing white personal to the tender of living black to not make the way of lasting preading to guide the people away from their folly.

A Rite of Summer

There is simply no chance of responsible leadership arising to guide the remains bound by the not have free and in its gases which so being poured in with every new Black baby a comely lasting pressing to guide the remains bound by the notice. The magismachineryofever-increasing white emains bound by the notation of nome an, one vote," there is simply no chance of responsible leadership arising to guide the way of lasting pressing to guide the wind productive and things which are despited, had things which a

Dialogue with a Libertarian Journalist

Without intending to create a false drama, I think you are created saying that at some time in the future, if I don't come around to your way of thinking, you'l seem coffed for the good of the race. To tell you the truth, you make me a little nervous: In your June edition of NATIONAL VAN-GUARD, in the short article on Rabbi Meri Kahane (I rather admire his honesty and courage) and hist effort to make sax itlegal in Israel between Genitle men and Jewish moment, you write that that lamt old by almost everyone than the five years in prison suggested the traible, I already for deviationistic and the suggested of the trace, and I cannot agree with that lamt old by almost everyone the same things that you seem to led mer, that I and to my maker when I least expect it. The Soviets, the Meoists, the Christians and Mosslems, the Right and the Left of the same things; the Christians and Mosslems, the Right and the Left of the Right and the Left of the Right and the Left of the Right and the Left of the Right and the Left of the Right and the Left of the Right and the Left of the Right and the Left of the Right and the Left of the Right and the Left of the Right and the Left of the Right and the Left of the Right and the Left of the Right and the Left of the Right and the Left of the Right and the Left of the Right and the Left of the Right and the Left of the Right and the Left of the Right and the Left of the Right and the Left of the Right and the Left of the Right and the Left of the Right and the Left of the Right and the Left of the Right and the Left of the Right and the Left of the Right and the Left of the Right and the Left of the Right and the Left of the Right and the Left of the Right and the Left of the Right and the Left of the Right and the Left of the Right and the Left of the Right and the Left of the Right and the Left of the Right and the Left of the Right and the Left of the Right and the Left of the Right and the Left of the Right and the Left of the Right and

pushicans, Democrats, and publicans, Democrats, and ists, the Christians and ms, the Right and the Left ose in between, the military and those wonderful c's revolutionaries fighting—all seem to be saying the thing. The one idea everymem to understand is that other guy's in your way he's able, so you off him. article on Churchill: the War Criminal Got Away," NATIONAL in Challe the with some accuracy how I ot only about the Great Leaders of my lifetime: Roosevelt, Ho Chi Minh, Castro, Tito, Hitler, Musso—I action, Tito, Hitler, Musso—I action, Tito, Hitler, Musso—I action, Tito, Hitler, Musso—I action, Tito, Hitler, Musso—I action, Tito, Hitler, Musso—I action, Tito, Hitler, Musso—I action, Tito, Hitler, Musso—I action, Tito, Hitler, Musso—I action, Tito, Hitler, Musso—I action and size action and search generation do exactly that.

Actually, you are creating a bit of false drama in your mind. The National Alliance is not aiming a bit of otal ideological conformity on the population (assuming a bit to cut out of the race truly of the tout of the race truly of the tout of the race truly of the race truly deseased elements, so that they do not propagate. Taking a non-White as a mate, whether with the deliberate intent of miscegenation or simply as an act of egoistic irresponsibility, is clear evidence of sistence of my seconding of Rabbi Kahane's proposal for outlawing sexual relations between Jews and Whites were based on personal guilt.)

Being a free spirit, of course, a laway entailed a certain danger, and I believe it is best that way, because it encourages caution and stability. The safe thing and those wonderful discasced elements, so that they do not propagate. Taking a non-White as a mate, whether with the deliberate intent of miscegenation or simply as an act of egoistic irresponsibility, is clear evidence of sistor at whether all time and properson and will undoubtedly revise their opinions of him again.

It seems to me that whether a locate truly on the population is to cut out of the race truly of mont

wars between Catholics and Protestants in the Middle Ages and refuse to see event there in which were very interested in finding our more about two hours on them all several people whours and male several people whours and male several people whours and male several people whours and male several people whours and male several people whours and male several people whours and male several people whours and male several people whours and male several people whours and male several people whours and male several people whours and male several people whours and male several people whours and male several people whours and male several people whours and male several people whours and male several people whours and male several people whours and male several people whours and male several people whours and male several people whours and male several people whours and male several people whours and male several people whours and male several people whours and male several people whours and male several people whours and male several people whours and male several people whours and male several people whours and male several people whours and male several people whours and male several people whours and male several people whours and male several people whours and male several people whours and male several people whours and male several people whours and male several people whours and male several people whours and male several people whours and male several people whours and male several people whours and male several people whours and male several people whours and male several people whours and male several people whours and male several people whours and male several people whours and male several people whours and male several people whours and male several people whours and male several people whours and male several people whours and male several people whours and male several people whours and male several people whours and male several people whours and male several people whours and male several people whour

ten American (left) and Russian classroom scenes is merican children waste as much as half of their time slous and even pernicious "studies," such as "Conor "Black History," young Russians are kept busy healthler attitudes. No amount of additional money healthler attitudes. No amount of additional money healthler attitudes.

Texas, and California, it is only a question of time. With an enightened and courageous policy on the part of the American Government, a solid front presented against European interference in the affairs of this continent [a reference specifically to British attempts to seize and colonize with Blacks a large section of Nicaragua's Mosquito Coast], and a rigid enforcement of the Monroe Doctrine, we may look cheerfully and hopefully to the speedy accomplishment of American rule in Central American.

But what was speedily accomplished instead was the will of Cornelius Vanderbilt. He bank-rolled a five-nation invading force, and set up a bogus Nicaraguan "government-inexile" in nelghboring Honduras. The U.S. and British Navies, each acting to protect its government's separate Interests from the threat posed by White rule in Nicaragua, shut off all of Walker's supplies and sent American recruits back to the States in chains. Nevertheless, under the personal leadership of "the gray-eyed man of destiny," the American colonist forces continued to prevail.

Walker's Waterloo came at the town of Rivas. After months of fierce fighting against up to 18,000 enemy soldiers, the Tennessean's army dwindled to under 500 men, many of whom were mercenaries. What was left of his men and supplies Walker concentrated outside Rivas. One night, while out reconnoitering, he left his camp under the supervision of a certain Colonel Schlessinger, a soldier of fortune whom the men intensely hated. Looking back on the disaster that followed, William Wells wrote:

"The appointment of Schlessinger to this command was in every way a most unfortunate one. A Jew, he was of a capricious, violent, and despotic nature... At a quarter past two o'clock, one of the women who had been captured in the morning complained of being sick, where-

upon the Colonel, in a freak of liberality, let the whole squad go. But it proved to be a fatal folly, for in less than three-quarters of an hour a picket-guard ran in crying, 'The Greasers are coming!'

"This sudden alarm threw the whole camp into confusion, and none seemed so entirely bewildered and panic-stricken as Schlessinger himself. His cheeks turned pale, his knees smote together; it seemed impossible for him to compose himself." (Walker's Expedition to Nicaragua, p. 301)

Schlessinger fled. As he ran off into the bush, he shrieked a few garbled commands which a Dutch mercenary company misinterpreted to mean, "Follow me!" And follow they did. Walker's force was crippled by the desertion of its temporary commanding officer and by the loss of the Dutch contingent, and it suffered heavy casualties in the ensuing battle.

After the losses at Rivas the war only lasted a few more months. Schlessinger, at least, was caught and court-martialed for desertion. But when sentenced to death, he broke his officer's word of honor and fled Nicaragua. As for Walker's government, it collapsed and was replaced by Cornelius Vanderbilt's puppet regime.

On May 1, 1857, William Walker surrendered to Commander Charles Davis of the American sloop of war St. Mary. He and hundreds of his men were eventually transported back to the United States. Fearing for their lives, thousands of White colonists packed up and sailed back as well

Back in the United States Walker immediately raised ano ther force. Late in 1857 he was or his way back to Nicaragua, buthe Buchanan administration in Washington cut short this second expedition. Though Walker managed to slip out of New Orleans harbor, he was interested by the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the state of the

INSTEAD of this. Nicaragua could have been White, beautiful, and productive

he was landing in Nicaragua and

While he was gathering forces for one last try in Centra America, he wrote a remarkable book (composed, like Caesar's De Bello Gallico, in the third person called The War in Nicaragua Even Walker's enemies praised its honesty and accuracy.

Walker bided his time until th summer of 1860, when with force weak even by his standard he invaded Honduras. Quickl boxed in by overwhelming nativ forces, he surrendered to a certain Commander Salmon of the British Royal Navy. Salmon promised the American safe conduction, but then, on the pretex that Walker was a Nicaragua.

citizen, turned him over to agents of Honduras in the pay of the Nicaraguan government. On September 12, 1860, at age 36 William Walker was killed by a mestizo firing squad.

Walker's unmarked grave has long since been lost, but for a time just after his death there were efforts to bring his body back to Mashville. The Honduran government resisted, and the efforts came to nothing. The unmarked grave is, at least, an appropriate symbol of the death of a forgotter dream.

"Whom the gods love, they make to die young," said Menander. Because he died in his prime the Tennessean was spared the sight of Nicaragua reverting to its

accustomed squalor, and he was not forced to watch his White countrymen slaughter each other over "states" rights" and the status of the Negro in the Civil War.

Walker was a far-seeing warrior and statesman born out of his time, a stranger in an era where White racial interests were coming increasingly under the hammer of capitalistic and commercial forces. But a future generation will remember William Walker and what he tried to do. As the Vikings said:

That always lasts: The fame of dead men's deeds.

(Issue No. 85, 1982)

What Are They Doing to Our World?

Environment Quality, Resources Threatened By Failing Economy

During 1981 the real spendable earnings of the average American wage earner fell another 3.3 per cent, the Bureau of Labor Statistics in Washington announced on January 22. Of all the economic statistics monitored by the government — consumer price index, average hourly wages, etc. — the real spendable earnings figure is the one which is tied most directly to the average standard of living. It is the amount of real money (i.e., money adjusted for inflation) a wage earner has left to spend after taxes.

When we consider non-economic factors, however, we must anticipate a much worse decline in the American living standard than indicated by the falling figure for real spendable earnings.

The crime rate is an example of a non-economic factor which has a strong effect on the standard of

living — or quality of life — of the average American. Each year the average U.S. citizen's chances of being murdered, raped, robbed, or burgled increase. That costs everyone money, whether he is a crime victim or not, in higher taxes for police protection and in higher insurance rates. The nonmonetary costs, though, are far higher, as fear of crime increasingly hedges in the average American's life and restricts his activities.

Disease is another example Until quite recently, the United States could boast one of the lowest disease rates in the world with the rate for most infectious diseases continuing to fall each year. Many dread afflictions common in other parts of the world had been virtually eradicated here. This was one of the benefits of an enormous investment over the years in sanitation innoculation drives, and other public health programs.

But now this benefit has begun to evaporate, largely as the consequence of an unchecked flow of non-White immigrants into the country. The tuberculosis rate in Los Angeles County was up 30 per cent in 1981 over 1980, and similar increases were reported in other major metropolitan areas, resulting in a net increase in the tuberculosis rate for the entire country. Syphillis, leprosy, and other diseases associated especially with immigrants have also become much more common in recent years.

Extrapolating a few trends which, unlike the above, have not been much in the news recently gives us an even grimmer picture of what is happening to our world. Consider the American farm. It has been one of the nation's greatest successes, producing more food per acre and per man-hour than has been accomplished on anywhere else in the world.

This success, however, has ha a cost. The extremely high yield of American agriculture hav been the result of a very intensiv approach to farming, depending on a complex industrial infra structure. Without a dependable supply of chemical fertilizers and pesticides, and the ready use of a vast rail and road transportation network, such intensive farming would not be receible.

In danger in such dependence is that it is susceptible to catastrophic disruption. A majo breakdown in the transportation network, for example, would verquickly cause widespread starvation in many of the nation' heavily urbanized areas. Americally a good lost its regional self sufficiency in agriculture, and most of the Northeast now imports more than 70 per cent of the food from other trees.

Another cost of America's intensive approach to farming is overuse of the best land, and its consequent loss. The trend in recent years has been to produce more and more food from less and less land, as urban encroachment on farmland and topsoil loss from process have reduced the

acreage under cultivation. A growing population is causing ar acceleration of this process, which means a continually increasing dependence on chemical fertilizer

The higher costs of food production associated with the greater use of fertilizers is also accelerating the trend away from small, family-owned farms toward giant agribusiness farming, because of the greater efficiency of very large farms. This in turn results in even less regional self-sufficiency and a greater dependence on the transportation network.

The United States is still able to produce more food than it consumes — about \$40 billion worth was exported last year — but it is clear that the present trend toward more food from less land cannot continue indefinitely. There is a lack of general agreement as to when the crunch will come, but ecologists and agricultural experts are becoming increasingly concerned.

Lester Brown, head of the Worldwatch Institute, warns that the doubling of world food output since 1950 has been achieved only through severe land abuse. "Perhaps the most serious single threat humanity now faces is the widespread loss of topsoil," he says in his new book, Building a Sustainable Society. Brown and others believe that the continuing loss of productive farmland in the United States could trigger foos shortages before the end of this decade which would have a far greater impact on the population than the oil shortage of the 1970's

Topsoil, of course, is only one of America's natural resources being squeezed by a growing population. Fossil fuel is another, and the squeeze is leading inevitably toward the use of lower grades of coal and oil, which produce large amounts of air pollution.

For most of the last two decades the environmental lobby has been successful in forcing the Congress to enact laws to reduce pollution of air and water, protect wildlife, and prevent commercial exploitation or development harmful to America's forests, marshlands, and other natural areas. It is now quite likely that everything which has so far been accomplished in the way of environmental protection will be undone in the 1980's.

One of the reasons for this setback is the philosophy of the supporters of the Reagan administration, typified by Secretary of the Interior James Watt, who seems to believe that it is sinful to leave trees uncut, fur-bearing mammals unskinned, or high-sulfur coal unburned, so long as there is money to be made for someone by exploiting these resources.

Reagan supporters are staunch advocates of growth at any cost, who see the value of everything in what it can be sold for. Many of them are incapable of even understanding why anyone would want to stop them from killing bobcats and raccoons, cutting down redwoods, paving over meadows, or saving a little money by dumping toxic wastes into the nearest stream.

Growth advocates are great optimists when it comes to the question of the depletion of natural resources, whether farmland, fossil fuel, or essential metal ores. They point out, quite correctly, that science has always been able to show us new ways to obtain greater utilization from old resources or has found new substitutes when old resources were finally exhausted.

What they tend to ignore are the additional costs involved when one is obliged to switch from easily obtainable, high quality resources to scarcer resources or to those of lower quality. One of these additional costs Americans will soon be paying is more air pollution, caused by a move to dirriter fuels.

Unfortunately, however, it is not just the Republican-capitalis types in the population who are responsible for what is being done to America's environment and natural resources. The average citizen, when it comes to saving a tree or saving a dollar, all too often chooses the dollar

especially when he is worried about his supply of dollars, which inevitably will be the case even more in the future than it has been in the past.

As real spendable earnings continue to fall, protecting the environment will seem like an unaffordable luxury to more and more people, regardless of whether there is a Republican or a Democratin the White House.

Depressing and frightening as are these economic and environmental prospects, they are all overshadowed by the racial prospect. There are few large cities left in the United States which have not witnessed a dramatic increase in non-White population since the Second World War. Most communities have not experienced Washington's change from a three-quarters White city in 1940 to a three-quarters Black city today, or Miami's change from 4 per cent Hispanic to 40 per cent Hispanic during the past 30 years (with a corresponding White drop from 83 per cent to 44 per cent), but the trend is the same everywhere: more Blacks, more Hispanics, more Asiatics, more Levantines.

Even were it not for the hundreds of thousands of these non-Whites coming into the country each year as legal immigrants or "refugees" and the estimated one million slipping in illegally, their prodigious birthrates—nearly twice the White birthrate, in the case of Hispanics—must inevitably lead to an environment which is more and more non-White.

Fools may babble endlessly all the trendiest cliches — "cultural enrichment," "racial justice," and so on — but the fact remains that the population of the United States is becoming uglier, less intelligent, less creative, less self-reliant, and less capable of sustaining a civilization or even maintaining its own national existence as it grows less White.

Is not the destruction of America's racial basis an even greater sin against Nature than the destruction of the country's forests and wildlife and the poisoning of its air and water?

Is there any more terrible legacy we can leave to our descendants than a nation in which they are a minority, at the mercy of an irresponsible, incapable, and hostile mass of non-Whites?

The tragedy of what is happening to our world seems compounded by the knowledge that it need not happen: economic decline, environmental decline, and racial decline can all be reversed. But not unless those who wield the power in this country are at least able to face squarely and unblinkingly the causes of what is happening and have the will to tackle those causes.

Mr. Reagan and the other politicians certainly want to halt the economic decline, but that's about all that can be said for them. The condition of the environment is clearly of very little concern to them, and they dare not even acknowledge the fact of racial decline.

Can one expect a President who reacted in the shamefully abject way Mr. Reagan did to the minority-liberal criticism of his recent announcement on tax exemptions for White schools to show even the least bit of courage

DIRTIER AIR is just one of the penalties Americans will pay for a worsening economic situation. As fue costs continue to rise and unemployment mounts, the political pressure for scrapping environmenta protection laws will increase. The use of high-polluting fuels, restricted now, will grow, and the lack of effective pollution control equipment increasingly will be excused or everlooked.

high-polluting fuels, which pour millions of tons of sulfuric and nitric acids into the atmosphere from factor, and power plant chimneys every year. Growing economic pressures will lead to even more use of such fuels in the future, and most U.S. forests and the wildlife in them will be increasingly threatened.

in dealing with racial issues

And since the declining moral and racial quality of the American population lies at the root of the declining economy, the prospects are hardly bright for a long-term solution to the one problem Mr. Reagan does want to solve. Fiddling with Federal budgets

cannot give us a more productive labor force. Talking about "supply side" economics cannot reduce the vast financial burden of crime and social services associated with the enormous growth in racial minorities in America.

What the politicians are doing to our world — economically,

environmentally, and racially cannot be halted until we have men in charge who are not afraid to ask the right questions and face the real problems.

(Issue No. 85, 1982)