---
title: 'Reception of Edward Bernays Doctrine Of Manipulating Public Opinion'
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date: '1984-08-02'
description: 'DOCUMENT RESUME ED 245 231 CS 208 310 AUTHOR Olasky, Marvin N. TITLE Reception of Edward Bernays'' Doctrine of "Manipulating Public Opinion." PUB DATE 6 Aug 84 NOTE 20p.; Paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the Association for Education in Journalism and Mass Communication (67th, Gainesville, F…'
---

#### DOCUMENT RESUME

ED 245 231 CS 208 310

AUTHOR Olasky, Marvin N.

TITLE Reception of Edward Bernays' Doctrine of

"Manipulating Public Opinion."

PUB DATE 6 Aug 84

NOTE 20p.; Paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the

Association for Education in Journalism and Mass Communication (67th, Gainesville, FL, August 5-8,

1984).

PUB TYPE Speeches/Conference Papers (150) -- Information

Analyses (070) -- Viewpoints (120)

EDRS PRICE MF01/PC01 Plus Postage.

DESCRIPTORS Change Agents: \*Communication (Thought Transfer);

\*Intellectual History; Mass Media; \*Modern History;

\*Propaganda; \*Public Relations

# ABSTRACT

Ivy Lee and Edward Bernays are generally regarded as the founding fathers of modern public relations. While Lee has been the subject of a full biography that included contemporary reaction to his ideas, there has been no similar work on how Bernays' ideas were received, though his ideas were in some ways more radical. He believed that propaganda was the modern instrument by which intelligent people could fight for productive ends and could help bring order out of chaos. He argued that public opinion was slow and reactionary, and that those who use the psychology of public persuasion to bring about changes in public opinion are performing a great public service. Initial reactions to Bernays' first book were enthusiastic, but by 1928 he was coming under heated criticism for his forthright work "Propaganda." By 1935 his techniques were being compared to those used by Nazis, but he weathered this period comparatively unscathed. During the 1940s, Bernays was noted as the most successful publicist in the country. He pioneered fellowships at United States universities for the study of public relations, and is now generally regarded as a man with a vision of authoritarian liberalism mixed with corporation, and as a seminal thinker concerning the synthesis of a new Freudian perspective with the older practices of the publicists' trade. (CRH)

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\* from the original document. \*

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### U.S. DEPARTMENT OF EDUCATION NATIONAL INSTITUTE OF EDUCATION EDUCATIONAL RESOURCES INFORMATIO

This document has been reproduced as received from the person or organization originating it.

Minor changes have been made to improve reproduction quality.

Points of view or opinions stated in this document do not necessarily represent official NIE position or policy. PUBLIC RELATIONS DIVISION

RECEPTION OF EDWARD BERNAYS' DOCTRINE OF

Dr. Marvin N. Olasky
Department of Journalism
The University of Texas
Austin, Texas 78712
(512) 471-7708

"PERMISSION TO REPRODUCE THIS MATERIAL HAS BEEN GRANTED BY

Marvin N. Olasky

INFORMATION CENTER (ERIC)."

Paper presented to the Public Relations Division
Association for Education in Journalism and Mass Communication
Annual Convention, University of Florida, Gainesville, Florida
August 5, 1984

![](https://samisdat.in/user/pages/03.books/1984%20-%20Reception%20of%20Edward%20Bernays%20Doctrine/read/_page_1_Picture_12.jpeg?g-16018011)

# RECEPTION OF EDWARD BERNAYS' DOCTRINE OF

What was the reaction to Bernays' bold equation of "manipulation of the public mind" with the "social purpose" of speeding change and preventing chaos? When he initially

![](https://samisdat.in/user/pages/03.books/1984%20-%20Reception%20of%20Edward%20Bernays%20Doctrine/read/_page_2_Picture_3.jpeg?g-16018011)

At the end of some articles, though, a quizzical note often appeared. The Survey noted with perhaps loaded vocabulary, "Mr. Bernays writes frankly of the processes by which the herd instincts are exploited in the instincts of a new and far-ranging salesmanship."

The Dial had a line, "And with herds to play with, what may not the shepherd accomplish?" Ernest Gruening,

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later to become a senator from Alaska, wrote in a 1924 review

This new sublimation is in response to an obvious need. Mr. Bernays points out that ... 'perhaps the most significant soci 1, political, and industrial fact about the present century is the increased attention paid to public opinion,' especially by men and organizations whose attitude not long ago would have been 'the public be damned.' Significant, no doubt. But, considering the nature of this attention, is it cause for rejoicing? Will the final result be greatly different for a public which, while it no longer tolerates being 'damned,' guilelessly permits itself to be 'bunked'? Is seduction preferable to ravishment?... Mr. Bernays views the matter more rosily. His conclusion is that the public relations counsel is destined to fulfill his highest usefulness to society 'in the creation of a public conscience.' Not only may one doubt that the glorified press agent will fulfill this destiny, but that a public conscience thus 'created' would be useful or desirable.'?

There was evident concern about the potential power of the public relations practitioner.

Such criticism became more heated after Bernays' publication in 1928 of his forthright book Propaganda, with its clear leanings toward subtly authoritarian "democracy." The reviewer in Critic and Guide, for instance, commented sarcastically about Bernays' "apparent— or well—assumed— sincere belief that he is doing some useful work" with "some real social value..." Henry Pringle's solid article, "Mass Psychologist," in a 1932 issue of The American Mercury, showed thorough understanding of the implications of the raradigm; Pringle wrote that compared to Bernays, "Theodore Dreiser is a starry—eyed idealist. Eddie is a stern realist who operates on the demonstrable theory that men in a democracy are sheep waiting to be led to the slaughter."

![](https://samisdat.in/user/pages/03.books/1984%20-%20Reception%20of%20Edward%20Bernays%20Doctrine/read/_page_4_Picture_4.jpeg?g-16018011)

Inquiry magazine critiqued Propaganda in 1929 with the suggestion "that we should be a whole lot better of if all propaganda were offered undisquised— that is, with full revelation of the promoting interests." Leon Whipple, in The Survey of 1929, wrote of Bernays' apparent belief:

that somebody 'who understands the mental processes and social patterns of the masses' should manipulate these controls so that people can know what to believe or buy. Society is too complex and folks too dumb to find out themselves. The counsel steps in to help— at a price. He rides here in a world of 'high-spotting,' fashion-making, window-dressing, blind instincts, and artificial habits, where events are created to make news, and indirection is the watch-word... The book is worth reading, for the Herr Doktor gives an almost metaphysical exposition of his creed... The general idea is to control every approach to the public mind so we get the desired impression, often unconsciously. 16

The implications of Bernays' new public relations paradigm began to alarm some political, academic, and religious observers during the 1930's, as concern about the political effects of mass manipulation (especially during economic downturn) became more widespread. For instance, in a 1934 letter to President Roosevelt, Justice Felix Frankfurter referred to Bernays and Ivy Lee as "professional poisoners of the public mind," exploiters of foolishness, fanaticism and self-interest. Sociologist E.T. Hiller discussed Bernays' work and argued that "such widespread efforts to manipulate opinion constitute a financial burden, a perversion of intellectual candor, and a menace to political sanity."

The Michigan Christian Advocate noted that "there is danger in discovery of the mass mind" as advanced by Bernays. The journalists were most consistent in their criticism

![](https://samisdat.in/user/pages/03.books/1984%20-%20Reception%20of%20Edward%20Bernays%20Doctrine/read/_page_5_Picture_3.jpeg?g-16018011)

information flow. Their perspective is well represented by frequent, sarcastic editorials in [Editor & Publisher](Editor%20&%20Publisher) criticizing Bernays' "new and higher ethics" and his "synthetic news creations." In 1930, for instance, [Editor & Publisher](Editor%20&%20Publisher) complained that Bernays' method is "to manipulate mass psychology and influence trade by propaganda so artfully insinuated into public consciousness that the victim does not realize that an unseen hand is leading him by the nose." It was the apparent dishonesty of Bernays' approach that rankled, the editorials repeatedly stressed. In 1933, readers were told that Bernays tries "to sanctify propaganda as 'a vital social force.' But it is the same old dope... describing the technique of twisting the public nose in any direction desired." Editor Marlen Pew called Bernays "my pick as the young Machiavelli of our time." 23

A certain amount of economic jealousy was avident here, of course. Newspapers prospered largely by selling advertising space, and there had long been concerns among publishers that the free publicity which businesses might gain through public relations ingenuity would cut into revenues. When Editor & Publisher labelled Bernays "the most modern, smoothest, highest paid and most effective of all the expert tribe of propagandists and spacegrabbers," we are clearly seeing the newspaper establishment reacting as an institution with monetary interests of its own. But both principal and principle were at stake here. Bernays' pride in "manipulating public opinion" was diametrically opposed to the newspaperman's traditional (although perhaps naive) faith in reporting "what happens" and letting readers sort

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cut the consequences. This larger question was never far beneath the surface of those frequent Editor & Publisher editorials: What happens to reportage based on the excitement of unpredictable events and free will at work, when more and more front page material happens not because of individual will but due to group pre-planning?

![](https://samisdat.in/user/pages/03.books/1984%20-%20Reception%20of%20Edward%20Bernays%20Doctrine/read/_page_7_Picture_2.jpeg?g-16018011)

new set of outstanding human living symbols that will hold public confidence...Publicists, economists, leaders in research, the heads of great educational institutions can and should be made the human symbols to bring new faith and strength." Journalists compared statements of that sort by Bernays to the thoughts of Goebbels or, alternately, Stalin. But Bernays was able always to escape criticism of that kind. He escaped much less scathed than one might expect.

![](https://samisdat.in/user/pages/03.books/1984%20-%20Reception%20of%20Edward%20Bernays%20Doctrine/read/_page_8_Picture_2.jpeg?g-16018011)

encore you're puzzled as to whether or not he isn't Freud's uncle."

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Bernays' understanding of the importance of seizing the academies was another way in which he differed from Ivy Lee and some other early twentieth century public relations practitioners. Most of Bernays' peers were essentially nineteenth century journalists intent on pleasing their clients through adept use of the traditional, decentralized channels of

![](https://samisdat.in/user/pages/03.books/1984%20-%20Reception%20of%20Edward%20Bernays%20Doctrine/read/_page_10_Picture_2.jpeg?g-16018011)

communication. Bernays, however, anticipated greater centralization in government and media, and the consequent growth of a new bureaucracy. He advocated governmental licensing of public relations counselors, or at the least a set pattern of formal, university training befitting those who would form a latter-day mandarin class. Bernays also tried to enlist proponents of greater economic centralization in his public relations planning. One common misapprehension concerning Bernays was the idea that he was trying to hide his techniques and abilities from liberal critics. To the contrary, Bernays was one of the first to realize fully that American twentieth century liberalism would increasingly be based on social control posing as democracy, and would be desperate to learn all the opportunities for social control that it could. Thus his 1928 article in The American Journal of Sociology. Thus his candor in

Later, the association of Bernays and twentieth century liberalism became even clearer. The series of full-page advertisements during 1944 in The Nation and The New Regublic, which Bernays paid for and later issued as a book entitled Plain Talk to Liberals, shows the degree of similarity between Bernays and the left on the importance to "democracy" of economic planning and social control; a short book Bernays published in 1945, Take Your Place at the Peace Table, was a clear appeal for a form of mild corporate socialism. Professor Pitman Potter, reviewing the latter book in the American Political Science Review, noted with some puzzlement that the book was "a mixture

![](https://samisdat.in/user/pages/03.books/1984%20-%20Reception%20of%20Edward%20Bernays%20Doctrine/read/_page_11_Picture_2.jpeg?g-16018011)

of honest liberalism and incipient cynical fascism." But that mixture was exactly what Bernays believed to be essential, given his understanding of the failure of nineteenth century liberalism, and the twentieth century "necessity" of uniting liberalism with social control to avoid chaos.

What Potter did not understand, though, is that the contradictions apparent to a classically-trained political

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scientist formed a seamless web in the new world of public relations that Bernays was proposing. If the "individual common man" has no real individuality, as Bernays argued in Propaganda — only "rubber stamping" by one propagandist or another, then one more duping does no harm to individual souls. And if Hitler had hit upon the techniques and used them for evil purposes, then that would be all the more reason— given the inevitability of these techniques being put into use and the inability of men to resist them— for those hoping to avoid chaos to rush the techniques into use before evil could turn them into a triumph of fire.

Some recollections of intellectuals of that era give the political flavor of Bernays' ordinary discourse. Fulton Oursler describes meeting Bernays at a dinner party and perceiving him "A wily fellow, forever enchanted with his own skills... trying to apply the doctrines of his uncle, Sigmund Freud, to control the thinking of masses of people in behalf of big business, while advocating a kind of mild socialism of his own." John T. Flynn, writing in The Atlantic in 1932, caught this when he wrote that "Bernays is a philosopher, not a mere business man... Unlike his distinguished uncle, he is not known as a practicing psychoanalyst, but he is a psychoanalyst just the same, for he deals with the science of unconscious mental processes. His pusiness is to treat unconscious mental acts by conscious ones. The great Viennese doctor is interested in releasing the pent-up libido of the individual; his American nephew is engaged in releasing (and directing) the suppressed desires of the crowd.

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14

\[Bernays\] is none the less a philosopher because he does not wear side whiskers and drone in solemn and abstruse dullness, or because he has devised a way of running his philosophy through a meter and sending bills for the service."

Flynn also spotted Bernays' primary interest in popularizing his ideas in order to achieve real power, not wealth or status or even perceived power. After a few critical paragraphs concerning Bernays' financial connections, Flynn wrote, "In spite of all this, it must be said that Bernays remains singularly free from swank and make-up. Small of stature, careless in his dress, not always even newly shaved, he resembles rather a diminutive, absent-minded professor than the alert business man. What is more, he is utterly without posture when he talks about his profession. He offers no hypocritical explanations about the purposes behind his campaigns; he considers them quite proper..."

That was Bernays' style throughout his career: Throughout, Bernays stuck to his belief that the job of the public relations counsel was to produce socially useful propaganda.

Bernays, in other words, impressed some of the social thinkers of the 1920's and the 1930's because he seemed to be a fascinating man of ideas as well as practice. This trait has been particularly appealing to those social historians who have examined thoroughly the impact of public relations thinking on the general culture. J.A.R. Pimlott, in Public Relations and American Democracy, 1951, argued that Bernays' writing "stood alone among works dealing specifically with public relations in having exerted any influence outside the narrow public relations

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world or much influence within it." Daniel Boorstin called Bernays' writings "among the most sophisticated, philosophically self-conscious, and literate works on public relations." Harwood Childs praised Bernays for grasping the importance of group leaders in influencing the public, for stressing the vital impact of manufactured and dramatized events, and for thus understanding that publicity is only one of the multiple dimensions of public relations propaganda.

What was often missed even by the political scientists, though, was that Bernays was not a business conservative, nor a liberty-seeking liberal, but a man with the vision of authoritarian liberalism, mixed with corporatism, that few others were able or willing to proclaim so early on. Bernays not only rode the wave of popular psychology and desire for social control, but also became a seminal thinker concerning the means of synthesizing a new, Freudian perspective on man with the older practices of the publicists' trade. He proclaimed not just the inevitability but the centrality of propaganda techniques. A comment colorfully made in the show business newspaper Variety in 1960 may be the best testimony to his effectiveness: "Bernays did a book entitled Propaganda in 1928, but in those days propaganda was considered a rare form of word-racketeering. Today you can't see the truth for the slanted stories."

# Footnotes

1. See Ray Eldon Hiebert, Courtier to the Crowd: The Story of Ivy Lee and the Development of Public Relations (Ames, Iowa: Iowa State University Press, 1966).

![](https://samisdat.in/user/pages/03.books/1984%20-%20Reception%20of%20Edward%20Bernays%20Doctrine/read/_page_15_Picture_4.jpeg?g-16018011)

- Ibid., see pp. 315-317 especially.
- Edward L. Bernays, Propaganda (New York: Liveright, 1928),
    p. 159.
- 4. Bernays, "Manipulating Public Opinion: The Why and the How," The American Journal of Sociology, May, 1928, pp. 959.
- 5. Ibid.
- 6. l. e Bookman, April, 1924, p. 188.
- The Dial, May, 1924, p. 468.
- 8. Dry Goods Merchants Trade Journal, April, 1924, p. 100. Quoted in the superb bibliography compiled by Keith A. Larson, Public Relations, the Edward L. Bernayses and the American Scene (Westwood, Mass: F.W. Faxon, 1978). This volume appears to miss nothing, and often even quotes the most pertinent parts of the books and articles cited.
- 9. "Turning Public Opinion Your Way," Sales Management, March, 1924, pp. 648, 730.
- 10. The Survey, March 15, 1924, p. 714.
- The Dial, May, 1924, p. 468.
- 12. Ernest Gruening, "The Higher Hokum," The Nation, April 16, 1924, p. 450.
- ls. Critic and Guide, May, 1929, p. 197.
- 14. Henry Pringle, "Mass Psychologist," The American Mercury, February, 1930. pp. 156-157.
- 15. "Sea Heroes and Cigarettes," Inguiry, March, 1929, pp. 54-5.
- 16. Leon Whipple, "Letters and Life," The Survey, March 1, 1929, pp. 743, 747.
- 17. Max Freedman, ed., Roosevelt and Frankfurter: Their Correspondence, 1928-1945 (Boston: Little, Brown, 1967), p. 214.
- 18. E.T. Hiller, Principles of Sociology (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1933), p. 621.
- 19. Michigan Christian Advocate, July 14, 1932, p. 6. Cited in Larson, p. 483.
- 40. Editor & Publisher, December 29, 1928, p. 42.
- 21. Ibid., September 20, 1930, p. 42.

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- 22. Ibid., June 17, 1933, p. 40.
- 23. Ibid., November 11, 1933, p. 44.
- Ibid., October 26, 1929, p. 20. Some of the frustration was explicit; on December 7, 1929, Editor & Publisher included the following verses: "Eddie Bernays frames it up./ Frames what up?/ Frames 'news' up./ Eddie Bernays frames 'news' up/ And makes the papers cover./ Eddie Bernays gets the cash./ Gets much cash./ Eddie Bernays gets large cash/ That once went into paid space." (p. 54) Still, more than greed was at stake here. An Editor & Publisher editorial of September 15, 1928, referred to Bernays as the "most audacious, blatant, ponderous, insistent of the self-styled public relations counsel 'profession,' then noted that "no matter what virtuous men Mr. Bernays or Mr. Ivy Lee or other professional propagandists may be, the device they seek to establish in public life is dangerous because it is irresponsible and is calculated to break down advertising practice, which responds to checks and balances, evolved from experience and conscience during a century of study and trial." (p. 32) Advertising has also changed its character during the past half century, and it is now difficult to be so sanguine about its prospects, but the distinction between paid space clearly marked off as advertising matter, and public relations-created "situations of reality" which appear as news and carry the implicit third-party endorsement of a newspaper, is still a valid one.
- 25. Editor & Publisher wanted newspaper leaders to ask themselves that question. As one editorial of July 27, 1939, put it, "Perhaps someone can explain to us why it is that certain publishers who would instantly discharge a reporter for 'making news' will accept the synthetic news creations of pressagents..." (p. 32)
- 26. William Harlan Hale, "Youth Uses Its Own Head," in Alfred M. Bingham and Selden Rodman, eds., Challenge to the New Deal (New York: Falcon Press, 1934), p. 212.
- 27. Ernest F. Henderson, "Public Utilities -- Our 'New Deal' Devils," Barron's Weekly, August 12, 1935, p. 11.
- 28. Opinion, November, 1934, p. 35.
- 29. Editor & Publisher, September 14, 1935, pp. 8, 37. In 1935, also, an Editor & Publisher editorial writer could not resist getting off another timely zinger: "Eddie Bernays proposes a cabinet office of Secretary of Public Relations. Goebbels is our candidate. (February 23, 1935, p. 36).
- 30. "Untrammeled Press," Life, September, 1933, p. 12. Quoted in Larson, p. 474.
- 31. Bulletin of the Financial Advertisers Association, July:

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- 1935. Quoted in Larson, p. 377.
- 32. "Public Relations -- First in the Order of Business," Business Week, January 23, 1937, pp. 32, 36.
- 33. John B. Kennedy, "The Trumpeters' Trade," The Commentator, December, 1938, p. 37.
- 34. S.H. Walker and Paul Sklar, Business Finds Its Voice:
        Management's Effort to Sell the Business Idea to the Public (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1938), pp. 26-27.
- 35. Newsweek, February 3, 1947, p. 61.
- 36. "The Musician's Relation to the Public," Etude, April, 1936, pp. 209, 256. See also May, 1936, p. 292.
- 37. Maxine Block, ed., Current Biography: Who's News and Why: 1942 (New York: H.W. Wilson, 1942), p. 76.
- 38. Thomas C. Cochran and William Miller, The Age of Enterprise: A Social History of Industrial America (New York: Macmillan, 1942), p. 310.
- 39. Advertising Age. February 21, 1944, p. 39.
- 40. The Bernays paradigm, like much recent liberal thought which argues that need for greater political centralization, is based on a thorough-going historicism. Bernays emphasized that in a large scale society there were only two choices: manipulation or social chaos. He saw history moving in a certain direction and public relations practitioners obligated to climb on the locomotive. Like Karl Mannheim, who did not allow for the possibility that large scale societies could avoid a central planning mechanism— for Mannheim, the choice was only between good planning and bad—— so Bernays would not allow the possibility that true reality might reign; he could only emphasize that the choice was between construction of socially useful "situations of reality" and those natural realities which would lead to social chaos. In that sense he was very much in tune with Spengler, who closed his dismal book on the West's decline with the statement, "We have not the freedom to react to this or that, but the freedom to do the necessary or to do nothing. And a task that historic necessity has set will be accomplished with the individual or against him."
- 41. Bernays, Plain Talk to Liberals (New York: E.L. Bernays, 1945); Take Your Place at the Peace Table (New York: International Press, 1945).
- 42. American Political Science Review, August, 1945, pp. 818-820.
- 43 Thid

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- 44. Bernays, Propaganda. p. 20.
- 45. Fulton Oursler, Behold lhis Dreamer! An Autobiography (Boston: Little, Brown, 1964), p. 235.
- 46. Flynn, Atlantic Monthly, May, 1932, p. 563. Flynn noted that Bernays "is a social psychologist engaged in carrying out in actual practice" powerful psychological and sociological theories, and argued that Bernays' success led to questions about "what defensive mechanism society can erect to protect itself against such powerful and subtle forces." Flynn wrote that it was "barely possible" that individuals "now so freely exploited for ends which they often neither see nor understand may at last become so familiar with the public relations counsel and his methods that they will stop lending themselves to manipulation."
- 47. Ibid...
- 48. J.A. R. Pimlott, Public Relations and American Democracy (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1951), p. 11.
- 49. Daniel Boorstin, The Image (New York: Atheneum, 1962), p. 268.
- 50. Harwood L. Childs, Public Opinion: Nature, Formation, and Role (Princeton: D. Van Nostrand, 1965), pp. 276-278.
- 51. Variety, September 21, 1960, p. 76.

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