--- title: 'Jewish Ritual Murder: A Historical Investigation' url: 'https://samisdat.in/books/jewish-ritual-murder-a-historical-investigation-1944/read' markdown: 'https://samisdat.in/books/jewish-ritual-murder-a-historical-investigation-1944/read.md' lang: en date: '1944-04-28' description: 'HELLMUTSCHRAMM 1944 THEODOR FRITSCH VERLAG BERLIN by Hellmut Schramm, Ph.D. a translation by R. Belser of Der jüdische Ritualmo rd Eine historische Untersuchung von Hellmut Schramm Ph.D Copyright 1944 by Hellmut Schramm, Ph D This translation is dedicated to Dr. Hellmut Schramm, whose fate remains…' --- # HELLMUTSCHRAMM ![](https://samisdat.in/user/pages/03.books/1944%20-%20Jewish%20Ritual%20Murder%20-%20A%20Historical%20Investigation/read/_page_0_Picture_3.jpeg?g-16018011) 1944 THEODOR FRITSCH VERLAG BERLIN by Hellmut Schramm, Ph.D. a translation by R. Belser of Der jüdische Ritualmo rd Eine historische Untersuchung von Hellmut Schramm Ph.D Copyright 1944 by Hellmut Schramm, Ph D This translation is dedicated to **Dr. Hellmut Schramm**, whose fate remains unknown, and to **Julius Streicher** and all the other investigators who have paid with their lives for publicizing information about this subject. -- R.B. ![](https://samisdat.in/user/pages/03.books/1944%20-%20Jewish%20Ritual%20Murder%20-%20A%20Historical%20Investigation/read/_page_2_Picture_0.jpeg?g-16018011) ## **Table of Contents** | 5. Letter of Rohling to the Court at Cleves 430 | |---| | 6. Excerpt from speech of the attorney Dr. Braxa at Kuttenberg 432 | | 7. Alliance for the Solution of the Konitz Murder 434 | | 8. Excerpt from speech of Deputy Liebermann von Sonnenberg, 7 February 1901 43 | | 9. Table of Ritual-Murders established through present investigation 443 | | 10. Bibliography 451 | | Index of Locations 461 | | Index of Persons 465 | | | | | | | | Gallery and Maps Section | | Gallery and Maps Section Gallery I | | Gallery I Gallery II | | Gallery II Gallery III | | Gallery I | | Gallery II Gallery III Gallery IV Gallery V | | Gallery II Gallery III Gallery IV Gallery V Gallery VI | | Gallery II Gallery III Gallery IV Gallery V | | Gallery II Gallery III Gallery IV Gallery V Gallery VI | #### A Note from the Translator. . . In the original text, the author highlights the names of the important characters and emphasizes important features of the the case and/or documents by using a German form of emphasis: the insertion of spaces between the letters of a word. I've chosen to bolden these names for ease in reading, and so that a quick scan of the text while scrolling through it should be sufficient for you to find any references you may be seeking. Regmeister Main Page Zum deutschen Abschnitt \[to German Section\] ## Foreword --- # Page 1 Old Canaan was well acquainted with human sacrifice. We may leave it as an open question whether the remains of children's bodies, which have been found in Tanaak and Mutesellim in house-tombs, came from child sacrifice or the deceased children were simply buried there in the house, as the culture of Assur perhaps did. A genuine instance of human sacrifice by the King of Moab is found in *II Kings* 3:27, in which the king is under attack by the Israelites and: "Then he took his eldest son, who was supposed to succeed him as king, and sacrificed him as a burn offering on the wall. Then a great anger came against Israel, and they withdrew from him and returned unto their own land." This is certainly striking at the very least. One asks oneself why the people of Israel withdrew because of this sacrifice. This becomes clear when we recall that the old Hebraic religiosity dealt with human sacrifice. In *II Judges* 2:27-40, it is told how Jephtha sacrifice \[Many cultures sacrificed either a human being or animal during construction of a major structure such as a temple or bridge, and often sealed up the living creature in the walls.\]: "At the same time Hiel of Beth-El built Jericho. It took of him his eldest son Abiram when he laid the foundation and his youngest son Segub when he set the gates; according to the word of the Lord which he spake through Joshua, the son of Nun" Smith-Stübe brings out quite a number of such examples (XII) from the ancient East, but also among other peoples who knew the practice of human sacrifice. In Egypt the sacrificial animal was provided with a signet which shows the image of a chained man who has a sword at his throat. Plutarch tells that, according to a report of Aristodemos, during a plague in Sparta an eagle took from the priest the sacrificial knife with which he wanted to sacrifice the maiden Helen, and laid the knife upon a young cow. Apollodorus reports (*Bibl.* I, 9, i) that during a famine the son of Athamas, named Phrixus, was supposed to be sacrificed together with his sister. His mother Nephele rescued him on a ram. One should not press these biblical theories of the scapegoat too far, however. For why, today, is not a he-goat, but a rooster offered? As Rabbi Isidor Scheftelowitz attests to us in his dissertation *Das stellvertretende Huhnopfer* \[*The Representative Hen-sacrifice*\], (Isidor Scheftelowitz: *Das stellvertretende Huhnopfer*. Inaugural-Dissertation, Gießen, 1914) this *Kaporoh*-sacrifice on the 10th of *Tishri*, the Day of Atonement, continues to be practiced. Why just a rooster or a hen? Well, because "hen" in Hebrew is called *gèber* -- and "man" is also *gèber*! Nothing could be clearer. The hen is an excellent representative for a human being. Is it the only one? In the year 1530 a (XIV) baptized Jew by the name of Antonius Margaritha published a book which excited sensation at the time (*Der gantz Jüdisch glaub mit sambt eyner grüntlichen und wahrhaftigen anzeygunde, aller satzungen, Ceremonien, gebeten, heimliche und öffentliche gebreuch usw.* Leipzig 1530, 2.A., *gemehr und gebessert. Daselbst. Melchior Lotther. 1531. 109Bll.* (*Neu*)*Herausgegeben von Chr. Reineccius, Leipzig. 1705*) \[*The entire Jewish belief together with a true and basic report of all doctrines, rites, prayers, secret and public traditions, etc.* Leipzig 1530 2.A., *enlarged and improved. Melchior Lotther.* 1531. 109 pages. New edition by Chr. Reinccius, Leipzig. 1705\]. In this book he says expressly that for a sin-offering one "ain affen zu solchem nemen soll, dann der selb, sehe ainem Menschen am aller geleychesten" \["should take for such an ape, for that would seem most like a human being"\]. According to Oskar Goldberg's book *Die Wirklichkeit der Hebräer* \[*The Reality of the Hebrews*\] (1925), Maimonides has mistaken the essence of Yahweh as (being) that of a god directed against the order of Nature. In this debate Goldberg, an authentic *Chacham ha Yisroel*, becomes at once very candid and stresses: "What is the reason for eating? For the building of the body. Therefore the equation follows between sacrifice and eating, that the performance of sacrifice serves the formation of the divine organism. It says *expressis verbis* in the *Pentateuch* \[The first five books of the *Old Testament: Genesis, Exodus, Leviticus, Numbers*, and *Deuteronomy*; these are the so-called Mosaic books, which contain Mosaic Law.\] -- the sacrifice is designated as *lechem Elohim* \[the Hebrew translated literally is: "bread of the Lord"\] -- as the dish for the Lord." And now appears a highly significant passage. Goldberg emphasizes: "In conjunction with the laws of cleanliness and uncleanliness it should also be shown how an ethical law is derived from a ritual. The proscription 'Thou shalt not murder' is, by its character, an ethical law -- yet nonetheless it is a ritual. The *Torah* \[*Torah* = *Pentateuch*\] establishes this proscription by saying: 'The blood of the murdered man makes the land a hypocrite.' What does this mean? As pointed out, the blood of the sacrificial animal serves the formation of the divine organism. It is essential to the history of religion, that the Jews were the first people in the world capable of ritual, who exclusively used sacrificial animals. All other ritual-competent peoples of antiquity were dependent upon human sacrifice. That could not be otherwise, because their ritual became effective only through human sacrifice. For them, man and beast originate out of the same supernatural arrangement of Nature; therefore a beast cannot step into the place of a man. On the contrary: The Totem-animal is holy and inviolable. Abraham was the first to achieve sacrificing a ram in the stead of his In view of these things, it is unimportant that ancient peoples in times of their religious decline already placed animal sacrifice (XV) next to human sacrifice, just as it is a matter of indifference that before Abraham there were already great individuals who made use of animals for sacrifice, as for example Abel (Hewel), whom one can simply call the inventor of this type of sacrifice. The essential point remains this, that the divine organism can make use only of animal sacrifice -- whereas human sacrifice sets off in him the hostile and powerful effects which come from the natural order. Through the killing of a human being the incarnation of a foreign, hostile natural order is abetted. Therefore, says the *Torah*: 'The blood of the murdered makes the land a hypocrite.' That means: through such an act as murder the land appears as something different from what it is in reality. The land pretends to be the realm of manifestation of the Divinity presenting itself in the world -- but in reality it is the point of invasion of an alien, hostile power of nature -- That Jewry so taken up with Apologetics would have had reason to occupy itself with this explanation; for the proscription against killing a man out of ritual-reasons is the true 'refutation' of ritual-murder." Here Goldberg is playing hide-and-seek. He knows just as well as we do, that it is exactly the Gentile who is an animal according to Jewish law. The *Talmud* says explicitly: "You are called men, but the worldly peoples are not called men (but rather cattle)..." (*Baba meçia* 114b and similar passages). That the Gentile is a beast, has never seriously been contested by any Talmudist. Now if animal sacrifice is pleasing to Yahweh, then accordingly ritual-murder is legally justified, only the sacrifice of a Jew would be a sin against the ritual laws. "For the life of the body is in the blood, and I have given it unto you upon the altar, that your souls might be reconciled by it. For the blood is the atonement, because the life is in it" (*Leviticus* 17:11). Even the dismemberment of the sacrificial victim, which is typical of ritual-murder, and the dispatching of portions into other Jewish congregations, is already covered in the *Old Testament*. "And he took a pair of oxen and dismembered them and sent (them) into all regions of Israel through messengers and let it be said: whoever does not follow Saul and Samuel, thus shall it be done unto his cattle" (I *Samuel* 11:7), or the story of the Levite who wanted to stop at night with his concubine in Bethlehem, whom the inhabitants of Bethlehem, "evil knaves" (XVI) wished to rape \[to clarify: the men wanted to anally rape the Levite\] and who delivered up to them \[in his stead\] his concubine; she was abused to death by the Bethlehemites: "When he returned home, he took a knife and laid hold on his concubine and cut her up, along with her bones, into twelve pieces and sent them unto all borders of the kingdom" (*Judges* 19:29). So much did Jewry have the reputation in antiquity of ritual-murder, that this horrible suspicion was even transferred to the early Christian Church. Not only the Jews, but also the early Christians were accused of slaughtering children, and that a newborn child, strewn with flour, was offered as a mystical symbol of initiation to the knife of whoever wanted to be accepted into the sect, and the blood drunk by him before those present. One may leave it an open question whether or not we have here a matter of exaggeration and calumny; certainly a considerable portion of the early Christians upheld circumcision and other Jewish traditions. That they were held in suspicion of also committing the horrifying practice of ritual-murder is at least psychologically understandable, even if that, which Daumer states in his Geheimnisse des christlichen Altertums \[Mysteries of Christian Antiquity\] probably can by no means fully pass the test of criticism. Worthy of note, at any rate, are the remarks of Origen (Contra Celsum 1 §31): "The voluntary death of a man is a means of averting disasters and pestilence, plague, barrenness and the like." It is also unusual when Augustine says (Expositiones in Psalmos 103): "Our works the heathens may see, but not our sacraments." Why not? What was there to hide? These things might have haunted \[the Church\] up until the Middle Ages, and it might easily explain many a strange aspect of them. Jewry is biologically hereditary criminality, religious syncretism with a strong share of demonic belief. Who struggles against Jewry, that man "does the work of the Lord" and fights a godly battle. A valuable part of this struggle lies before us here, and I wish for him, that it might have much success. \-- Berlin, at the beginning of the war year 1941 Professor Doctor Johann von Leers Go to Author's Introduction Go to Chapter 1: Before 1840 Go to Table of Contents ## Introduction \_\_\_\_ Page 1 (p. XIX) Alfred Rosenberg ![](https://samisdat.in/user/pages/03.books/1944%20-%20Jewish%20Ritual%20Murder%20-%20A%20Historical%20Investigation/read/_page_11_Picture_6.jpeg?g-16018011) He was eliminated not only because he had realized the mentality of the Jew with razor sharpness, but primarily in consequence of the masterful direction, in the overwhelming majority of cases had eluded earthly justice. In the past century "of light," the century of the great Jewish "liberation" and then in an absolutely consistent progression in our time, the phrase of the philosopher **Seneca** seemed to find its final and fruitful confirmation: "The conquered have imprinted **their laws** upon the conquerors!" The governments of the individual nations of Europe had become the compliant tools of Judah. During his own day, one of those German scholars was already able to discover this from his own bitter experience, whose life's work had likewise fallen victim to Jewish intrigues -- the old Johann Andreas **Eisenmenger**, who died in 1704 as Professor of Oriental Languages in Heidelberg; he cited in his *Entdecktes Judentum* \[*Judaism Discovered*\] the following passage from the words of the Jewish convert Dietrich **Schwab** (307): (XX) "If the Jews get a government which favors and is well-disposed toward them, then they say: What a decent government this is! It accepts gifts gladly, therefore it's **like the Jews**, but there's a distinction! With this word they want to imply that they are better still than such a government, of however high a class it ever might be. . . ." "On the other hand, even devout Christian theologians adopt the expression by which the Jews are the Chosen People of God and moreover play the role of prison chaplains for whom every convict is an \*\*innocent man\*\*; since for one thing he of course protests his innocence, and secondly he hasn't set down in writing any notes about his alleged crime. . . The noble simplicity of these gentlemen is worthy of admiration. . ." wrote the Hamburg University Professor Siegfried \*\*Passarge\*\* in the year 1928 in the foreword to the 2nd volume of the Brafmann \*Das Buch vom Kahal \[The Book of the Kahal\]\*. -- The "noble simplicity of these gentlemen" is not only admirable, it is unscrupulous! They are the "unscrupulous brokers of the stock exchange of religion," the "incurable cancer," as the Jew \*\*Bogrow\*\* pointed out among his own people in his \*Memoiren eines Juden \[Memoirs of a Jew\]\* which appeared in 1880. Joining with the representatives of the theological faculty are renowned individuals of the remaining disciplines. When the Jew \*\*Beilis\*\* was standing trial in Kiev because of a ritual-murder committed against a 13-year-old schoolboy, a Werner \*\*Sombart\*\* wrote thusly in 1912 in his \*Zukunft der Juden \[Future of the Jews\]\* (Leipzig, 1912, page 57): It is the Jewish people who, since the time of the Prophets, have brought the great ethical tone into the Concert of Humanity and continue to bring it through their best sons even today. The great tragic pathos which the natural world wishes to demoralize, comes in the end, indeed, from Judah and has merged from there into Christianity. . ." (XXI) "We never want to lose the deep, sad Jewish eyes. . ." The common bond of both -- of state and church representatives -- was formed, moreover (or better: simultaneously -- with that strange attitude of mind which still England, the classic nation of World Freemasonry -- in 1717 the first free masonic lodge was already founded in London -- and of World Jewry -- as the infamous Jewish governess of Europe, naturally gave protection and help to Jewish ritual-murderers! That is shown very noticeably by the omission of the otherwise usual diplomatic "caution" in the ritual-murder trial of Damascus (1840) and Tisza-Eszlár (1882) just as during the events on Corfu (1891). "Thrice fortunate Britain, how much more worthy of envy than thy powerful fleets do thy citizens, thy parliament, and thy (judeo-"Christian") meetings make thee! Happy people, who have these things," exclaimed Jew Loewenstein with enthusiasm in the years of the beginning Jewish emancipation -- but these connections shall also be more closely illuminated in what is to follow! Jewry itself now first brought to bear its "intellectual leader class" when it saw the time was ripe; that is, when there was fear that the situation for the ritual-murderers and their task-masters was turning critical. But still years later, after absolutely "satisfying" successes, the lay of the land was being "sounded." Each more recent circumstance shows quite clearly with what shrewdness Judah takes into account the chronically poor memory of certain responsible circles of Gentile humanity: before one proceeds to a new ritual-crime, the last slumbering suspicion of Jewish perpetration must be brought to the vanishing point -- or is it merely accidental that ten (!) years after the blood-murder of (XXII) Tisza-Eszlár and a year after Xanten and Corfu, a Paul Nathan, Doctor of Philosophy, performed his clever and unscrupulous diversionary maneuver (der Prozeß von Tisza-Eszlár -- Ein Antisemitisches Kulturbild and Xanten/Kleve; Betrachtungen zum Prozeß Buschhoff, both appeared in Berlin in 1892) \[The Trial of Tisza-Eszlár -- An Anti-Semitic Cultural Form and Xanten/Cleves; Reflections upon the Buschhoff Trial\], and a few years later new, horrible crimes already followed? For the Polna blood-murder (1898/99) another young Talmudist, the Jewish Berliner "counselor," Arthur \*\*Nußbaum\*\* (\*Der Polnaer Ritualmord-prozeß\* -- \*Eine kriminal-psychologische Untersuchung\*, Berlin 1906)\[\*The Polna Ritual-Murder Trial\* -- \*A Criminal-Psychological Examination\*\] took over this role seven years \*\*after\*\* it and six (!) years after the \*\*Konitz\*\* crime, supported by the Berlin University Professor of the \*\*Law\*\*, Dr. Franz v. \*\*Liszt\*\*, privy-councilor; already, in 1911, the ritual-murder of little \*\*Andrei Yustschinsky\*\* in \*\*Kiev\*\* followed, after an \*\*entire series\*\* of "puzzling" murders which remained unsolved had also occurred on German soil. Those "uneducated" persons, however, who did not tire of calling attention to this monstrous Jewish peril despite these Jewish tactics of muddying the waters -- Theodor \*\*Fritsch\*\*, \*\*Liebermann von Sonnenberg\*\*, Otto \*\*Glagau\*\*, Dr. Ernst \*\*Henrici\*\*, the \*\*Förster brothers\*\*, and as was said of all the best, were showered with a deluge of slanders, insinuations and insults, and according to the "judgment" of Paul \*\*Nathan\*\*, they formed "the morally and intellectually backward elements of the But the Gentile peoples, who knew on the basis of centuries-long gruesome experience exactly where the satanic murderers of their children were to be sought, and who, after each newly occurring crime, were able to recall earlier crimes carried out similarly in every way, comprised those very "classes of the people, in whom that kind of suspicion still lives; among the \*\*well-dressed rabble\*\* it has followers, and these \*\*mentally low-level classes\*\*, who are open to \*\*fanaticism\*\* and \*\*superstition\*\*, were goaded so long by political unscrupulousness (XXIII) until for them, the trial against one Jew seemed like a trial against Jewry. . ."(Nathan). The "colleague" of Nathan, Arthur \*\*Nußbaum\*\*, speaks of a "backward, religious rural population" and concerning it, that it is noteworthy "that all modern 'ritual-murder cases' have occurred in villages or small cities. . .," while for the theological faculty of the University of \*\*Leiden\*\* ("Christian witnesses \*\*against\*\* the blood-accusation against the Jews, etc.") it is merely a matter of "a superstition of deeply ignorant and disregardable people"! The opposition to the Jews as such, however, and the appearance of reaction of any one people which has still not totally submitted itself to the Jewish bloodmonstrosity, must "be extirpated, root and branch," and "the fight against them is for Jews and \*\*free-thinking Christians\*\* an act of \*\*enlightened patriotism\*\*" (Nathan). A Christian theologian -- he stresses at the time that he is not of Jewish origin -- the Berlin Theology Professor, privy councilor of the Consistory, D. Dr. H.L. \*\*Strack\*\* wrote accordingly in the year 1920, when his Fatherland was lying bled-out on the ground, the malicious sentence: "The Germans are also called Huns because they are considered to be anti-Semites. . ." For this he cites, referring to \*\*himself\*\*, \*Ephesians\* 6:14: "Therefore stand, girt round thy loins with truth and put on the armor of righteousness!" (\*Jüdische Geheimgesetze\*?, 1920, page 29) \[\*Jewish Secret Laws\*?\]! -- We shall have to discover during the course of the investigations which lie before us, that a man like \*\*Strack\*\* was by no means a singular phenomenon. . . The expenditures by which threatening trials were nipped in the bud by the Jews, or when (in what were very rare instances) it was no longer possible to redirect the course of a court hearing, were enormous. At any rate, these machinations allow the \*\*consciousness of guilt\*\* of Jewry to be all the more clearly recognized and are, for this reason, (XXIV) represented with especial thoroughness. "A magically powerful bond is irrefutably wound about us from pole to pole, Israel lifts its voice as if with one throat and defends the \*\*purity of the Mosaic Law\*\*. ." wrote the old Jew \*\*Mendelssohn\*\* with a smile after the Jewish triumph in \*\*Damascus\*\* in 1840 in a "public letter" from Paris, and \*\*Crémieux\*\*, one of the leaders of World Jewry and a high-degree Freemason, as he looked back, could claim for the same reason in \*\*Vienna\*\* that "sympathy for our maliciously persecuted brothers was awakened as if Characteristically, two politicians from that land which had become a downright Dorado of Jewish murder-plague -- Hungary -- had very keenly recognized this indirect confession of the World-guilt of Judah. As the Hungarian magnate Géza von Ónody wrote in his well-known publication about the ritual-murder of Tisza-Eszlár in 1882: "It is likewise an undeniable fact that the whole of Israel identified itself with the accused schächter \[German has two words for those who butcher animals: der Schlächter and der Schächter; the former has the same meaning as the English word "butcher," but the latter refers to Jewish ritual-slaughterers.\] and their accomplices in the goal of misdirecting the administration of justice and thereby sanctioned, so to speak, the mentioned fact of a barbaric fanaticism." His companion in this struggle, the Knight Georg v. Marcziányi, asked in the same year: "Now who pays these sums, since the majority of the accused are beggarpoor Polish Jews? What other reason can Jewry have, therefore, for identifying itself with the Tisza-Eszlár monsters, than that of common awareness of guilt, and is this not nearly equivalent to the recognition of the existence of a blood-sacrifice ritual being practiced in secret in the Mosaic racial religion, the general knowledge of which is supposed to be suppressed at any price?" The motto of that Jewish world-alliance, founded by Crémieux in the year 1860, the Alliance Israélite Universelle (AIU), which also had "to protest" \[the innocence of\] Jewish ritual-murderers and their followers in times to come, reads, with real meaning: "All Jews vouch for one another" -- from the least Galician Jewish beggar up to the Jewish Lord, the last and greatest Jewish secret was defended. Certainly for this reason it is totally absurd when historians, (XXV) though they have recognized the existence of ritual murder, wish to ascribe it merely to a special "sect," \*Hassidim\*, to some sort of "blood-alliance," to a secret organization, or to the "Odists" ("Haters") in the sense of Siegfried \*\*Passarges\*\*. \*\*Every\*\* Jew knows all about these matters and is, as the investigations to come show, even actually prepared at any time to at least provide support! \[The translator takes strong exception to this claim while acknowledging that it contains a \*grain\* of truth.\] zealous defenders of Jewish interests! In the 20th century, then, the Jew Cheskel Zwi \*\*Klötzel\*\* was able to maintain entirely with logic that the Christianity \*\*of today\*\* no longer meant danger, while Jewish hatred toward it was hotter than ever! This hatred becomes simply infernal when Jewry senses anywhere a beginning opposition to Jews, a beginning realization of this natural enemy of human society and human culture. It is very interesting to discover that that suspicion, which in the course of the centuries escalated to a desire to destroy, again and again circulated about \*\*Germany\*\* -- Judah has ever had a fine sensitivity for where the (XXVI) actual danger was waiting for it -- an instinct of the desert. In the framework of the investigations to be examined here, we must nevertheless maintain that the Jewish world power in increasing measure from century to century had remained the victor for reasons which will become clearer. Once a high \*\*Milan\*\* Catholic cleric, \*\*Athanasius Fern\*\*, made this assessment: "Jews were and still are well accused and even condemned (Damascus, Lutscha), but no longer executed in the Century of Light. . ." "Never was Jewish money as powerful, never has the blindness of formalistically trained judges been as great as it is today; Israel triumphs in every trial. But is it truly victorious? I say: No! These bloody acts cry to Heaven, they shall one day be terribly avenged. In the long run, the consciousness of the people will not be mocked. Then shall the eyes and the ears of those, who, out of the arrogance of education or for the sake of the ringing of Jewish gold-pieces, do not now wish to see or hear, be horribly opened. . . " (A. Fern). We have become aware of the difficulties of our own work; yet it is valid to present what is in parts very difficult and dry material in a manner that will be generally understood. For this treatise has fulfilled its goal of supplying a further useful weapon for the final struggle with the Jewish world-octopus which is before us, if it can be put in the hands of every comrade of the people: this has obliged me to the most exacting scientific detailed work and doing without anything superfluous. Only a superficial or malicious judgment can impute to my work "prejudiced" attacks upon a certain circle of our people; this would be contradictory to the National Socialist attitude and to the sense and goal of the work! Thus far, however, let it be unsparingly emphasized that a category of persons already closely defined above represented Jewish interests (XXVII) and has been consciously acting completely contrary to the natural demands of the people. The time has come for the thousand-year Jewish secret to be exposed to the light, as the old Ghillany prophesized over a hundred years ago; may this work, which has been many years in the making, be called upon to keep coming generations alert! In the war year 1941 Dr. Hellmut Schramm Go to Chapter 1: Before 1840 Go to Table of Contents !\[\](\_page\_18\_Picture\_4.jpeg) days' duration in remembrance of the removal of the "Children of Israel" (6) from Egypt. We can visualize what is said about the mass-slaughter of the first-born Gentile children in Egypt in \*Exodus\* 12:30: "...and there went up a great wailing in Egypt, for there was no house in which there was not one dead", so we can understand that the institution of the Passover according to the instruction of the Jewish blood-god Yahweh: "...you shall have this day for remembrance and shall keep it as a feast to the Lord (Yahweh)" (\*Exodus\* 12:14), can receive its consecration in the Jewish sense only through acts of murder of non-Jews. A similar feast of murder are "the days of \*Purim\*", named after the \*Pur\*, or the lot, which was cast, "to terrify and to kill," a lot which delivered up to the Jewish slaughterers over 75,000 of the best men in the ancient Persian kingdom of King Xerxes, who had surrendered himself to alcohol through the machinations of \*\*Mordechai\*\*, a Jewish beggar who had ascended to the position of Court Jew, and his niece and royal concubine \*\*Esther\*\*; among the slaughtered was \*\*Haman\*\* and his ten sons; Haman was aware of the enemy and had clearly recognized the looming Jewish danger: "...there is a people, scattered and dispersed among all the peoples in all lands of your kingdom, and their law is different from that of other peoples, and they act not according to the laws of the king" (\*Esther\* 3:8). The \*Purim\* feast "they hold for two days each year, as they were ordained and appointed" (\*Esther\* 9:27); this "feast," according to its entire historical or perhaps only legendary core, is likewise an explicit feast of revenge "at which Jewry strikes dead its enemies, at least in thought" (according to the assessment of the Jewish "Professor" Gunkel), just as the \*Book of Esther\* is a document of the first water of the most unrestrained and limitless Jewish revenge against all non-Jews, about which \*\*Luther\*\* (\*Table-Talk\* 2996, Erlanger Edition Volume 62, page 181) made the judgment: "Oh how they love the \*Book of Esther\*, which is in such fine tune with their blood-thirsty, eager-for-revenge murderous desires and hopes! The sun has never shone upon a more blood-thirsty and revenge-hungry people, than these who think of themselves as God's People, that they should murder and throttle the heathens." Under the pressure of historical material, even the Vatican saw itself forced on 18 November \*\*1913\*\* to render its expert opinion unmistakably on the matter of Jewish ritual-murder as follows: "It is to be regarded as proven that it is an old Jewish custom to murder Christian children at Easter time." The documents relating to this, in the original texts written by the popes, are found in the Vatican Library. Already in 1892 the Milan \*Osservatore Catolico\* published a list of 154 attempted or completed ritual-murders, from which it emerged that Jews sacrifice the blood of non-Jews on Good Friday. But when, a year after the victory of National Socialism in Germany, a Catholic opponent of the Jews maintained the fact of the ritual-murder custom in Austria in 1934 in a special monograph, the papers distanced themselves from him and his work was generally discredited because it "was un- Christian" (Theodor Fritsch: Handbuch der Judenfrage \[Handbook of the Jewish Question\]). Moreover, Judah itself has always had a very bad conscience. Thus, during the middle of the 13th century (see the passages relating to this in this book) a Jew who had mutilated his female servant for ritual purposes was prevented from confessing the true reasons for the crime shortly before his execution, so that he might not be able to say anything to the detriment of Judaism. On the occasion of the ritual-murder trial at Damascus in \*\*1840\*\*, there was an attempt with enormous expenditure of money and just as great political pressure, to cause a personage in authority to omit the planned translation of the \*Talmud\* and other books, using the extremely revealing argument that this would mean a "humiliation of the Jewish Nation." But in truth, "the Jews no longer had the hope of denying what was proven during the course of the trial, namely that the blood of all non-Jews belongs to them." Thus a French compiler of the trial, Achille \*\*Laurent\*\*, expressed it, in his work dealing with the entire trial against the Jews in Damascus, which was published in \*\*1846\*\* in Paris and soon disappeared in a mysterious manner (Volume II, 1846, page 292, cited by G.d. Mousseaux; see more about this below.): "Swallowed up by Jewish gold, this historical memorial has almost completely vanished; one still comes across some single copies only in the places which are unreachable by Jewish claws. Translated in \*\*Italy\*\* and reissued several times there, the same persecutory rage descended upon it and made it disappear. The publication of P. de \*\*Mondovi\*\* of \*\*Marseilles\*\* about the same subject is likewise unable to be found, although it had \*\*several\*\* editions. This hunting down \[of such works\] has its good reasons. One does not seek to destroy trial documents if one is innocent of the crimes which they contain. . ."(Henri \*\*Desportes\*\*: \*Le mystère du sang chez juifs de tous les temps\*, Paris, Savine, 1889, page 189). Of what further dangerous things there are in the Jewish books of law, the Jews themselves know very well. (9) A \*\*Lemberg\*\* Jewish paper (2) wrote thusly: "To promote a translation of the \*Schulchan aruch\*(3), is a base thing and a forgetting of God. For this translation, should it occur (which may God prevent!) will necessarily bring down upon us the misery of our brothers 300 years ago in Spain." -- Let it be noted: "necessarily"! To the Orientalist Johann Andreas \*\*Eisenmenger\*\*, who died totally impoverished in Heidelberg in \*\*1704\*\* in a "sudden death," 10,000 Taler were "bid," if his work were left unpublished -- according to the valuation of money at the time, this was a sum from which he could have lived comfortably. But since he assessed truth higher and his book \*Entdecktes Judentum\* \[\*Judaism Discovered\*\], despite repeated attempts at bribery, nevertheless did appear, it was confiscated by the political pressure of World Jewry. Another scholar, \*\*Raabe\*\*, who translated the \*Mishnah\*, the basic text of the \*Talmud\*, completed about \*\*200 A.D.\*\*, received from a Mannheim Jewish middleman an offer of 3000 Taler together with a beautiful villa on the Rhine, if he gave up the publication of his work. . .At the beginning of the 19th century the revelations of \*\*Neophyte\*\* concerning the Jewish blood-practice appeared. Behind this name was concealed, as could first be determined many decades later, the former Rabbi \*\*Noe Weinjung\*\*. His work was extirpated by his racial comrades, and it would have been completely lost to the future if some Greek and Italian translations, which also have again become very rare, had A "sudden death" overtook Doctor \*\*Pinner\*\* at the moment when he had translated the first part of the \*Talmud\*. . . Others, who could not be immediately eliminated for one reason or another, were nonetheless slowly harried to death with the same end result, with the support of authorities belonging to the Jews and by "Christian" theologians; such was the case for \*\*Justus\*\*-Briman, who published his \*Judenspiegel oder 100 neuenthüllte\*, heutzutage noch geltende Gesetze der Juden \[Jewish Mirror or 100 newly discovered and still currently valid laws of the Jews\], and also for the Orientalist at the University at \*\*Münster\*\*, \*\*Jakob Ecker\*\*, who completed and wrote commentaries for the Jewish-Mirror, and even beyond his death in \*\*1912\*\* -- he died as a highly respected Professor at the Bishop's Priest Seminary at Trier; he was slandered in shameless fashion by the Weimar Regional Rabbi \*\*Wiesen\*\*. About the treatment which was accorded to the Prague University Professor August \*\*Rohling\*\*, a book hardly laudable to the situation obtaining in the Royal and Imperial Monarchy could be written, and even in the most recent times, 1933, the hospitality of Leiden University was withdrawn from Johann von \*\*Leers\*\* by the old \*\*Huizinga\*\*, because the German scholar had also written about Jewish ritual-murder. . . With these names only a few striking examples have been emphasized -- they will be dealt with yet in another connection Jewry knew why it persecuted these men with downright satanic hatred, \*\*Maimonides\*\* knew why he taught: "If an unbeliever reads the \*\*Talmud\*\*, so has he deserved \*\*death\*\* . . .": Ritual-murder exists not just in the "hysterical fantasy of out-worn superstition," the confessions of ritual-murderers can not be subsequently devalued as "extracted by torture," on the contrary, they are documentary and authentically evidentiary records of Jewish murder, which prove as factual the occurance of ritual murders up to our own time, for Jewish ritual crimes will be committed as long as the Chosen People are at all able to encyst themselves in Gentile humanity, and as long as the (11) true reason for these satanic crimes is not shown in all sharpness: \*\*as a lawfully dictated, repeated with strange regularity, tied neither to place nor time, and conscious profanation of the non-Jew who is considered the equivalent of cattle; crimes which because of this have never been totally fought against because their secret motives remained unknown and the non-Jew, confronting these facts in stunned bewilderment, still seemed inclined to submit himself to the blood-monster of the Jewish desert-god.\*\* During the course of the centuries, in warding off these Jewish crimes and their perpetrators, the people oftentimes grasped at self-help, though no lasting success attended it, since the protection of those to whom the blood and honor of the people was entrusted, faltered. But the people nonetheless emotionally and correctly recognized what their spiritual or secular authorities in nearly all cases either didn't want, or were not allowed, to see -- that the Jew and his crimes are constantly and unalterably the same, or, as a chronicler plainly and rightly says in his description of the martyrdom of a child kidnapped for ritual-murder in the year \*\*1724\*\*: "The Jews are still Jews, and not one hair better than they were before this" (Ignatius Zach von Wilthau: \*Das heilige Kind Andreas von Rinn\*, Augsburg, 1724) \[\*The Holy Child Andreas of Rinn\*\]. Two centuries earlier the great adversary of One question naturally occurs: Are ritual-crimes still possible today? The New Germany would have the right to be freed from Jewish murders; the representatives of the "Chosen People" living among us know that the mere attempt or the mere preparation for such a murder would unleash measures against it which would put Judah in an even greater state of shock. In \*\*169 B.C.\*\*, the Temple of Jerusalem was plundered. The King \*\*Antiochus Epiphanes\*\* of Syria discovered a hidden chamber in which a Greek was found, who implored the king for rescue: he said that he had been lured into the Temple by Jews and held prisoner. In response to his questions, his guards had told him that a secret law existed with the Jews which commanded them to sacrifice a human being each year at a certain time. (\*\*Apion\*\* in his -- as is typical -- vanished book \*Gegen die Juden \[Against the Jews\]\*. The above passage is cited in the counter-argument of the Jew \*\*Josephus\*\*: \*Josephus contra Apionem\*, II, 8) \[\*Josephus against Apion\*\]. Among other things, Josephus asks: ". . . Why should the Jews have chased after only the Greeks, when other strangers still travelled through Palestine!" We can only respond: They took the very men whom a favorable opportunity placed in their hands! It is conspicuous that Josephus, among the very feeble arguments in his "defense," did not introduce the very ones which are brought up first and foremost today by the Jews, that in particular it is strictly forbidden to the Jews to consume blood, that the "heathens" are held to be "unclean", and so forth. (See Ghillany: \*Die Menschenopfer der alten Hebräer\*, page 545 and following.) \[\*Human Sacrifice of the Ancient Hebrews\*\]. At \*\*Easter time\*\* of the year \*\*1144\*\* (Bollandists, \*März III\*, 588/91) \[\*March III\*\] the Jews at \*\*Norwich\*\* in \*\*England\*\* took prisoner a twelve-year-old boy William, chained him and pierced the body of their victim with sharp instruments. The blood flowing from out of a wound near the heart was collected. In order to retard the rate of blood flowing out, the sadistic murderers basted the child's head with hot water. The corpse was put into a sack and thrown outside of the place into the shrubbery. The chief official of the place, who had been bribed by the Jews, held back a detailed announcement. Finally, however, the murder was atoned for. The victim was canonized by the Church. England had still further blood-crimes to record in the 12th century, as in 1160 at \*\*Glouchester\*\* (\*Mon. Germ. hist.\* Script. VI, 520; Boll., \*März III\*, 589). \[View image of William from Norwich Cathedral here\] In \*\*1181\*\*, under the government of Henry II, the chronicler reported a completed ritual-slaughter of the boy \*\*Robert\*\* at \*\*Easter time\*\* in \*\*London\*\* (Boll., \*März III\*, 589). According to the \*Monumenta Historica Germaniae\* \[\*Historical Records of Germany\*\] (\*Scriptores\*, vol. VI and also \*Acta sanct. März III\*, 591) during the \*\*Easter feast\*\* of 1171 a boy from \*\*Blois\*\* was crucified and thrown into the Loire in a sack. Count Theobald of \*\*Chartres\*\* had the leaders burned Those who converted to Christianity were pardoned. In France, furthermore, in the cellar of the castle of \*\*Pontoise\*\* (14) on the 25th of \*\*March\*\* of the year \*\*1179\*\*, a boy was scourged by Jews and stretched on a cross to be bled to death under the mocking shouts from a raging mob of Jews. The child has entered the roll of martyrs as "Holy Richard of Paris" and is highly revered by the people (Boll., \*März III\*, 591). His body rests in the Church of the Innocents at Champeaux. \[What a contrast there is between 1943, when this was still true, and the Paris of 2001, where a Jew is "Minister of Culture" and of course doing his utmost to annihilate and miscegenate every last trace of genuinely French/European culture from the country.\] D'Arbois de Jubainville reports in his Geschichte der Herzöge und Grafen der Champagne \[History of the Dukes and Counts of Champagne\] (Paris, 1865, Part I, page 72) under the date of April 15 of the year 1192, the following facts: The Jews of Braisne had crowned a Christian with thorns, led him through the streets with hands bound behind his back, whipped and crucified him; this happened under the eyes of the Countess Agnes von Dreux who had been bribed by the Jews. "The outrage was universal. King Philipp August, just returned from the Holy Land, went in person to Braisne and had 80 Jews burned." The king had the firm conviction that annually during Holy Week the Jews secretly sacrificed a Christian. Although the Jews in his kingdom, but especially in Paris -- the "Jewish Athens" of that time -- had great influence, this king found the rare courage to take draconian retaliatory measures. The Jew Caro in his Sozial- und Wirtschaftsgeschichte der Juden \[Social and Economic History of the Jews\], I, page 362, speaks however of a "cruel procedure in Bray-sur-Seine (1192), when 80 and more (Jews) met their death,' but prudently omits statements which approach the reasons for this "persecution of the Jews"! In the 13th century this terrible custom seems to have spread more and more. In \*\*Zaragoza\*\* the Jews made a law among themselves that anyone who delivered a Gentile child into captivity should be free from all debts and fees. During the long reign of King \*\*Alfonso X\*\* the "Wise" (1252-1284) countless ritual crimes, in part judicially and historically attested, occurred on Spanish soil. \*\*Alfonso X\*\* of Castile was finally so convinced of the fact of blood-murder, that in the 24th volume of the penal code \*Las Partides\* (named after the the seven divisions) authored by him, he enclosed the following regulation in his own hand: "Since it is legally proven and established that the Jews (15) \*\*annually\*\* murder Christian children before their \*\*feast of Easter\*\* for the mocking and humiliation of Christianity and likewise for the goal of \*\*blood-sacrifice\*\*, I command that every Jew who is convicted of such a crime, or who even, for the purpose of of the symbolic mockery of Christendom, crucifies a figure representing a Christian copied out of wax, will become a child of death!" Jews were not allowed to leave the house during the \*\*Eastertime\*\*. The sexual intercourse of the Jews with Christian women was made punishable by death. Truly, a wise king, but unfortunately an exceptional phenomenon in terms of his conduct. (Géza von Ónody, p. 79; see also G. Caro II, 239). In the year \*\*1220\*\* at \*\*Weißenburg\*\* in Alsace the child Heinrich was killed by Jews (\*Acta sanct., April II\*, p. 505). Jews in Munich extracted from a small child by means of piercings and incisions all the blood, "while they made use of their customary criminal practices" (H. Desportes, p. 65). The crime was discovered by accident: 140 Jews were condemned to a fiery death (see Meichelbeck, \*Geschichte von Freising\*, II, 94)\[\*History of Freising\*\]. In the year \*\*1235\*\* the population of Germany grasped at self-help against this murder-plague after a series of bestial murders: From 1 - 3 January of the year 1235 (Aronius, \*Regesten z. Gesch. d. Juden in fränk. u. deutsch. Reich\*, page 206)\[\*Collection of Documents for the History of the Jews in the French and in the German Kingdom\*\] as a result of the murder of a boy there, a persecution of the Jews took place at Lauda and the neighboring \*\*Tauberbischofsheim\*\* (Baden), at which houses and property of the Jews were destroyed by the enraged crowd and eight highly placed Jews were burned. At the beginning of December of the same year the population of \*\*Wolfesheim\*\* (at Straßburg) also resorted to self-help: after the murder of a citizen 18 Jews are supposed to have been killed in the course of the persecution. A general wave of outrage moved over Germany when two \*\*Fulda\*\* Jews on Christmas Day \*\*1235\*\* attacked five boys in the mill of a miller who lived in front of the gates of the city and had gone to Holy Mass with his wife, miserably killed the boys, collected their blood in a prepared pouch and finally had set fire to the mill to cover the tracks of their bestial atrocity. But the bodies of the children were brought as \*corpora delicti\* into the Reichspfalz to \*\*Haganau\*\* to the Emperor (16) Frederick II; their arrival set the population into terror and outrage. But the Emperor, after shortly before having received a high sum of money from Jewish hands, merely gave the answer: "If they are dead, so go and bury them, since they're of no use for anything else" (\*Si mortui sunt, ite, sepelite eos, quia ad aliud non valent.\* -- Aronius, page 208). The citizens of Fulda nonetheless took another position, understandable to us: with the cooperation of crusaders who were present there, they slew 32 Jews of their city, men and women. Since a general persecution of Jews loomed, the Jew-owned Frederick II summoned an assembly of clerical and secular princes to Hagenau in July 1236. But after he had again been successfully bought off with large sums from the Jews (accepta tamen a Judeis magna pecunia, Aron., page 217), he appeared convinced of the innocence of the Jews. The Jews achieved acquittal and beyond that, an imperial letter of protection. Everyone was forbidden to express further accusations against Jews. "For tracking down the truth" from the lands of all the lords "baptismal candidates (thus baptized Jews) experienced in the Jewish law" were summoned, who "did not tarry long at court" and who reached the result that "neither in the Old or the New Testament is it found that the Jews are greedy after human blood. . We allow the fact with very firm acceptance, that those very people for whom the blood of even permitted animals is forbidden, could have no thirst for human blood, because of the terribleness of the thing, because Nature forbids it and because of the kind of relationship which associates it with the Christians. . . "\\\_\\\_(5) Ten years later Pope Innocent IV based his decision upon the Imperial pronouncement of judgment from July of that same year, which delivered the nation up to even future Jewish murderers and child-desecrators. With explicit reference to the events of Fulda, this pope acquitted the Jews from the suspicion that they made use of the blood for ritual purposes after the commission of a blood-murder of a twelve-year-old girl on Tuesday of \*\*Easter week\*\* of 1247 in Valréas (Department Vaucluse); (17) he \[stated that he\], the Pope, did not want Jews, whose conversion was awaited by the Lord, to be unfairly (!) persecuted. The bishops in Germany received an express papal directive on 5 July \*\*1247\*\*, to show \*\*favor and mercy\*\* to the Jews and "to legitimize their status" (Aron., p. 242) (6). In this position of "legitimized status" sanctioned by Emperor and Pope, the Jews were able to continue to lead their victims to slaughter; the defenders of the slaughterer \*\*Buschhoff\*\* at his The historian \*\*Matthias Parisiensis\*\* reports, according to the account of the Hungarian diplomat Géza von Ónody(7), that during the reign of King Henry III, the Jews of Norwich kidnapped a Christian child in \*\*1235\*\*, kept him locked up and fed for a year in order to slaughter him as sacrificial lamb for the celebration of the \*\*Passover festival\*\*. The execution of the crime was prevented through a betrayal, and the Jews who were brought before the King confessed the intended ritual-slaughter in all of its details. Henry III imposed a lenient punishment, allegedly out of charitableness. The Jews showed their thanks by committing an entirely similar type of crime hardly a year later. In this case a child was held prisoner in a shack belonging to the estate of a rabbi. The Bishop of \*\*Norwich\*\* brought criminal charges against the murderous pack. After several fruitless attempts at bribery, the four main culprits were condemned to death and were broken on the wheel. The French historian \*\*Basnaye\*\*, who describes in all his works the accusations against the Jews as "malicious inventions," makes an exception in his mention of this case, for he writes: "It seems that the Jews of \*\*Norwich\*\* were incorrigible, since within five years they were condemned for the same crime four (18) times."(8) -- A similar crime occurred on 1 December 1235 at Erfurt (Desportes, page 66). In the year \*\*1250\*\*, in Aragon, at the end of August \*\*Moses Albay-Huzet\*\* (Albayuceto) delivered the seven-year-old \*\*Dominicus del Val\*\* to the Jews for crucifixion (\*Acta sanct.\*, 6th Volume of August, pp. 777-783). The victim had been nailed to a wall; the stabbed body was deposited on the banks of the Ebro River. In the same year a rabbi sacrificed a Christian child in his own house at \*\*Orsona\*\* in Castile (Henri Desportes, \*Le mystère du sang chez les juifs de tous les temps\*; Paris, Savine, 1889, p. 67). The most awful crime of English Jews which was judicially established, is reported by Géza von Ónody according to authentic court sources, in his book about \*\*Tisza-Eszlár\*\*. Before the feast day of Sts. Peter and Paul in the year \*\*1255\*\*, the Jews in \*\*Lincoln\*\* kidnapped the eight-year-old (later canonized) boy Hugh and brought him into the house of the Head Rabbi there, (19) \*\*Copinus\*\*; after the child had been held prisoner and flogged daily for twenty-six days, his executioners formed a law court and brought the innocent creature before it. A Jew played the role of Pilate and condemned the child to death on the cross. The rest of the Jews present functioned as executioner's henchmen. The child was nailed to the cross and made to bleed to death. When the guiltless victim had finally expired under the most terrible torments, the Jews ripped the bowels from out of his body and prepared various talismans from them (10). The mutilated corpse was thrown in a well, which led to the discovery of the crime. The chief perpetrator, the Head Rabbi, was dragged to death by horses, while the accomplices died on the gallows; the threads of the crime extended back to London, and in total 91 Jews were imprisoned. But the judicial investigation further brought the following to light: The Jews of \*\*Lincoln\*\* had "invited" to this horrible spectacle of the crucifixion In this century ritual-murders were repeated at all (20) parts of the British island; in May 1287 all the Jews of England were arrested and thrown into prison; in 1291 the Council in London under Edward I finally drew the necessary conclusions and by command of the King banned "for all time" this murder-plague from England. From then on, until the year 1657 there were no Jews in England (\*The Letter of Instruction\*, VI, 4, p. 167). According to a document of 1 July 1267 (Aronius) the Jews in Pforzheim placed a seven-year-old girl Margaretha upon a several-times folded piece of linen, wounded every joint in her body, and with their combined strength squeezed out her blood, which was carefully gathered into the linen. The corpse of the child was weighted with stones and cast into a body of flowing water, where it was found after a few days by fisherman, who noticed a hand sticking out of the water. The Jews convicted of the crime were first broken on the wheel and then hanged. Two of the murderous culprits mutually strangled each other in order to escape the revenge of the people (Aronius, p. 306). The stabbed and cut-to-pieces body of the girl was buried in a stone casket in the castle-church at Pforzheim. The Dominican nuns at Pforzheim reported in their chronicle, that the grave was opened in the year 1507 in the presence of Cardinal Bernhard and the little corpse was found still uncorrupted. In 1647 it was transferred to Baden. The gravestone, still present in the castle-church at Pforzheim, declares explicitly, handed down under the exact date, that the child was killed by Jews: "Margaretha a Judeis occisa ob. feliciter Anno Domini MCCLXVII. Cal. Jul. fer. VI" (Sachs: Geschichte der Markgrafschaft Baden-Carlsruhe\[History of the Margravate of Baden-Carlsruhe\], II, 1767, p. 15 and following -- Also briefly mentioned in the Zeitschrift für die Geschichte des Oberrheins \[Magazine for the History of the Upper Rhine\], IX, Karlsruhe, 1858, p. 271, Nr. 17). In a later report the question is raised in connection with this crime, as to why the Jews had the custom in every (!) nation in which they were living, of shedding Christian blood. So one should surely know that every year in each nation the relevant city or region would be chosen by lot, which would have to supply the Christian blood necessary for ritual purposes to the Jews (Thomas de Cantimpré: \*De vita instituenda\*, II, Chapters 29, 23)! Likewise around this time (1270) a Jew at St. Dié, who (21) had violated his Christian servant-girl after previously rendering her unconscious in order to gain her blood -- the Jewish compiler of this document speaks of an "operation" -- was brought before the court of the Duke of Lotharingia and condemned. His execution was done in this manner: tied to the tail of a horse, he was dragged to the gibbet and hanged upside-down. The contemporary report, however, brings out the following extremely typical turn of events: As the Jew, preparing himself at the place of execution, wanted to speak once more, to confess the reasons (!) for his crime, he was prevented from doing so by the executioner, so that nothing to the disadvantage of his racial comrades could be said (\*ne forte aliquid in opprobrium Judaeorum loqueretur\*)! Obviously the executioner had been bribed beforehand, although his corruption is called into doubt by the Jewish publisher of the report(11). In Mainz a child was sold to the Jews by his nurse and slaughtered by the former in April of the year \*\*1283\*\* (Athanasius Fern, \*Jüdische Moral und Blut-Mysterium\* \[Jewish Morals and the Blood-Mystery\], Leipzig, 1920, p. 23 and also \*Annales Colmariensis\* \[Kolmar Annals\]). The historian \*\*Papebroch\*\* industriously collected in one volume of the \*Acta Sanctorum\*, (April II, p. 697/740) all documents which refer to the slaughter of the Werner from \*\*Oberwesel by St. Goar\*\* and thereby gives us valuable material. In the middle of \*\*April\*\* of the year \*\*1287\*\*, this young victim of satanic Jewish blood-thirst was (22) slowly tortured until he bled to death. To his memory and as a memorial of this atrocity the (uncompleted) St-Werners-Kapelle was later erected above Bacharach. \*\*Gougenot des Mousseaux\*\* (in the translation by A. Rosenberg) covers the death of Werner of Wesel from the Bollandists, "the mighty researchers in the field of history," as follows: "It was a poor day-laborer 14 years old, named Werner. The faithful of the \*Talmud\* took him into service and used him to shovel out the dirt in a cellar. His landlady, uneasy about this, said to him: 'Be careful of the Jews, Werner, for \*\*Good Friday\*\* is approaching!'. . . The Jews dragged him into the cellar and gagged him. . . then they bound him head downward to a wooden stand. Then they began to strike the boy with a lash, opened his veins with his very own knife that he carried with him, and squeezed the blood from his body. They let the body hang, until all the blood had been gotten from it." In the following year, \*\*1288\*\*, the Jews of \*\*Bern\*\* at \*\*Easter\*\*, on the 17th of \*\*April\*\*, kidnapped a boy named \*\*Rudolf\*\*, put him through terrible sufferings, and finally slaughtered him in a cellar by cutting his neck. The main perpetrators were broken on the wheel, and the accomplices driven away. The council of the city decided from thence forward not to suffer Jews and the victim was later canonized by the Church (\*Acta sanct.\*, 2nd Volume of April, p. 504). The grave of the child in the parish church in \*\*Bern\*\* was a place of pilgrimage for several centuries, "until the new Gospel \[i.e., Lutheranism or Calvinism\], as those who believe differently like to say, came into fashion, and the original reason of all this taken away. . . "(H. Murer, \*Helvetia sancta\*, p. 299). During these years, in Oberwesel, Bacharach, Siegburg, and numerous other places, persecutions of the Jews broke out as a consequence of repeated murders or attempted murders of children. Emperor Rudolf I (1273-1291) von \*\*Habsburg\*\* received from Jewish hands 20,000 Marks and commanded the Archbishop Heinrich of Mainz to solemnly announce in a sermon that the Christians had done the Jews the greatest injustice, and that the corpse of Werner should (23) be burnt and the ashes scattered to the winds! "At this sermon of the Lord Archbishop, more than 500 armed Jews (!) sat there so that, in case a Christian wanted to raise objections, they could immediately kill him with their swords" (see \*Chronik von Kolmar\*, II, Pabst, Berlin, 1867, p. 158). Later, \*\*Rudolf von Habsburg\*\* tried to impose a tax on the Jews but was unable to put it through. . ." (Das., p. 163). The Jew \*\*Caro\*\* cynically remarks in his \*Sozial- und Wirtschaftsgeschichte der Juden\* (II, p. 196):". . . The King finally stepped in. Total calming of the aroused crowd did not, at any rate, take place and for \*\*1287\*\* and the following years the names of martyrs of a \*\*not inconsiderable\*\* portion of the community are handed down \[to us\]. . ." In 1303, at Easter, Jews from Weißensee in Thuringia caught the schoolboy Conrad and gave him a gruesome death, as they cut into his muscles and opened his veins to squeeze out the blood. The desecrated corpse they hung up to mock in a vineyard. Soldiers under the leadership of Friedrich, the son of the Landgraf Albert of Thuringia, raided the murder-band and quickly despatched them to their deaths. (Tenzel, \*Monatliche Unterredungen\[Monthly Discussions\]\*, July 1693, p. 556). Go to Before 1840/Page 2 Back to Table of Contents ----- ----- ## Page 2 (p. 23) A Bohemian chronicle reports from the \*\*same year\*\* (see Dr. E. Bischoff in \*Juden und Christenblut\*, Berlin, Dewald) \[\*Jews and Christian Blood\*\]: "After the envoys of Otto had withdrawn from Prague, the Jews resolved to commit a horrible crime at the holy \*\*Easter celebration\*\* against a Christian man; they dragged him to a concealed area, hanged him naked up on a tree, and while they stood around, some would spit on him, others struck him blows with their fists, and still others did to him (24) everything which Christ once had suffered from that hideous and infamous people." In the County of \*\*Savoy\*\* several children disappeared, again at \*\*Easter time\*\*, and so also at \*\*Geneva\*\*, \*\*Rumilly\*\*, \*\*Annecy\*\* and elsewhere. A Christian, \*\*Jaquet of Aiguebelle\*\*, confessed that he had sold the children by arrangement with the Jew \*\*Acelin\*\* from \*\*Tresselve\*\* to other Jews. \*\*Acelin\*\*, for his part, admitted that he resold the children to his religious comrades. The latter had killed the children and from their brains and bowels had prepared a salve or \*aharace\* dish (i.e., \*charoseth\*, a sauce in which the bitter herbs are dipped on the first evening of the Passover) and given of it to all the Jews (H.L. \*\*Strack\*\*: \*Das Blut in Glauben und Aberglauben der Menscheit\* \[\*Blood in the Religion and the Superstition of Humanity\*\], Munich 1900 p. 144). atil Around the same time, in the region of Cologne, a small boy -- "Hänschen" \[This is the diminutive and affectionate form of the name "Hans"\] -- was taken by Jews on the way to his monastery school of St. Sigbert and in a "secret location" cut to pieces with knives until he expired (\*Acta sanct.\*, \*März III\*, 502). On \*\*Good Friday\*\* of the year \*\*1347\*\* the Jews of \*\*Messina\*\* crucified a child (H. Desp.: \*Le myst. du sang\*, p. 73). On 2 March \*\*1349\*\* Jews stole the four-year-old son of a \*\*Zurich\*\* shoemaker and cut up his body; the blood was collected. The body was thrown into the so-called Wolfsbach \[literally: Wolf's Creek\] where it was soon discovered in the mud. An altar was erected in Münster, "through which devotion increased by the day, until the city renounced the old Catholic faith; thereby the devotion of all their old forebears vanished and was entirely extinguished. . ." (H. Murer, \*Helvetia sancta\*, p. 312). According to the decree of 15 July \*\*1394\*\* the Jews under the government of Charles VI were expelled from France because of \*\*repeated\*\* ritual-murders of children (26) and other intrigues injurious to the community; in the actual Kingdom of France, there was no longer one single Jew for a span of a century; only in the enclave of \*\*Avignon\*\* belonging to the Pope did a Jewish community maintain itself.(12) In \*\*1401\*\* in \*\*Diesenhof\*\* in Württemberg, the four-year-old \*\*Konrad Lory\*\* was slaughtered; his blood was supposed to be delivered to the Jew \*\*Vitelmann\*\* by a groom \[i.e., stable hand\] for three Gulden; the former was burned and the latter broken on the wheel (\*Acta sanct.\*, 2nd Volume of April, p. 838). The Acta sanctorum \[Deeds of the Saints\] (II, April, p. 838) and H. Desportes (p. 74) list further ritual-murders -- all at \*\*Easter time\*\* -- for the year \*\*1407\*\* in \*\*Crakow\*\*, \*\*1413\*\* in \*\*Thuringia\*\* and for \*\*1420\*\* in \*\*Tongern\*\* in \*\*Limburg\*\*. The \*Judenbüchlein\* of Johann Eck of the year \*\*1541\*\* reports that in the year \*\*1420\*\* Archduke \*\*Albrecht\*\* of \*\*Austria\*\* had 300 Jews burned at \*\*Vienna\*\*, because these men had murdered three children. In \*\*1452\*\* several Jews at \*\*Savona\*\* (near Genoa) killed a two-year-old child; they perforated the body in every direction, caught the blood in the vessels in customary use at the circumcision of their sons, and cast the blood-emptied corpse into a (28) cesspool. The blood, mingled with pieces of fruit, was eaten in ritual Form (A. Spina, \*de bello Judaeorum\* III, 7) \[Concerning the War of the Jews\]. The young son of the physician Salomon of Genoa stated the following as an eye-witness of this bestial murder: "They led in a Christian child of two years: one Jew took him by the right arm, the other by the left arm, the third by the head -- thus \*\*cross-like\*\* -- the fourth had a sharp and long needle or graving tool and he pierced the child in the belly and then the heart, quickly drew it out and then quickly stabbed again, the blood flowed out copiously into the basin until the child died, and they threw \[the body\] into a hidden room, and they dipped berries, apples and other fruits into the blood and ate them." In \*\*1453\*\* Breslau Jews enticed a child to them, fattened him for some time and then stuck him \[inside\] a barrel with nails, which they rolled back and forth until the blood was withdrawn from the victim in this manner. (H. \*\*Desportes\*\*, \*le myst. d. s.\*, p. 76). In July of the year \*\*1462\*\* ten Jewish merchants, returning from the market in \*\*Bozen\*\* which in earlier times had four markets, passed through the Inn valley. They had already "come to terms" \[i.e., in a business agreement\] in advance a month before with the farmer Hans \*\*Mair\*\* from the village of Rinn near Innsbruck: he, the godfather and uncle of the three-year-old Andreas \*\*Oxner\*\*, who had been entrusted to the protection of his uncle after the early death of his father, resolved to deliver his ward to the Jewish gang without the knowledge of the boy's mother in return for a hatful of Jewish gold pieces. "The mother of little Andreas had hired herself out as a harvester at \*\*Amras\*\* which was about two miles distant, but wasn't able to take her child along that far away. That is what the betrayer had counted on. Thus she gave the child over to the protection of his godfather and urgently recommended him to his protection. It was not without misgiving that she took leave of her child !\[\](\_page\_33\_Picture\_0.jpeg) Every single one of the Jews committed exceptional atrocities on the victim, even the dead body was further profaned and then hung up on a tree, which was supposed to represent a cross. The murderers got away unpunished. The farmer Mair of Rinn, the guardian of "Anderl \[diminutive of Andreas\] of Rinn" succumbed to madness and had to be restrained in chains in his own house. The victim of the ritual-sacrifice was buried at first at the cemetary of Rinn, but later buried in a special niche. Around this niche the story of the martyr is immortalized in image and inscription. Pope Benedict XIV in the Bull Beatus Andreas \[Blessed Andreas\] took the occasion of February 22, 1755 to deal with the Jewish ritual-murder at some length. Further, before this, there were the notes of the Bollandists (Acta sanct., II, July, p. 462) as well as the Beschreibung der Marter des heiligen Andreas von Rinn of Ignatius Zach (Augsburg, 1724) \[Description of the Torture of Saint Andreas of Rinn\]. The cult of the child martyr has lasted up until our own day; The Diocese of Brixen on July 12th celebrates the feast of the blessed Andreas of Rinn, its diocesan patron. Dr. Jos. Deckert writes in addition (Vienna, 1893): "The child of Rinn was thus really the victim of fanatical Jewish hatred and is rightly revered as a martyr by the Catholic Church." The church in the Diocese of Brixen has, among others, a prayer which says that "the blessed Andreas was killed by disloyal Jews in the cruelest fashion". Around \*\*Easter time\*\* of the year \*\*1468\*\* the Jews in the small Spanish city of \*\*Sepulveda\*\*, at the behest of their Rabbi (30) Salomon Pecho, nailed a young girl to a cross and pierced her all over. By order of the Bishop \*\*Juan Arias de Avila\*\*, the convicted Jews were brought to \*\*Segovia\*\*. Following the judicial process the main perpetrators were condemned to death at the stake, the remaining Jews who had taken part in the torture were, for one group, condemned to the gallows and the wheel, while those of the other group were strangled in prison. The rest were expelled from the city (Colmenares in \*Historia de la insigne ciudad de Segovia\* and \*Synopsis episcoporum Segoviensium\*, p. 650). !\[\](\_page\_34\_Picture\_1.jpeg) Because the objection to this record could be made of \[being\] a belated account --\\ninexact because the report did not provide documentary evidence -- we will not base our own account on it, any more than upon the pictorial representations of this murder made by contemporaries, such as (for example) the extremely instructive woodcuts in the \*Judentum\* \[\*Judaism\*\] of \*\*Georg Lieb\*\* (Volume II of the \*Monographien zur deutschen Kulturgeschichte\* \[\*Monographs for German Cultural History\*\], p. 17/20.) In the Vienna Hofbibliothek \[Court Library\] however, there still today is incontrovertible evidence: the comprehensive trial documents composed in medieval judicial Latin of the Trent child-murder from the year 1475! These are not disputable. The 613 folio pages of the Vienna Codex come from the hand (31) of the recorder of the Trent trial, Johann v. Fatis Furthermore, the library of the Vatican at Rome possesses a Latin handwritten codex from the years 1476-78, composed following the Trent ritual-murder trial from the year 1475/76. Pope Sixtus IV charged a commission of six cardinals and outstanding jurists in Rome with the task of re-checking once again the trial documents. The most important Italian legal scholar of his time, Franz Panvino of Padua, held the chairmanship of this commission. This was the context in which the codex was composed. This interesting manuscript was made use of on many occasions, as emerges from the frequent marginalia, but was then missing again for centuries. In a special Bull of 20 July 1478, Sixtus IV had declared the court procedure to be faultless and bestowed the highest praise upon the conscientiousness of the judges -- and Pope Benedict XIV designated the codex as authentic. In 1881 this old manuscript was rediscovered and published in excerpt form in the Italian newspaper Civilità cattolica. In the governorship archive at Innsbruck the Catholic vicar Dr. Jos. Deckert was in charge of over 200 document files (interrogation protocols), letters and drafts relating to Simon of Trent, originally preserved in the Consistorial Archive of Trent and originating in the year 1475; Deckert published the result of this in the framework of his 1893 treatise: Vier Tiroler Kinder, Opfer des chassideischen Fanatismus, which had as consequence, that today there still exists but one copy of this "dangerous" work in one single public library of Greater Germany! \[and today??\] In \*\*1588\*\* \[the year of the Spanish Armada\] and in \*\*1593\*\* a so-called \*Relatio italica\* was printed at Trent. The historiographers already mentioned several times, the \*\*Bollandists\*\* (\*Acta sanct.\*, Martii, tom. III, p. 494 etc.) worked from it and, what is of most significance for us, they included in their report a detailed letter of the famous physician \*\*Hans Mathias Tiberinus\*\*, who had to examine the body as expert witness and already 14 days later communicated his findings to the city council at \*\*Brixen\*\*. In addition, the indisputable and fully objective findings from the examination of the body, determined by three Trent physicians still \*\*before\*\* the arrest of the villains, have been handed down to us! They convey to us in the most precise way the horrible (32) manner of death of the 28 month-old, who was later beatified by the Church. at play, \*\*Simon Gerber\*\*. He was lured away with games to the house of Samuel and there locked within until full darkness The eldest of the Jews, an old man of 80 years, Moses "the Old One," began the slaughtering by ripping out a piece of flesh from the child's right cheek with pincers; the other Jews followed suit. The down-flowing blood was caught in a tin platter. In a similar manner the right leg was mutilated. The remaining parts of the body were punctured with long, thick needles (\*acum a pomedello\*), in order to obtain the last of the blood. Finally the circumcision was performed. At the conclusion, the executioners imitated the crucifixion, in that they held the convulsively jerking creature stretched in the four directions with the feet extended uppermost (\*in modum crucis\*), as the rest of the Jews again pierced him with needles and sharp instruments. The murderers screeched: "That is what we did with Jesus, to \[such an end\] may all our enemies come forever." The still weakly breathing child was killed by smashing his skull bones; at this, the Jews joined in a hymn of praise to Yahweh. The child's blood was collected into a pot and divided among the individual Jewish families. The Easter banquet could be prepared. (33)The child's corpse, displayed upon the Almenor (altar) of the synagogue on Good Friday and befouled, mocked and profaned by all of the Jews residing in Trent, was -- after it had temporarily been hidden under the straw of a storehouse -- finally thrown into a watery ditch which flowed past in the vicinity of the house. In order to divert from themselves the suspicion which was growing ever stronger, the Jewish criminals believed themselves to be especially cunning when they were first to give report to the Bishop of Trent of the horrifying discovery of a mutilated child body, after the parents, supported by numerous inhabitants, had vainly searched and the city gates had been closed as a precaution. Yet they thereby delivered themselves up \[to justice\]. The type of wounds, never before seen, and the tender age of the victim brought the authors and instigators \[of the crime\] before the court. Here they finally admitted -- separately questioned from one another -- all details of the shameful crime. The wives of two of the main accused gave the informative statement that already, in earlier years, similar child-murders had been performed which had all, however, remained undiscovered. ........................................ The trial, conducted by the Trent authorities with extraordinary thoroughness, extended over three full years; just under the date 7 July \*\*1478\*\* there appears in the documents the note (Rome): \*causa contra Judaeos finita\*! There were good reasons for this long duration of the proceedings! The rich Jews of Italy, although in their social standing still held within certain limits, exercised a great influence already at that time by means of their money and their physicians at the courts of Italian princes and even at the papal court. Supported by their well-off racial comrades living abroad, particularly in the commercial regions (34) of South Germany, they set heaven and hell in motion to suppress the Trent trial or at least to salvage what was still to be salvaged -- "for the golden calf bestirred itself: and the Jews from all nations pooled much money and accomplished much with it." (\*Judenbüchlein\* of D. Joh Eck!) The uprisings against the Jews of Italy up until then had been caused, as in other nations, mostly by their inhuman usury, which even many princes favored for various reasons -- "loans" at 80-100% \[interest rates\] and more were the rule. Now however, through Trent, "things were coming to light which the Jews wished to be covered by eternal night" (Deckert). A thirst for blood, a satanic fanaticism was revealed which surpassed any capacity of the imagination; rumors which till then had been constantly nourished by bad experiences, had found their confirmation, that in human society racially alien individuals, with complete consciousness, murder and slaughter in order to obtain blood for ritual purposes, and that all this is grounded in tradition kept with strict secrecy! What wonder, that no means was left untried -- from gold to poison. . . According to Deckert, one passage (p. 15) in the documents reads exactly: "The people of Trent would like to preserve the honor of their paternal city according to their powers against the Jews, who would have set heaven and hell into motion in order to obtain in Rome (!) one commissioner favorable to their case. They procured many patrons for themselves with money. . ." We begin with the prince in charge, Duke \*\*Sigismund of Austria\*\*: he had the trial stop for the first time, just a few weeks after its start, \*\*during the interrogations\*\*. The second interruption was caused by \*\*Pope Sixtus IV\*\*, who gave the curt justification that the arrival of his authorized Legate, whom he had advised \*\*beforehand\*\*, should be awaited; Bishop \*\*Hinderbach\*\* of Trent, who was conducting the investigation, received a papal letter, according to which he might not further proceed against the Jews, because \*\*some princes disapproved of the whole case!\*\* The announced Papal Legate then made his appearance in the person of the "Commissar" Bishop \*\*Baptista dei Giudici\*\* (35)von \*\*Ventimiglia\*\*, referred to in the documents in the abbreviated form of his place of birth. He was a favorite of the Pope, his countryman and most intimate confidante. In the letter already cited, he is most enthusiastically recommended by the Pope as "Professor of Theology," as "\*vin doctrina ac integritate praeditus\*" \[i.e., "a man gifted in doctrine and with integrity"\], and therefore a man "outstanding" in scholarship and \*\*honesty\*\*. If we have the right, considering "our mental disposition" (Paul Nathan), to doubt the first quality, then it is all the more worthwhile to examine more closely the second when it comes to the matter of excerpts from the documents! On his way from Rome to Trent, he appeared in \*\*Venice\*\* in the company of three Jews, but had to "withdraw from there unwelcomed" due to the prevailing mood of the populace, which was hostile to Jews. "There can be no doubt that the Jews, through their \*\*influence at the Papal Court\*\*" -- so wrote the Catholic Vicar Deckert -- "managed to get \*\*Ventimiglia\*\* \[appointed\] as Legate, as a man \*\*favorable to their interests\*\*." In \*\*Trent\*\* the Legate was -- as he himself admits in a letter -- received in the friendliest fashion by Bishop \*\*Hinderbach\*\*; the latter put at his disposal his magnificent castle as living quarters and supported him in the most willing way in the investigation of the entire affair. But shortly after his arrival, \*\*Ventimiglia\*\* -- who had openly shown his friendliness to Jews -- entered into close relations with the Jewish spy "Wolfgang." After barely three weeks he found his quarters in the bishop's palace too damp and unsuitable, complained about his affected health and withdrew to \*\*Roveredo\*\* -- in truth, \*\*Hinderbach\*\* would have been able to keep too close an eye on him: "In \*\*Trent\*\* no one could have come to him without jeopardy (that is, unseen!) for fear of the bishop (Hinderbach) and the people; but there \[Roveredo\] he would have a \*\*more secure\*\* place." There, in \*\*Roveredo\*\*, in the Jewish headquarters, the wealthy Jews had assembled with their lawyers; already on the 24th of September, \*\*Ventimiglia\*\* could report to \*\*Hinderbach\*\* that "the advocates of the Jews have appeared before him, in order to defend their case. . ." Moreover, they put forward the proposal that the trial documents be turned over to them; they, the Jews, had given him to understand at the same time that they would procure \*\*the remedies\*\* for the restoration of his, the Legate's, health! The priest (!) \*\*Paul de Novaria\*\*, a Jewish spy, had slipped into the Bishop's castle and for two months copied the trial documents, since \*\*Hinderbach\*\* had not delivered these to the Jewish attorneys. In a trial convened in connection with this \[i.e., the copying of the documents by de Novaria\], this "priest" admitted to having been in negotiation with the Jews of \*\*Novarra\*\*, \*\*Modena\*\*, \*\*Brescia\*\*, \*\*Venice\*\*, \*\*Bassano\*\* and \*\*Roveredo\*\* for the freeing of the imprisoned Jews. He had advised removing the grating from the ditch so that the witnesses could say that little Simon had fallen into the ditch and been swept away. . .He had received funds from the Jews with which to bribe the valet of the Bishop, so that the former \*\*would poison the Bishop\*\*; 400 Ducats had been promised to him, should his plan succeed. The Bishop's Secretary, \*\*Gregor\*\*, had been assigned the leadership of this part of the trial. At the beginning of the trial the accused priest refused to confess \*\*orally\*\*, he would only do so in writing. In an unguarded moment, he cut off his tongue "scaplro liberario -- thus, with a pen-knife -- and threw it into the toilet. . .The same priest \*\*Paul\*\* had still been hired to poison the city magistrate of Trent, \*\*Hans v. Salis\*\*. To give the trial against the ritual-murderers yet another twist, through a shameful maneuver (37) (promises of money, a hoax involving a letter of safe-conduct) a completely unsuspecting incorruptible Trent citizen by the name of \*\*Anzelin\*\* was lured to \*\*Roveredo\*\*, held prisoner in his quarters by \*\*Ventimiglia\*\* against all law and tortured \*\*daily\*\* so that he would accuse a Trent couple (\*\*Zanesus Schweizer\*\*) of the child's murder! Later, this unfortunate man stated that the Papal Legate inflicted upon him a "painful interrogation" (= torture) so that he would say \*\*what he knew nothing about\*\*. . .For the most part he was hidden under a bed; only when \*\*Jewish\*\* visitors had come was he allowed to emerge. Every evening Jews came to them to consult with the Legate. \*\*The Jews had often counted out money\*\*. Finally, because nothing could be gotten from him, he was released on condition that he would say nothing about the incident! But "in these long, hard struggles for truth and justice" (Deckert) \*\*Hinderbach\*\*, who was surrounded by \*\*German\*\* men who were impervious to Jewish bribery, finally came off the victor. Through his energy a trial procedure had been made possible, which can stand as a laudable exception before history and its research and which can still, centuries later, supply us with the most valuable material. At the end of October \*\*1475\*\*, \*\*Hinderbach\*\* gave a report about the exact investigation, the capture of the guilty, their consistent confessions, and their just conviction to all eligible princes. He possessed the courage to designate the "investigation" which the Papal Legate had begun, concisely as well devastatingly in his accounting, as \*curruptam inquisitionem\*. (38) Ventimiglia had finally dug his own grave: his "mission" had taken on such a scandalous shape that the Pope had to leave him to his fate, good or bad. The populace had risen against the Legate and mocked him in derisive songs as Caiaphas \[i.e., the High Priest who plotted Christ's death\] and as "pseudoantistes Judaeorum" \[antistes, the Latin term for a temple overseer or priest; thus: a pretended high priest of the Jews\] much to the anger of the Pope. "But it has displeased the Pope that his Legate has been everywhere convicted \[i.e., in the judgement of the people\] of injustice, that satires and epigrams have been published against him and that he has also been mocked pictorially. Hinderbach would like to put a stop to this in his diocese" (documents). At the end of 1477 in an energetic letter, Hinderbach asked the Pope "to make an end to this scandal at last. . .all are rebelling against this, and he (the Pope) might want to appoint another man Commissar, who would be a friend of the truth." "Rarely has a Legate so deeply damaged the papal prestige in Germany..." (Deckert). could hold as immune to Jewish attempts at bribery. \*\*Hinderbach\*\*, born in Hesse (born \*\*1418\*\* at Rauschenberg in Hesse) in observance of his governmental duties conducted the trial to its just conclusion despite indescribable difficulties. He had spurned at \*\*repeated\*\* intervals high sums of money from Jewish bribery (as can be concluded from his own letters), which was all the more to his credit since he often had to struggle with financial embarrassment. He did not even fear death by poison, which had been threatened for him. "With him stood courageously in the battle the German men, Podestà of Trent, \*\*Hans v. Salis\*\*, and the city chief \*\*Jacob v. Spaur\*\*, who bowed neither to Jewish nor to Italian intrigues, as is provable from repeated documentary protestations" (Deckert). Because of the threatening danger of plague, the approbation of the trial documents in Rome was delayed. (39)Finally, on the 20th of June 1478, the Bull of Pope Sixtus IV to Bishop \*\*Hinderbach\*\* confirmed that the trial against the Jews had been conducted \*ad normam veri juris\* \[= to the standard of true or valid law\]. The children of the executed Jews were supposed to be \*\*baptized\*\*. According to the \*Judenbüchlein\* of D. Eck, Trent cost the Jews 120,000 Gulden. "For the Jews, \*\*according to their practice\*\*, have exerted themselves with gold and money so that \[their\] misdeeds be suppressed; they offered Duke \*\*Sigismund\*\* many thousand Gulden if he would let the Jews off; they wanted to \*\*build a new castle\*\* for Bishop Johann v. Hinderbach. . ." Those who had been convicted of the crime of child-murder had died the most shameful sort of death: after having been broken on the wheel they were next tortured and burned. Moses "the Old One," the head of the Jewish community, had already killed himself in prison. Four of those who were complicit or accomplices were baptized and pardoned. The synagogue-house of Samuel was torn down and \*\*Hinderbach\*\* had a chapel for the victim erected on the site, which was enlarged in \*\*1647\*\* through donations of the citizens of Trent. Since attacks by Jewish rabble were feared, Emperor \*\*Maximilian\*\* gave orders for the guarding of the grave of the martyr, whose name was accepted into the Roman Martyrology under \*\*Gregory XIII\*\*. In \*\*1480\*\*, \*\*Hinderbach\*\* had to address the bishops of Italy in a circular due to misuse by mendicant friars of the collection for the holy martyr Simon! To the present day, Simon of Trent is the patron saint of the Diocese of \*\*Trent\*\* and his feast day is celebrated on the fourth Sunday after Easter. In the 19th century, no Jew dared to spend a single night in the city of \*\*Trent\*\* (13). A special brotherhood had \[instituted\] a watch over it, so that the old edict of banishment against the Jews was upheld and executed. The \*\*Trent\*\* trial documents(14) from the year \*\*1475\*\* found a late so-called "revision" by the Jew \*\*Moritz Stern\*\*, in the Jewish sense of course, faithful to the principle: what is not deniable must be at least subsequently falsified and distorted, so that in the end someone not initiated must receive a totally distorted picture. Upon this irresponsible type of portrayal, a German researcher of world reputation, \*\*Dr. Erich Bischoff\*\*, whom no one could bring under the embarrassing suspicion of "anti-Semitism," passed a devastating judgment in his foundation-making work in this subject of \*\*1929\*\*, \*Das Blut in jüdischem Schriftum und Brauch\* \[\*Blood in Jewish Scripture and Custom\*\]. It may be taken as evidence of bad conscience that \*\*Moritz Stern\*\* occupied himself merely with the the already widely available, allegedly coerced-by-torture statements of his racial comrades -- but simply held back the most important thing, the Protocol of the three physicians which was received \*\*before\*\* the interrogation! That \*\*Stern\*\* finally accuses the Trent Bishop \*\*Hinderbach\*\*, presiding at the time of the murder, without any indication of reason and proof, of "preparing" the trial documents after \[the trial\], serves only as a rounding out of what has already been said about these "researches" by competent experts. The Trent pronouncement of sentence took drastic measures; one could almost have promised a lasting effect from it. Yet already, five years later, in \*\*1480\*\*, in the \*\*(41) Portobuffole\*\* region, belonging to the Republic of \*\*Venice\*\*, the seven year-old boy \*\*Sebastian Novello\*\* of Bergamo is slaughtered by several Jews. Here too the case against the Jews could be made and their guilt proved beyond doubt in interminable hearings. On St. Mark's Place in \*\*Venice\*\*, in front of the Doge's Palace, the criminals were publicly burned. Go to: Before 1840/Page 3 Back to Table of Contents # Before 1840 \\\_\\\_\\\_\\\_\\\_ ----- ## Page 3 (p.41) The same \*\*Doge Mocenigo\*\*, by the way, had issued the following order, which typifies the powerful influence of the Jews, on the 22nd of April \*\*1475\*\* -- therefore before the investigation had unearthed the true facts of the case: "It is to be accepted that the news which has it that the Jews had murdered a Christian child, is only peddled for ulterior reasons; since the Doge wishes that the Jews might live peacefully and comfortably in his land, he hereby forbids that their standing in society be changed in any manner, and does not allow pastors to spread this information from the pulpit or for anyone at all to spread this news in such a way as to agitate against the Jews. . ." (Géza von Ónody, p. 84). Emanuel Baumgarten adds to this (in his defense of the Jews: (42) Die Blutbeschuldigung gegen die Juden. Von christlicher Seite beurteilt \[The Blood-Accusation against the Jews, Evaluated from the Christian Side\], 2nd edition, Vienna, 1883 -- all in all, a weaker recasting of the notorious Chrsitlichen Zeugnisse gegen die Blutbeschuldigung der Juden \[Christian Testimonials against the Blood-Accusation of the Jews\], Berlin, 1882) the following supplementary letter of this Doge from that time: "How very much this affair displeases us, and is painful and unpleasant, you, with your cleverness, may be able to realize best. We at least believe that the rumor concerning the murder of the boy is a \*\*slanderous invention\*\*; for what reason, others may see. But we have always wished that the Jews in our lands live securely and without fear, that they be protected from any injury in a manner equal to the rest of our other loyal subjects (omnis inuria absit ab illis).' In \*\*1494\*\* fourteen Jews, among them two Jewesses, dragged off a child into a Jewish house in \*\*Tyrnau\*\* in Hungary; after they had stuffed his mouth, they opened the victim's veins. The blood was carefully collected "down to the last drop" and a portion preserved. The body was dismembered. At house-searching, spots of blood were discovered in one of the Jewish houses, which led to the arrest of the murderers. The Jewish women who had been questioned first confessed the crime in all its horrific details. The main culprits were condemned to death by fire (Bonfinius: \*Fasti Ungarici\*, III, 5 and \*Acta sanct\*., \*\*April\*\* II, p. 505) In 1498 a bloody persecution of the Jews broke out on the Greek island of Zante because the populace (43) had been driven to self-help by a whole chain of ritual crimes, which without exception happened around the time of the Jewish Easter. In the year \*\*1503\*\*, as \*\*Eck\*\* was passing from Cologne to Freiburg "for his studies," he had the opportunity at Freiburg to observe the body of a child butchered according to Jewish rites, which was discovered "in the woods": "\[I was able to\] grasp and to touch the cuts of the child with my fingers, perhaps four weeks after the murder." The blood had been smuggled into \*\*Alsace\*\*. In the city archives of \*\*Tyrnau\*\* there is a document from the year \*\*1529\*\*, which was composed on the occasion of the ritual-murder at \*\*Bösing\*\* (17). It reports that on \*\*Ascension Day 1529\*\* in the market-town of \*\*Bösing\*\*, which today is situated in Slovakia, the nine-year-old son of the tenant farmer \*\*Gregor Maißlinger\*\* suddenly disappeared. Early in the morning of the next day, a peasant woman found outside the village a mutilated child's body with the hands bound and lying on his face in a puddle among thorn hedges. She immediately brought her discovery to the court, which determined that it was the child who had disappeared the day before; the father was able to recognize his son in the mutilated child's remains. The type of wounds and the circumstance of the body being empty of blood steered suspicion toward the Jews of the village, especially since \*\*an entire series of similar crimes\*\* from earlier years had remained unsolved. The entire Jewish population of the market town was "taken prisoner." A court commission under the chairmanship of the Count of "St. George and Bösing" determined exactly the type of the wounds on the body and proceeded then to harsh individual interrogation of those arrested. The Jew \*\*David Saifmacher\*\* confessed that the Jew \*\*Michel\*\* took the child captive and got him into the cellar and after a while a great number of Jews showed up in order to torture the child. Lew \*\*Michel\*\* confessed how he lured the child into his Jew \*\*Saifmacher\*\* was comfortable enough to still make the confession that just five years before, in \*\*1524\*\*, he had been given the task of driving out of the city of \*\*Tyrnau\*\* \[the body of\] a "tortured" (= ritually butchered) Christian, hidden in a cartload of manure. In \*\*1540\*\*, at \*\*Easter\*\*, the four-and-a-half-year-old \*\*Michael Piesenharter\*\* from \*\*Sappenfeld\*\*, Kreis Neuburg (Oberpfalz) was kidnapped by Jewish merchants in the area of Ingolstadt, bound to a pillar, tortured for three days, his fingers and toes mutilated, finally cut with crosses all over his body and after death had occurred, hidden under dry foliage. A shepherd dog helped to trace the body. A Jewish child had reported to his non-Jewish companion that a child had been tortured (45) to death, "this dog has howled for three days long" -- thus the Jewish child already received the conviction inoculated into him that anyone not Jewish had only the status of a beast. The blood was found later in \*\*Posingen\*\* (Raderus, \*Bavaria sancta\* III, 178 etc.). (\*Acta sanct.\*, II, \*\*April\*\*, p. 839). In \*\*1569\*\* at \*\*Witow\*\* in Poland the two-year-old son of a widow was sold by a down-on-his-luck subject for two silver Marks to the Jew \*\*Jacob\*\* and by the latter was slowly tortured to death in hideous manner. \*\*Ludwig Dycx\*\*, \*Gouverneur\* of Cracow, reports on this case, as well as the fact that \*\*simultaneously in Bielsko and also other places Christian blood has been shed by the Jews\*\* (\*Acta sanct.\*, ibid.). In \*\*1597\*\*, again in the vicinity of \*\*Szydlow\*\*, Jews stole a peasant child and butchered him \[in the Jewish manner\]. The blood, having been tapped, was used, among other purposes, for the dedication of the new synagogue at \*\*Szydlow\*\*. The body, discovered in an open field, showed piercing wounds in the eyelids, in the neck, in the veins, the limbs, and in the sexual organs and was severely contracted due to the fact that tortures which employed fire had been inflicted upon the child (\*ab igne constrictum\*). "From gazing \[upon the body\] everyone was seized by horror." According to the report of the Bollandists (\*Acta sanct.\*, \*\*April\*\* II, p. 839) the wretched victim died under "choice tortures" (\*per tormenta exquisita\*); what was meant by that was clearly to be seen in the body which had been discovered. In \*\*1598\*\* in the village of \*\*Woznik\*\* (Podolia) the four-year-old son Albert of the farmer \*\*Pietrzynin\*\* of \*\*Smierzanow\*\*, who had left his father's side and lost his way, was kidnapped by two young Jews and butchered \[in the Jewish manner: Whenever the verb \*schächten\* is used, it indicates butchering according to Jewish slaughtering rites.\] under the most horrific tortures four days before the Jewish Easter, at which the most influential Jews of the region were present. The body was at first hidden under barrels, then thrown on marshy ground. The crime was soon discovered by reason of the features of the wounds; the Jews offered everything to bribe the judges of the highest Polish court at Lublin. They possessed the impudence to refer to "privileges," according to which they could not recognize the court. (47) Nevertheless, the "Royal High General Court" decided that "the Jews could not be protected by their charters \[of privileges\] which they produced, in such an abominable atrocity and such a horrible crime. . ." The elders of the Jews of Lublin now attempted to obtain "postponement of the case," in order to "carry the investigation a farther distance" according to their well-known practices, "to prove" their "innocence." They had no success. One of the murderers, Isaac, stated that the child had been hidden at first in a cellar for several weeks. The Jewess Anastasia had gone to the child \[he stated\] when he whimpered from being afraid. . .," . . . "after which Mosko and Selmann took the child and brought him through a chamber; but Isaac walked behind them with the knife with which they were otherwise used to using to slaughter cattle, and had killed the child in this manner. Moses had cut, or rather stabbed the breast, as did Selmann, but Isaac had cut the hand, after which they caught up the blood into a pot. . ." One of the Jews, who kidnapped the child, Aaron, suddenly wanted to be baptized. But when it was revealed to him that he would be condemned despite this, "the Jew fell silent and was very shaken" and declared that he would then die as a Jew. The chief perpetrators were broken on the wheel; the Rabbi Isaac confessed before his death that the Jews required non-Jewish blood for ritual purposes, in part for Easter wine \[i.e., for Passover wine; Whenever the author refers to "Jewish Easter," the festival of Passover, \*Pessach\*, is meant; Easter and Passover occur during the same time of year, and in fact the date of Easter is determined (approximately) by the date upon which Passover falls.\], and in part for Easter bread! (\*Acta sanct.\*, April, II, p. 835; Hosman, \*Das schwer zu bekeherende Judenherz\*\[\*The Jewish Heart, Hard to Convert\*\], p. 121; Tentzel, \*Monatl. Unterr.\*, 1694, p. 130). As we have seen, the Jewish plague simply had terrible free range in \*\*Poland\*\*; in every year countless children disappeared, most \*\*around the time of Easter!\*\* "All of Poland was aroused at that time." At the threshold of modern times, in \*\*1650\*\*, on March 11, a child by the name of Mathias \*\*Tillich\*\* at \*\*Kaaden\*\* in Bohemia was "killed with a knife" by a Jew -- on both hands the fingers had been cut off (Eisenmenger, p. 373). Thereupon all Jews of Kaaden were banished for the well-known "all time" by Imperial order. A memorial tablet was later erected for the victim (Hosmann, p. 47, Appendix). In \*\*1665\*\*, on the 11th of May, in the Jewish Quarter of \*\*Vienna\*\*, a woman was murdered in the most horrible fashion and the blood-emptied body, (48)in a sack weighted with stones was thrown into a horse-trough. The body was covered with countless piercing wounds, while the head, both shoulders and thighs had been separated by an expert hand. The list of Jewish ritual crimes in the centuries of the so-called Middle Ages alone is endless. Even the most careful arrangement and sorting -- as far as this is at all possible -- of all the relevant document passages, documentary authentic examples, and reliable reports, will have to remain forever incomplete for the reason that most crimes of this type were not generally known or, respectively, recognized -- that is, as ritual crimes commanded to Jewish murderers in accord with certain laws, and which therefore were not always penetrated because they seemed downright incomprehensible to non-Jewish humanity and were not comparable to any of the usual cases of murder -- they could only originate in Jewish Talmudic brains! Moreover, there were, time after time, influential persons who were dependent upon Jews, at the head of some state organ -- one recalls the Doge of Venice -- who quashed most willingly proceedings against the Jews or warded them off and summoned back the once-expelled murder plague into the land again after a short time. But Jewry is resolved, still, to adulterate documentary and authentic and unshakable evidence, as an example (Trent) has already demonstrated, or, if even these tricks misfire, to dispose of these murders from that time as regrettable "isolated cases" and to describe them as unquestionably unworthy of "modern," "enlightened," and "civilized" Jews. Also spoken of are medieval religious "aberrations" of individual fanatic (49) "sects." Thus did the French historian \*\*Feller\*\*, a laudable exception of his time, recognize razor-sharp, this Jewish maneuver. He writes in his \*Journal historique et littéraire\* of \*\*1778\*\* on 18 January: "If one listens to the scholars of our day, it was pure fanaticism that could have ever \[caused\] the ascribing of such barbarous atrocities to the Jews at all. If one accuses them in the year \*\*1775\*\* of having again committed such an atrocity in Poland, \*\*the other side\*\* tries to make out the witnesses of the acts to be the viewers of apparitions and declares anyone of the sort to be half-crazy who gives any credit to the statements of the witnesses." blood-practice -- and, from pure enlightenment no longer recognized the closestoccurring and simplest case in its true essence, and above all in its deepest-lying motives. So wrote the Hungarian Reichstag Deputy Géza Onody on the occasion of the great ritual-murder trial of Tisza-Eszlár (1883)(18): "In the Age of Enlightenment and Tolerance we have happily reached the point at which we simply put aside these kinds of (ritual-murder) inquiries and investigations and, in short order declare the blood-accusation, repeatedly raised against the Jews afresh time after time (50)on the basis of new criminal facts, to be an absurd, dark superstition which belongs to the junk room of the intolerant, bigoted, and mentally limited Middle Ages -- and the raising of which redounds to the shame and discredit for the progressive spirit of the times and the genius of humanity." How disastrously that attitude of mind consciously or unknowingly obliged Jewry, the following case might show: The thirteen-year-old \*\*Andreas Takáls\*\* was made to bleed to death by a \[Jewish ritual\] butchering cut on 21 February \*\*1791\*\* in the little Transylvanian village of \*\*Pér\*\*. The Jew Abraham was arrested, his five-year-old son was a witness to the slaughtering and stated before the court that his father, together with the Rabbi and still other foreign Jews had slaughtered Andreas: "At night Father came home with some other Jews, among whom was also the Károlyer Rabbi of the Jews. They took from Andreas his \*guba\* (fur coat) removed his shirt, and held his mouth (the impression of five fingers was still discoverable on the body), stuffed his mouth with clay, and Jakob tied his feet together, hung him up by a cord from a beam, and then (the head hung downwards) cut open the vein on the right side of his neck, while Father held a leaden basin to catch the blood."(19) (51)Although they had the cleverest attorneys, on the 27th of December 1792 all of the accused were condemned to death at the wheel by the Comitat Court at Zilah, but meanwhile an order had been issued from Vienna, according to which the execution of judgment in these trials was made dependent upon the approval of the Emperor. At the same time, a command reached the authorities \[which ordered\] that "anyone who would dare to make the slightest reproach to the Jews in this matter, would have to reckon with the severest penalty." "And have no connection with the rite" -- one really smells the whiff of garlic of Jewish inspiration! In any case, the accused were set free! In the old parish church of St. Paul in \*\*Eppan\*\*, in the Tyrol, a small sarcophagus stands at the left pier of the presbytery, and bears the following inscription: "Place of burial of the innocent boy \*\*Franz Locherer\*\*, who on 9 Aug. \*\*1744\*\* was found in the forest at \*\*Montiggl\*\*, \*\*slain in the manner of Simon of Trent\*\*. 'Let the little ones come unto me, for such is the Kingdom of Heaven.'" Not far away, on the church wall is affixed a memorial plaque with the following inscription: "In the year \*\*1744\*\*, on the 5th of August, the honorable Joseph Locherer and Anna Aberhämin lost their son, aged 8 years, 7 months, and 25 days, for whom they searched for most carefully (52) for 3 days with great sorrow: but just then. . . on the 4th day, a Saturday, he was found with the help of a shepherd boy by his father with great grief of heart, to have been murdered \*\*by an unchristian Jewish hand\*\*, with \*\*his neck stabbed through, the body and the bowels\*\* bound fast with his garters and \*\*the entire body so badly beaten\*\* that \[the body\] itself \*\*seemed to be a single total wound\*\*. . ." "(\*Renovatum\*\[restored\] on 23 July 1855)." While the judges of \*\*Eppan\*\* and \*\*Kalten\*\* argued about \[matters of\] allegedly offended jurisdiction and squabbled over the court fees, a Jew who had been discovered by several witnesses to have behaved suspiciously and who had been noticed in the area for a long time, escaped. When the instructions finally came that both judges should investigate the perpetrator together, it was naturally too late! The opinion that a Jewish blood-murder had occurred in this case also, has been maintained to this day among the people and finds unequivocal expression in documents and memoranda. The murdered child was viewed as a martyr from the start. His veneration was tolerated (Deckert: \*Vier Tiroler Kinder, Opfer des\* (53)In Russia, not far from the city of \*\*Zaslav\*\*, on 29 March \*\*1747\*\* young herdsmen found the trampled body of an unknown man in a marsh. In \*\*Zaslav\*\* the inquest was conducted in the presence of the mayor and many deputies: all the fingers of the right hand had been amputated, the blood vessels opened up to the elbow, and the bones splintered. On the left hand three fingers were missing, the blood vessels and sinews were pulled out up to the shoulder joint, and the bones likewise smashed. Three toes of the left foot had been amputated, while the nails had been torn off the remaining ones; on the calfs, the blood vessels had been cut out and the teeth had been knocked out. The entire body was thoroughly stabbed all over. Among some of the Jews arrested on suspicion was Soruch Leibowitz, who suddenly declared that he wished to communicate important perceptions to the deputy \*Starost\* \[title which was used in the East and equivalent to Governor\]; on the basis of his statements three more Jews were arrested -- and the whole band of murderers was in custody! The long interrogations yielded the facts that the blood-murder had been performed \*\*as a decision of the\*\* \*Kahal\* \*\*of Zaslov\*\*; a lonely traveling journeyman had been gotten drunk in a Jewish gin-mill and then tortured in the presence of the elders of the \*Kahal\*, mutilated and ritually butchered. The tortures extended over several days. The blood was collected in basins and bowls, bottles filled with it and brought into the city of \*\*Zaslav\*\* to the Rabbi there. Each of the participants of the murder had taken a little of the blood, in order to add it to the matzos. On 26 April \*\*1747\*\* the judgment was passed in accord with the Saxon Codex: the judges, \*\*in this case\*\* not made sickly by "humanitarianism" and "enlightenment," proceeded from the basis of having the murderers bear the torments which they had inflicted upon an unsuspecting non-Jewish victim in systematic torture. The bodies of the executed were left to the birds as fodder. . . This remained the last death sentence against Jewish ritual-murderers in Russian territory! In more recent times certain \*\*clerical\*\* currents of thought have accepted this phenomenon as \[the Jews allege it to be\]. They regard the Jews -- if not with baptismal water immediately at hand -- as lost lambs whose cause should be taken up all the more lovingly to the point of complete purification. To this dubious enterprise, the disastrous "Mission to the Jews" -- in its time as removed from the world as it was close to the Jews -- owed its origin as well as its inglorious end. It was never conscious of the physiological as well as psychological -- and eternal -- law involved, that blood is always thicker than water, even baptismal water, which indeed, as far as the Jews are concerned, is termed "whore's water" (\*Majim kedeschim\*) or as "stinking water" (\*Majim seruchim\*), while baptism itself appears as an act "of uncleanness" and of "filth" (according to Eisenmenger), which can only be allowed to be done to deceive the \*Akum\* (non-Jews). But the Jew who lets himself be baptized in earnest, makes himself guilty of an offense worthy of death, according to the Jewish conception of the law (according to Rohling: \*Polemik und Menschenopfer\*, 1883, p. 20.21) \[\*Polemics and Human Sacrifice\*\]. In general, the Jewish baptismal candidates resemble those "honorable Jews" Heine and Börne, who, to use the words of a leading so-called Reform Jew, the Professor at the rabbinical seminary at Breslau, Grätz (22), (55) "outwardly break with Judaism, but only like warriors, who grasp the armor and flag of the enemy, that they might more surely strike him and more emphatically annihilate him" -- indeed, that is said quite openly. We shall still have opportunity to deal with this category of Jews. Now, however, one cannot, with eyes piously uplifted, artfully shift (for example) the 19th century into the setting of the supposedly dark Middle Ages. Indeed, it is exactly this 19th century which is so rich in extremely revealing ritual-murder cases and their court procedures, that in the true sense of the word it makes a bloody mockery of any philosophical or theological attempts to improve upon it, and categorically demands for our time: the total elimination of the Jewish blood sucker from the body of the non-Jewish peoples! The past 19th century took on the legacy of the centuries which preceded it in more than one respect. The already long yearned-for "Enlightenment" fell into the lap of Jewry in this century by itself -- it meant: \*\*Emancipation\*\*. As such, it was "that result of legislative acts which, on the basis of the Enlightenment and its natural-right construction of human rights, first removed the \*\*status of exception of the Jews in the State, which was still medieval and bound to the Church\*\*, and then in a more or less long period of \*\*general domestic reorganization\*\* (!), elevated the Jews to the status of citizens of the State with equality of rights." (23) Under these conditions it is no wonder if we must draw the following conclusions in regard to our researches into this (56) century of Jewish emancipation: 1. The number of ritual-murders performed with unbelievable brazenness and self-confidence becomes frighteningly rampant; - The individual governments are not, by themselves, in any shape to confront the Jewish murder-plague, because they - 4. are at the mercy of Jewish high finance. We wish to put forward, as likeliest for consideration by chronological order, only the following ritual-murders: 1803 On 10 March the 72-year-old Jew Hirsch from Sugenheim seized a child aged two years and four months, in the hamlet of Buchhof, which lies in the outer environs of Nuremberg. When the child was missed along with the Jew, the latter came out of the adjacent woods across the field to Buchhof and helped search for the child. On the next day the Jew denied having been in Buchhof at all on the 10th of March! The father of the missing child wanted to prove the contrary with witnesses, but was rebuffed by the judicial authority with threats and abuse. On the twelfth day the child was found dead, wounded under the tongue, with a bloody mouth and, despite the dirty weather, with clean clothes. The \*Kreisdirektorium\* \[local administrative governing body\] then in Neustadt was besieged by the Jewish riff-raff for so long, till the case turned out to its satisfaction. The father was coerced by threats into signing a protocol according to which the child, who had still been warm at the discovery \[of the body\], had frozen to death! (Friedrich Örtel: \*Was glauben die Juden?\* \[What do the Jews Believe?\], Bamberg, 1823). 1805 The blood-emptied corpse of the twelve-year-old Trofim Nikitin, stabbed to the point of unrecognizability, was discovered in the dunes. Three Jews were made to answer charges before the district court at Velish, (57) among them a certain Chaim Tschorny, who came under strong suspicion of a similar crime in 1823. The entire affair had finally been left to "the will of God"! (Lyutostanski: Jüdische Ritualmorde in Rußland \[Jewish Ritual-Murders in Russia\], p. 17). Velish had a whole chain of blood murders to display! rint, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, rict, \*\*1812\*\* On \*\*Corfu\*\* three Jews who had strangled a child were condemned to death in October. A short time later, the child of a Greek by the name of \*\*Riga\*\* was stolen on this island and ritually butchered (Achille Laurent, \*Affaires de Syrie\*). \*\*1817\*\* The ritual-murder committed in this year against the minor girl \*\*Marianna Adamovicz\*\* at \*\*Vilna\*\* remained unpunished. The court proceedings were later quashed due to a "statute of limitation" (Konstantin de Cholewa Pawlikowski: \*Der Talmud\*, p. 280). \*\*1817 Three\*\* ritual-murders in \*\*Velish\*\*, committed against two boys and the wife of a Polish nobleman! \*\*1819\*\* Two small beggar-girls were lured into a Jewish gin-mill and murdered. Numerous accused Jews were convicted of deliberately \[making\] false statements, but were released! These years had been famine years for Russia. Countless children passed from place to place, begging, and the Jews exploited this catastrophe in still other ways than by usury. As two of the chief witnesses of the later Velish trial of the year 1823 stated before the court, hungry children were lured into, and then ritually butchered in, the cellars of Jewish houses. The witnesses (58) knew most of the guilty parties and were even able to describe the events of the ritual slaughterings in all details. One Jew had been so incriminated by these statements, that he called out: "If a member of my family will confess and tell everything, then I will also confess." But the other Jews stubbornly kept silent or screamed and threatened (!) in such a way that the Commission had to interrupt the interrogations. At a wink and a nod from a higher authority, the proceedings came to nothing. (Lyutostanski, p. 20). 1823 On the 23rd of April (!), at Velish, in the Russian government \[district\] of Vitebsk, the three-and-a-half year-old son of the invalid Yemelian Ivanov was kidnapped by Jews, tortured to death during the tapping of his blood, and dragged into evergreen shrubbery, where the blood-emptied body was discovered on 4 May. The autopsy, performed by a staff doctor in the presence of a Commission, had yielded, among other information, the fact that the skin on many parts of the body was scraped raw and inflamed as the result of forceful and continued rubbing with a brush-like object, that on the body numerous wounds, as if originating from a dull nail, were found, and that marks of throttling allowed the realization that the victim was strangled. The legs had been tied together beneath the knees. The intestines of the child were completely empty and without decay. From these circumstances, the chief examiner concluded that - l. the boy was intentionally tortured, that he - 2. was left several days without food (inferred from the emptied intestines), that - 3. the mouth had been strongly tied closed in order to keep the victim from yelling, that - 6. the victim had been stabbed in numerous places or had been drilled in order to tap off the blood directly under the skin, and that (59) Despite of the many eye witnesses strongly incriminating the Jews, the trial was suddenly quashed and numerous charged Jews were "acquitted" (Pawlikowski). According to \*\*Lyutostanski\*\*, who treats the trial against the multi-branched, farreaching and best-organized Jewish murder gang comprehensively and with greatest exactitude, three \*\*non\*\*-Jewish chief witnesses for the prosecution were banished to Siberia by decision of the Russian state council on 18 January \*\*1835\*\*, therefore after twelve (!) years! Jewry had every reason to eliminate these very witnesses, for they had made corresponding statements to the effect that among other things, bottles had been filled with the blood of the child and sent on to other Jewish communities. Also \[they stated\], linen soaked in this blood had been distributed, while the remaining blood had dried up. These extremely important statements prove completely independently in a startling manner the correctness of the revelations of the former Rabbi \*\*Noe Weinjung\*\* (\*\*Neophyte\*\*), to which we shall return in another connection. During the trial proceedings, however, yet five (!) other, entirely similar blood-murders came to light, which, aside from corresponding to one another in the same goal of \*\*gaining blood\*\*, also corresponded in the fact that all of the murderers remained \*\*unpunished\*\*, although they could be exactly identified. But on February 28, \*\*1817\*\*, the Imperial Russian government issued \*\*the order\*\* that Jews were \*\*in no event\*\* to be charged with blood-murders! The files were simply made unrecognizable or held back and duty-conscious, uncooperative officials were discharged or deported. . . \*\*1827\*\* In \*\*Warsaw\*\* Jewish constables kidnapped a non-Jewish child shortly before the Jewish \*\*Easter\*\* (Chiarini, \*Theoria del Giudaïsmo\*, Volume I, p. 355). \*\*1827\*\* At \*\*about the same time\*\* the seven-year-old Jewess, \*\*Ben-Noud\*\*, born in \*\*Aleppo\*\*, saw from the roof of the house of her relatives in \*\*Antioch\*\* two boys who were hung up by their legs and had blood streaming from them. Horrified over this scene, she ran away crying. Her aunt said to her that the children had been "naughty" and had been punished for it. Later the bodies had disappeared, but she found on the floor of the room a large brass vase, which the Arabs call a \*laghen\*, filled completely with blood (Achille Laurent, \*Affaires de Syrie\*, \*tome\* II, p. 320. Paris, 1864). \*\*1829\*\* At \*\*Hamath\*\* in Asia Minor a young Turkish woman was frightfully mutilated by the Jews; the Jews saved their lives by means of high sums of bribery and were merely expelled (H. Desportes, p. 90). through the neck with a ritual slaughter knife and left the body hanging until all the blood was collected in a basin. \*\*Ben-Noud\*\* learned later than the murderers had packed the body into a crate and had cast it into the sea. She confessed to the Orientalist Count \*\*Durfort-Civrac\*\* this fact besides, that the Jews mix the blood into the unleavened Easter bread (mossa = matzos) and this they call mossa guésira(25) -- blood-matzos (Desportes, p. 42). Go to Chapter 2: Damascus 1840 Back to Table of Contents Jewish Ritual-Murder: a Historical Investigation Der jüdische Ritualmord: Eine historische Untersuchung von Hellmut Schramm, Ph. D # Damascus 1840 ----- ----- ## Page 1 (p. 65) The author of the work translated by our \*Reichsleiter\* was a \*\*Chevalier Gougenot des Mousseaux\*\*, of the old French nobility. The title read: \*Le Juif, le judaïsme et la judaïsation des peuples chrétiens\*, which translated is: \*The Jew, Jewry, and the Judafication of the Christian People\*; it was first published in 1869 and it appeared in the German language in 1920/21. The fate intended for him by the Jew -- a fate to which more than one courageous man before then fell victim -- overtook the author of the book, des Mousseaux: he was poisoned. "On one day he received his death sentence sent to him, on the next day he died" (A. Rosenberg, foreword). His work, bought up by Jews, disappeared from the book market, just as happened to all remaining works of other authors who had thoroughly engaged themselves with the trial in the form of published documents or accounts. !\[\](\_page\_57\_Picture\_0.jpeg) This ritual murder happened at Damascus in February of the year 1840, this time not to children, but to the\\nelderly Capuchin Father \*\*Thomas\*\*, who had come to Damascus (66) in 1807 and had worked there for 33 years as benefactor of the people (1), and likewise to his servant Ibrahim Amara. The authentic material of the trial was deposited in the Foreign Ministry at Paris. But these original documents disappeared without trace in 1870, when the Jew and high degree Freemason Crémieux -- with whom we shall have to concern ourselves more closely -was Justice Minister. The works of the member of the Orient Society, Achille Laurent, which appeared a few years after the trial and dealt with the entire process against the Jews in Damascus In brief, to begin with the events which led to the investigation of the perpetrators: On the 15th of February 1840 in the afternoon, on the day of the \*\*Jewish Purim festival\*\*, Father Thomas made his way to the Jewish Quarter of Damascus, in order to attach a notice regarding an auction in the house of a deceased resident, also on the door of the synagogue. Since the elderly Father, contrary to his usual custom, remained away for several hours, toward sunset his servant \*\*Ibrahim Amara\*\* proceeded to search (67) for his master out of concern that an accident might have befallen him. Both were seen for the last time by numerous witnesses in the Jewish Quarter and since then had vanished from the face of the earth. This was all the more striking because the Father had been resident in Damascus for a generation and also must have been known to everyone as the vaccination doctor. \[Father Thomas, as part of his service to the people of Damascus, had instituted a program of immunizations against smallpox, etc., which he administered himself.\] The police commissioner thereupon undertook various house searches, which ran their course without any success. Two days later a paper notice was displayed on the shop of the Jewish barber \*\*Soliman\*\*, like the one the Father had also last attached to the synagogue door. This excited suspicion. The barber was questioned about how he came into possession of this official form. His performance seemed so unbelievable and contrived, that the interrogating personnel got the impression that he must have known something about the matter. Since the missing Father was a European, the \*\*Sherif-Pasha\*\*, residing in Damascus and by no means hostile-minded toward the Jews, let the Jewish barber be held in confinement and granted full authority to the French Consul for Damascus, \*\*Count de Ratti-Menton\*\*, to conduct the preliminary investigation. "The designated seven persons brought the Father into the house of \*\*David Harari\*\* and had me fetched from my shop a half hour after sunset. They said to me: 'Slaughter this priest.' The Father was in the room, with both his arms tied; but since I refused, they promised me money. I answered: 'I cannot do that.' Now they gave to me the little paper notice and said I was supposed to stick it on my shop. It was \*\*Aaron Harari\*\* who delivered it to me, and when I was arrested and brought to the Serail, \*\*David Harari\*\* said to me: 'Be very careful not to confess anything; we'll give you money.' The man who fetched me from my shop is called \*\*Murad-el-Fattal\*\* and is David Harari's servant." The protocol further notes the words of the Consul \*Ratti-Menton\*: "Yesterday you gave important statements and repeated them today. If it has been out of fear of a beating that you have so spoken, then tell this openly. \*\*Don't worry; it is not our intention that you should compromise anyone through lies\*\*." Soliman answers: "What I have said is the truth; I've said it in their presence." It is important for what follows to keep this point in mind, since it's precisely the The Pasha: "What! You fear Raphael more than you do me?" The servant: "That's right. I'm afraid that he'll kill me. I have more fear of Raphael than of your Excellency, because your Excellency will have me whipped and then sent off, while that one will kill me in our Quarter if I speak the truth." Since it became ever more probable that the Jewish barber must have been present at the slaughter, he was again taken into custody and subjected to a sharp interrogation. After desperate evasions he finally made a comprehensive confession in the presence of some high officers and Consulate officials and of a staff physician, who all confirmed the protocol by signing it. Soliman reported the bestial crime in all particulars: "A half hour after sunset \*\*David Harari\*\* had me fetched from my shop by his servant. I went to him and found there \*\*Aaron Harari\*\*, \*\*Isaak Harari\*\*, \*\*Joseph Harari\*\*, \*\*Joseph Laniado\*\*, the landlord \*\*David Harari\*\*, the Rabbis \*\*Moses Abu-el-Afieh\*\* and \*\*Moses Saloniki\*\* and Father \*\*Thomas\*\*, who was tied up. \*\*David Harari\*\* and his brother \*\*Aaron\*\* said to me: 'Slaughter this priest!' I answered: 'I cannot do it." Then they said: 'Wait. . .' They brought up a knife, I threw the Father to the floor, held him fast over a large basin with the help of the others, and David \*\*Harari\*\* took the knife and made a cut at his throat; but his brother \*\*Aaron\*\* gave him the finishing stroke and the blood was caught in the basin \*\*without even one drop being lost\*\*. Hereupon the body was dragged out of the room in which the murder had been committed, into the wood room. There they undressed him and burned his clothes. Now the servant \*\*Murad-el-Fattal\*\* came, who found the corpse in the aforesaid room; the seven named persons said to him and to me: 'Dismember him quickly!' We dismembered him, pushed the remains (70) into a coffee sack and threw them one by one into the drainage canal; this is found at the entrance of the Jewish Quarter, next to the house of Rabbi \*\*Abu-el-Afieh\*\*. Then we went back to David Harari and how the \*\*operation\*\* was completed, was, they said they would get the servant married at their own expense and would give me money. In case I should talk, they would then say that I had killed him. . ." After this interrogation the Jewish servant was brought forward. His statements conformed in all details to those of the barber. "After the departure of the barber I remained for perhaps one and a half hours yet; I had to fill the water pipes of those present." A Gentile had been lured into the trap and slaughtered -- now they could smoke their pipe in peace. In consideration of the conformity of both witness statements, Colonel \*\*Hasez Beik\*\* proposed a site inspection in the house of \*\*David Harari\*\* immediately be carried out in the presence of the French Consul, of a high officer of the Consulate, and of the physician Dr. \*\*Massar\*\*. We learn informative details in more than one respect. Isaak Harari says: "We had the Father come into the house of David Harari, my brother; it was a matter arranged among us. We slaughtered him, in order to obtain his blood, which was poured into a bottle and given over to the Rabbi Moses Abu-el-Afieh, and specifically for a religious reason, since we were in need of the blood for the fulfillment of a religious duty." The Rabbi Moses Abu-el-Afieh, when questioned about this, replied: "The chief Rabbi of Damascus, \*\*Jakob Antabli\*\*, had a discussion with the \*\*Harari\*\* brothers and the rest of the accused, in order to get a bottle of human blood, and let me in on Rabbi Moses Abu-el-Afieh gave in conclusion to this the important statement to the protocol, that a portion of the blood, mixed into meal, was sent to Baghdad. (4) \*\*David Harari\*\* now describes the Head Rabbi Antabli as the spiritual author of the crime: In the \*\*synagogue of Damascus\*\* he communicated to all seven accused the \*\*exact plan for the murder of the Father\*\* shortly beforehand. The blood was handed over through Rabbi Saloniki to the Rabbi Moses in a large white bottle, a so-called alepin, and by the latter handed on to the Head Rabbi Jakob Antabli. The Father accepted the invitation all the more unsuspiciously, for he had had a close social relationship with the \*\*Harari\*\* brothers for many years. At the disrobing of the corpse, Moses \*\*Saloniki\*\* helped himself to the gold timepiece of the Father; during the interrogation in front of the Pasha regarding this, the following scene played itself out: the \*\*Harari\*\* brothers, when asked what had become of the valuable timepiece, replied: "It has remained in the possession of Moses \*\*Saloniki\*\*." Question: "How did it come into his possession?" Answer: "He stretched out his hand for it and took it." Question: "When did he do that?" Answer: "After the Father was undressed, he extended his hand and took it from out of the clothes." The Rabbi was brought before the interrogator: "Where is the watch?" -- "I have not seen it!" The Pasha interposed: "Here are the \*\*Hararis\*\*, who testify that you have taken the watch!" The Rabbi: "They are lying!" The Pasha: "They swear against you by their religion." The Rabbi answers: (73) "They stand outside the religion!" (5) The Pasha, for confirmation, lets the Hararis swear upon the Bible and upon Moses, and both take an oath that the watch has remained in the possession of the Rabbi. The latter shouts: "Witnesses, do not bully me!" Moses \*\*Saloniki\*\* was the single one who, of all the rest, confessed nothing. His constantly repeated answers were: "I have seen nothing, nothing whatsoever, I was at home, I know nothing." His colleague \*\*Abu-el-Afieh\*\* basically behaved more shrewdly; he knew that, however the trial might turn out for him, his life would be forfeit in one way or another, because, were he not beheaded by the sentence of the court, then his coreligionists would hunt him to death. On the other hand, he had by no means been badly treated by the Islamic authorities, as his European colleagues, on the basis of When I later saw David and his brothers again, I said to them that this business would incur unpleasantness for us, since investigations would be started, and that we had done wrong to take such a well-known man. They calmed me down and said: nothing could be discovered, the clothes were burned, that no traces remained, and that the flesh would be thrown bit by bit into the canal by the servant, until there was nothing left. Now, concerning the servant of the Father, I know nothing about that, aside from this, that on the following forenoon, Thursday, I met the three \*\*Harari\*\* brothers together and I heard as Isaak said to David: '\*\*How are things going with this business\*\*?', and David answered: 'Think no further about it, \*\*he has also gotten his portion\*\*'; at that they began to whisper among one another. How often before have the Jews done this already, and how often have the authorities caught them at it? This can be learned from one of their books, named \*Sader Adurut\*, in which several instances of this sort are found. That is everything, according to my knowledge, regarding the affair of Father Thomas. Mohammed Effendi." At the conclusion of the discussion, the Pasha could not suppress a question as a sideswipe at Mohammed the Turncoat: "If a Jew makes a statement which is disadvantageous against another Jew or against the Jewish people, what does he deserve?" Mohammed Effendi parried coldly with the following typical answer: "If a Jew says anything, which can harm the Jewish people, so should he be killed without mercy; for such an \*\*individual\*\* redounds to their disgrace; \*\*the\*\* \*Talmud\* \*\*does not let him live. This religion is constructed upon this principle;\*\* that is why I converted to Islam, in order to be able to speak. . ." The Head Rabbi Jakob \*\*Antabli\*\* was at this point invited to give his comments to this answer. He confirmed it, and added these words: one would set about having such an individual (76) killed on the part of the government, or we would kill him ourselves when we had the opportunity." The Pasha responded to this: Mohammed Effendi has spoken correctly then. If now, however, it were a matter in which the government, acting \*\*from its own opposing interests\*\*, would not consent to the death of this man, what would you \[Jews\] do?" Jakob \*\*Antabli\*\*: "We would do our utmost according to the circumstances, to take his life; \*\*any means would be proper for us\*\*. Thus does our faith teach." After this concluding play of question-and-answer, Mohammed Effendi was able to regard the matter philosophically. The fact is, to anticipate a bit, he no longer had much time to deal with his new faith or, to be on the safe side, to take refuge in yet another one: shortly after the end of the hearings, he was gathered to his fathers \[= he died\] -- as the European Jewish newspapers would have it, allegedly as result of the "pains of torture suffered" -- instead of which the Head Rabbi of Damascus probably only did "his utmost" \[See above, where Jacob Antabli answers the Pasha's question about what should be done to turncoats.\] . . . Shortly before his death, however, the Ex-Rabbi translated, among other things, a section from the "book of religion" \*Kethim\*, whose correctness has been confirmed by \*\*Antabli\*\*. It reads: \*Whoever places at a disadvantage a religious comrade through declarations which he makes in favor of a stranger\* \[clearly meant by "stranger" is "non-Jew"\], and makes some statement against him to the government of the land, which can incur a fine or physical punishment or death, is himself deserving of death. Such a traitor has no hope of another world. . .and if he has made known only the intention of making such a statement, with respect to the location or to the least detail, \*\*he is thus from that moment guilty of the death\*\*, and those present are held responsible to strike him dead or to do everything in their power, so that he might die, before he carries out his intention. All who were fortunate enough to participate in his death, obtain eternal indulgence. If he states something for the third time, without it having been possible up till then to kill him, then they should assemble together and communally confer how he might be gotten out of the way and likewise in what manner. All necessary expenditures of this should be borne by the Jews of (77) the place concerned. . ."(7) -- If we're not mistaken, Mohammed Effendi had spoken extensively from the school of the Talmud! The inquiries of the servant of the Father, \*\*Ibrahim Amara\*\*, which the latter had initiated because he was disturbed over the extraordinarily long absence of his master, alarmed the residents of the Jewish Quarter. The servant was also observed for the last time at the entrance of the Jewish Quarter, then remained missing as if he had vanished from the face of the Earth. In the writing of Mohammed \*\*Effendi\*\* to \*\*Sherif-Pasha\*\* is contained one single, indeed very clear hint. \*\*David Harari\*\* said to Mohammed \*\*Effendi\*\* in regard to the servant: "...he, too, has received his portion!" In a letter of the Austrian Consul to Damascus, \*\*Merlato\*\*, to his colleague \*\*Laurin\*\* in Alexandria, dated 28 February 1840, it says: "There is still no trace of the murder of the servant, but one assumes that he has met the same end in another house of these rogues. Meanwhile, \*\*Murad Farahi\*\*, \*\*Aaron Stambuli\*\*, and several others have hidden themselves and have fled, which lets us assume that they approved this assassination. To Sherif-Pasha, who on this occasion has proven his astuteness and perseverance, is due the chief merit of these inquiries. . ." -- Merlato soon changed his views, however, as a result of definite and unambiguous instructions. \*\*Aaron Stambuli\*\* poured the blood into a large white bottle through a new funnel of tin-plate, like the oil dealers use; when the bottle was filled, it was handed over to \*\*Moses Abu-el-Afieh\*\*. Then I went to my master, in order to provide a report of all that I had seen " The young \*\*Aslan Farahi\*\* confirmed this report in full extent. The Pasha was able to determine later that the confessions fully agreed in their main points. After the slaughter of both victims, a cheerful drinking bout was held that lasted till morning. Afterwards, the murderous company gathered in the house of \*\*David Harari\*\* and, according to the statements of the same servant who had to fill the pipes of the "distinguished and wealthy Jews," discussed once again in detail both butcherings and exchanged the stories of their experiences, in particular how much time had been necessary for it. It could be of value, if, for future cases, one knew all about it! At the \*\*end of April 1840\*\* -- two-and-a-half months, therefore, after the bestial crime -- the trial could be considered concluded. This date is to be kept in mind, as it is important for the events to follow. Sixteen Jews had taken part in the double-murder, four were pardoned, ten were condemned to death. In \*\*Damascus\*\* the population awaited the execution of the blood-murderers. #### The Battue \[The title of this section, in German \*das Kesseltreiben\*, has the connotation of hounds putting a stag or fox at bay -- and of beaters driving prey into a corner. It is ironic that the role of stag-at-bay is played not by the killers, but by those who attempted to bring them to justice!\] The \*Allgemeine Zeitung\* wrote in its Number 152 of the year 1840 in respect to these machinations, the following: "The trial against the Jews is still not ended and the criminals still not punished; but that Father Thomas was murdered by the Jews for a religious purpose has been completely clearly proven. The inspection of several document files, which was permitted to us on this point, leaves no doubt whatsoever. The French Consul for \*\*Damascus\*\*, \*\*Count Ratti-Menton\*\*, has demonstrated the greatest possible activity for the exploration of the truth in this matter. . . The Jews there are supposed to far exceed all others in fanaticism, and since they previously were steadily used as businessmen (10) by the Pashas in command in that very place because of their wealth, they thus possessed significant influence, which made them \*\*frightening\*\* to the Christians there. Although \*\*every year\*\* in Damascus Christian children disappeared \*\*suddenly without a trace\*\*, \*\*although the Jews were always under suspicion for it\*\*, no one dared accuse them, indeed, no one dared to pursue the trail of a well-founded suspicion, so great was the influence which their money procured for them with the corruptible Turkish authorities. Now, as well, there has been no lack of offers of money; to the Secretary of the French Consul a very high sum was proposed, \*\*would he but exert himself\*\* to instill into the Consul \*\*another opinion\*\* of this matter. . ." Go to Damascus/Page 2 Back to Table of Contents # Damascus 1840 \\\_\\\_\\\_\\\_\\\_ ----- Page 2 (p. 82) To begin with, the most terrible tales of torture were put into circulation, similar to those centuries before after the Tridentine trial; sadistic licentious acts, of a kind which can originate only in Jewish brains, were attributed to the investigative authorities: according to which -- to give just a small selection from the "official report" of the Jew \*\*Pieritz\*\* from Damascus from 13 May 1840 (11) -- the "unfortunate prisoners" together with their children were placed in ice-cold water (which indeed in and of itself would already be a "torture" for the Jews \[Jews living in Orthodox communities throughout Europe and Asia Minor had the reputation of being less than scrupulous about matters of personal hygiene\]) and then left to roast slowly; "by means of a machine" their eyes were squeezed from their sockets and glowing irons pushed into their bodies. The "victims," pinched day and night, had had to stand erect for three full days, and with burning candles even their bent noses were delicately tickled. Hundreds of Jewish children were thrown into confinement and they were dropping like flies there. When one reads this nonsense, one has to ask oneself, who would actually have reacted to this. The sense of these atrocity reports was clear: the statements of the arrested Jews were supposed to lose their value through these maneuvers, as "having been wrung from tortured men"; but the embarrassing fact was that the criminals presently in solitary confinement made, in \*\*separately held\*\* interrogations, statements which agreed, not to mention the results of the investigations conducted on the site. \[These atrocity stories may strike the reader as "warm-up" exercises for those contrived or confabulated for propaganda about "the" Holocaust, ninety-five years after these events took place.\] From this point on the victims themselves were held responsible for their own awful fate and not the murderers: Father Thomas, whom no less a person than the French Minister-President \*\*Thiers\*\* had described as "a model of piety and benevolence," as "popular with all denominations and highly respected," as "benefactor and (83) friend of humanity(13)," became in the Jewish press a by no means impoverished old grey-head, who "had collected a far more considerable wealth than the rules of his order allowed him; he did not like to give, talked a lot and with anybody, was sometimes intemperate, of easy character and slight knowledge." (14) Later, at the end of this glorious century, a fourteen-year-old peasant girl, who bled to death in the synagogue of Tisza-Eszlár under the butcher-knife of an international band of Jews, was described as "whore and good-time girl," and the upper-fourth-former Ernst Winter, similarly slaughtered in a Konitz butcher's cellar by a murderous Galician mob, was described as a homosexual letch, by the same the same press which had meanwhile worked itself up to the position of the "mediator of culture and civilization" among an "enlightened humanity." But all of this was called "liberation of the Jewish spirit from the unworthy chains of the dark Middle Ages" or, in brief: Emancipation. On 23 May 1840, therefore after the trial in Damascus would have been definitively concluded and the sentence of judgment of the authorities would have become legally valid, a Jewish weekly, the `Orient(15)`, called to life in the same year by the "Instructor at the University at Leipzig," `Julius Fürst`, wrote under the entry "Damascus" the following introductory sentences: "A blood-red star has risen in the East, which seems to conjure up the `superstition` of the `Middle Ages` and its horrifying consequences; a `dreadful fairy tale`, which in `earlier centuries` Europe told itself from `dreams`, and which the Orient may now have in mind at its awakening. This fairy tale may get a grip raptor-quick upon the emotions of the people, and like the terrors of hell, malice and religious fanaticism may keep alive the now awakened memory of it, and the `silence` of `Jewish voices would not be timely, as influential men, who have exerted themselves with the governments in this matter, have also realized." (84) Whoever has gotten used to reading the most important things between the lines when studying Jewish sources, will now know, especially from an analysis of the last part of the sentence, where the Damascus "case" was supposed to be steered: "to the horrifying tales out of earlier centuries."`Some of these effusions exist for us today as bibliophilic oddities; they are all substantially reduced to one common denominator, which a Jewish "trade paper" itself indicates to us: "To show the baselessness of the charges in advance, \*\*even before the facts of the murder case\*\* were available." Only some of these curiosities do we wish to get into excerpting as especially eloquent children of their time. About the same time, on Ascension Day 1840, the "famous canon and cathedral preacher of the Metropolitan church at St. Stephen in Vienna, \*\*Dr. Emanuel Veith\*\*, celebrated pulpit speaker" -- and baptized Jew -- "before thousands of devout Christians" spoke the following memorable words at the conclusion of his talk: "You all know it, my devout listeners, and whoever perhaps still (86) does not know, may hear it: that I was born \*\*a Jew\*\* and. . . became a Christian -- have given comfort and hope to professed Christians in my pastoral calling ". . . And now this admirable man administered the pacifier and continued with emotion in his voice: "And thus I swear it here, in the name of the Trinity, that the lie, spread through evil cunning that the Jews at the celebration of their Easter festival (\*Pessach\*)\[= Passover\] use the blood of a Christian, is a malicious, blasphemous slander, and is neither contained in the books of the old covenant, nor even in the writings of the \*Talmud\*, which I know exactly(19), and have zealously researched. This is true, so help me God". . .(20) On the 18th of August 1840, in order to anticipate a little in this connection, on the occasion of the celebration of the founding of the institution of the Evangelical Now who are the "influential men, who exerted themselves with the governments," as the \*Orient\* wrote in 1840, who are the "powerful of this world," about whom, in the same year, a \*\*L. H. Loewenstein\*\* in his polemic, \*Damascia\* or \*The Persecution of the Jews in Damascus and its effect on public opinion\* (25), knew enough to report -- let us note: already in 1840! -- "that a wink of their eye might plunge kings from their thrones down into the loneliness of the night of the dungeons," -- "that a word from their mouth might \*\*open iron gates and lead the imprisoned to the golden light\*\*," -- who are they, who break "the bonds and chains"? Oh, we're getting to know them all, them and their highest and most Christian of protectors and accomplices; we only wish to make the effort to arrange as chronologically as possible the abundance of the existing letters, reports, appeals, speeches and accounts! !\[\](\_page\_72\_Picture\_0.jpeg) In the July Revolution of 1830, as a convinced republican he helped hound away the Bourbons; under the "Citizen-King," by the grace of Judah, Louis Philippe, this sly Jew then further played his republican role and propagated the full emancipation of his racial comrades. At the time of the trial of Damascus, 1840, he has already ascended to "Vice-President of the Central Consistory of the French Israelites" and played a great role in political life, so that already in 1842 he was able to move into the Chamber of Deputies. In the 1848 Paris Revolution he became for a short time Justice Minister of the provisional government, but then withdrew for some reason or other, in order to spin his threads behind the scenes; his great time came once again after the fall of the Empire in September 1870, after he had joined the government of the "National Defense" and for the second time took over the Ministry of Justice. Jointly with his racial comrade Gambetta, he let the French bleed to death through a senseless agitation for war and through the Paris Commune uprising. As Grand Master of the "Grand Orient" and of the Judaized French lodges, he put a price of the sum of one million on the heads of the German lodge brother King Wilhelm I as well as upon Bismarck and Moltke. In the "Alliance Israélite Universelle" (AIU) co-founded by him, "this spawn of the pit of imperialistic Jewry" (28) delivered to Jewry the most dangerous and most unscrupulous weapons. As branches of the AIU there came into existence in London the "Anglo-Jewish Association," in Vienna the "Israelitic Alliance," in Holland the "Nederlandsche Afdeeling" of the AIU. !\[\](\_page\_73\_Picture\_0.jpeg) For the realization of this "program," (90) the Italian-English Jew "residing" in London, "Sir" \*\*Moses Montefiore\*\* gave assistance to the best of his powers -- we are not able today to determine any longer what he may have been called earlier; according to the identification of the \*Jewish Lexicon\* he was "the most representative figure of Jewish politics of the 19th century," -- "leading member of the Jewish community in London, son-in-law of Nathan Meyer Rothschild" -- therefore an absolute match as colleague for Mr. Smeerkopp-Crémieux in Paris. The latter began the course of his political life as "attorney," while Montefiore began his -- and this is typical -- as securities-broker of the London house of Rothschild; his grandfather, an active Livornian Jew, had been enrolled as a straw hat dealer in London, and married the sister of this Nathan and is thereby socially competent enough, to be able to stand up for the equal rights of the Jews. In 1837 he was chosen "sheriff" of the City of London (chief magistrate), later ennobled by Queen Victoria and in 1846 dubbed a Knight (Baronet) "for the great merit he earned for the Jewish people." From 1835 until 1874 he was President of the "Board of Deputies of the British Jews" \[This remains one of the most powerful and intimidating Jewish organizations today -- just ask historian David Irving, who has been unmercifully hounded by this gang.\] and as such in a position "to be able to act especially effectively in this official capacity at his foreign missions in the service of the Jews." The first international "mission" which he carried through was the journey of the year 1840 undertaken together with Crémieux to Damascus. "In order to help the Jews in Russia," he traveled in 1846 and 1872 to Petersburg; in 1859 he made Rome insecure, in 1864 Morocco and 1867 Romania. In Palestine he surfaced not less than seven times: "His plans for the Jewish colonization of Palestine were not only of a philanthropic kind, but on the contrary were related to the political train of thought represented later by Theodore Herzl" -- so writes the Jewish Lexicon about the true reason for this "mission" quite openly! "Sir" Moses Montefiore "enjoyed the inestimable advantage of possessing the support of the British government and of British public opinion for his actions." After his death "Queen Victoria, who personally treasured him very much, c Obviously the influence of the Rothschilds also upon (91) the further course of events in Damascus has been of decisive significance. One glance at the family tree of these bank-hyenas sitting in London, Frankfurt-on-Main, Vienna, Naples, Paris, and even in Constantinople, added to his masterwork \*Hofjuden\* \[Court Jews\](29) by \*\*Peter Deeg\*\*, is sufficient to recognize the forlorn position of the French Count \*\*Ratti-Menton\*\* from the beginning, in this unequal struggle with the Jewish octopus. The remaining figures of this tragedy who acted for the Jews were without exception secondary creatures, but no less dangerous because of it -- all the same, whether it was a matter of a chief of state or his lowliest police constable. In a letter of 5 March 1840, when the interrogations in Damascus were not even finished, the "attorney" \*\*Crémieux\*\*, although no excerpts of any sort from the documents could have been available to him, already knows enough to report that , 1. "those accused of the terrible murder in Damascus are \*\*not\*\* the criminals" and that "the confessions, coerced from the beginning by torture, but which were rescinded with the return of consciousness (92), can not justify the charges." On the 7th of April 1840 -- therefore still during the trial -- the same individual published in the \*Journal des Débats\* an open letter, which first of all described the facts of the case falsely and then went on to the reports of atrocities concerning the alleged persecutions of the Jews. What interests us, however, is only the conclusion of the eight page printed epistle. It reads: "French Christians, we are your fellow-citizens, your brothers! You have given to the world the example of the gentlest, the purest tolerance. Serve as a shield for us, just as you have served as protector! But most of all, may the French press take on the sacred matter of civilization and the truth with that noble zeal which has been its glory. This is a beautiful role, which becomes it so well, and which it fills so magnanimously!" In these concluding sentences Crémieux, for once, does express three great truths: 1. that the French in their Revolution of 1789 gave to the world a truly unique example of how \[a country\], from pure "Brotherhood" and "Equality of all of that which bears the human face," can commit national suicide, \[Unfortunately, a pattern which is presently repeating itself.\] which the Jew Cohen in his attention-getting book which appeared in 1868: \*La question juive\* acknowledged with the following contemptuous sentence: "For the Jews the Messiah arrived on 28 February 1790 with the Rights of Man," 2. that France might serve as a "shield" for Jewry -- on that point actually nothing has changed until recently; and 3. that the press already fulfills Jewish wishes in every respect "magnanimously"! After pronouncement of the judgment the expert opinions of "eminent Christian authorities" were requested, in order to stress the baselessness of the charges -- in a later great ritual-murder trial in Hungary, Jewry received these "Christian credentials" delivered by the dozen. (33) The \*Allgemeine Zeitung\* published the "expert opinion" of a Herr Councilor \*\*Professor Dr. G.H. von Schubert\*\* in Number 121 from April 1840 under the headline: "The \*\*alleged Act of Murder\*\* by the Jews in Damascus." The Herr Councilor finds it "inconceivable, that the echo of a \*\*barbaric\*\*, (93) senseless fairy-tale of the Middle Ages about the manner in which the Father disappeared and then is supposed to have been murdered by the Jews, was able to pass on to us Christians of the 19th century and so easily be repeated among us." As a Christian traveler, he has become \*\*accurately acquainted\*\* with the Jews of the East and is able consequently "to say with fullest conviction, that that \*\*strange horrifying fairy-tale\*\* stands in such a total contradiction to the attitudes and inviolably strictly-held religious practices of the Jews," that the Jews can in \*\*no way\*\* be viewed as the perpetrators! But the Herr Councilor is correct on one point, when he reliably determined that the "religious practices of the Jews are maintained strictly inviolable"; these were even so mercilessly carried through, that already in those years, when the professor was roving the shores of the East as a Christian traveler, for instance in some regions and on some islands of the Near East, an unwritten law existed, according to which at certain definite times in which, according to frightful experience handed down of old, children regularly disappeared without a trace, and indeed from the \*\*Gentile\*\* part of the population, it had been forbidden to the Jews to leave their apartments, for example the procession of the Jews held at the time of a death. It is not without interest to note that also, for example, at Nuremberg and Bohemia in earlier centuries similar prohibitions existed. For Nuremberg the Emperor Maximilian I in 1498 had issued a nocturnal curfew for Jews (Tentzel, \*Mon. Unt.\*, 1697, page 228). But "the sympathy which enlightened Christians showed the stigmatized, did the heart good, and history will never forget those who let no time go by in placing Man and his moral being in the right light, against the attacks of narrow-minded stupidity. Among these noble men the bishop Dr. Dräseke was the first, in that he made the declaration in writing to the Rabbi Philippson that he perfectly agreed with the arguments of the latter in the Magdeburg newspaper and had to thank him for it. Indeed, even alms from the side of the Christians arrived for hungry Israelites, a (94) propitiatory sacrifice, as it were, upon the altar of offended humanity" (34) Not in vain had Jew Loewenstein directed his cynical appeal "to the liberal Rationalists, who fight for the principle of theological enlightenment": "You lights upon the field of Theology, it would now be for you to show that this study does not merely amount to verbal wisdom, but on the contrary that also a sweet, marrow-like core is contained in those many dry and indigestible peels, that Humanitarianism is the beautiful reward for years-long research. You great theologians and philologists of Germany, here is a practical field for your wisdom acquired in long years! You have toiled greatly, greatly, plowed and sown; here stand stalks in full ripeness, the time of the harvest has come, do not sleep through it!" -- Let us note the year: 1840. In the \*Journal de Smyrne\* since the 14th of May 1840 there appeared ongoing reports out of Alexandria, which had as author the Christian-camouflaged "missionary" \*\*G.W. Pieritz\*\*. This "report-making" about the events in Damascus can be described as the quite successful and effective precursor of the modern Jewish atrocity-propaganda. In a shameless manner the facts were mixed up -- even the representative of a European Great Power, the French Consul \*\*Ratti-Menton\*\*, was accused of "a punishable negligence" -- so that it is appropriate to concern ourselves more closely with the character and the racial affiliation of the author. The "Protestant missionary" G. W. \*\*Pieritz\*\* was a member of the "\*\*London\*\* Society The leading role in this battue \[Note: a battue is a technique used in certain types of hunting, where beaters are used to harry, round-up, and bring their prey to bay and the author uses it as a metaphor for the tactics used by the Jews in bring the investigators, politicians, and the press to their side by bringing pressure from several directions simultaneously.\] underway against the judge of the investigation \*\*Ratti-Menton\*\*, was assigned to the Austrian Consul in Damascus, \*\*Merlato\*\*, although at one time, at least at the beginning of the trial, he was of an entirely other opinion. \*\*Merlato\*\* himself is, on the other hand, under the command of the Austrian General Consul, the Jew \*\*Laurin\*\*. A entirely dubious individual, the Jew \*\*Isaac Piccioto\*\* from \*\*Aleppo\*\*, by occupation likewise Austrian General Consul and - as can be determined with absolute certainty -- an uncle of one of the ritual-murderers of the same name, seems to have exerted the control over both. "The Jews of Austria, and, at their head, \*\*Rothschild\*\*, are taking action and do not implore their just and paternal government in vain for assistance in this sad affair. We see from now on the Austrian General Consul in Alexandria and the Consul of the same State in Damascus working most zealously, to restore a status of justice and (97) humanity to the affair \[i.e., in Damascus\]..." For the revision of his views \*\*Merlato\*\*, as desired, needed only a few weeks. He reports still on the date 28 February 1940 to the General Consul \*\*Laurin\*\* in Alexandria, with the highest degree of indignation over the "disgraceful Jews, eigh in number", who "slaughtered the unfortunate old man and collected his blood," so he makes report on the 23rd of March 1840 to the same royal and imperial General Consul in Alexandria about the result of his "most conscientious inquiries" performed on the spot. These are to the effect that the Father and his servant were perhaps not lured by Jews lying in wait and then overpowered, but on the contrary, at a very popular(!) place in the city "had a hard brawl with Muslims of the lowest class, the meanest riff-raff" (\*Musulmani della più bassa e più impertinente canaglia\*), in the course of which both the missing men could very well have been done away with. Aside from the fact that an old man already having become somewhat insecure, who went out almost always only in the company of his servant, would hardly still feel the need for a substantial brawl, it would have to have been an easy matter for the report-writer to come by witnesses to (98) such a public incident as this, yet Merlato spares not a word about this in his verbose epistle! It is striking that the Austrian Consul interests himself in the accused \*\*Piccioto\*\* to an extraordinary degree and energetically demands the release of this man immediately. The key to this behavior is already supplied to us! In a supplementary report -- aside from the usual attacks upon Ratti-Menton -- the "poor Israelites" are pitied: "The Israelites have endured in this city tortures which only from this pariah of the Earth are borne without \[there being\] a frightful On 25 April 1840, Merlato also pleased his (Jewish) father-in-law, Herr \*\*Premuda\*\* in \*\*Trieste\*\*, with a Jewish-attuned piece of writing, which the latter immediately sent on to the press. \*\*Merlato\*\* asserted that he was troubling himself about the unfortunate Jews "merely out of "philanthropy," who because of this "blessed his name and prayed to God for him," as, on the other side, "\*\*the Christian bunch\*\* (\*la turba cristiana\*)" were "heaping curses upon" him. Among the men convicted of the murder one counts also this \*\*Isaac di Piccioto\*\*, "\*\*the nephew of our General Consul in Aleppo\*\*." The Royal and Imperial Consul sought comfort in witty surroundings; at his location was a clever German (read: Jewish) author, who would take over his, Merlato's duties for the \*Augsburger Allgemeine Zeitung\*. Besides this, a "Protestant missionary" -- it's \*\*Pieritz!\*\* -- intended a memorandum about the Jewsih persecutions of Damascus and "several scholars" to issue publications "for the benefit of humanity." The Austrian General consul in Alexandria, \*\*Laurin\*\*, a Jew himself, utilized the "enquiries" delivered to him; in a report from Alexandria of 31 March 1840 he is (99) already able to log his first success (44), in that he succeeded in submitting a petition to the Viceroy of Egypt, \*\*Mehemed Ali\*\*, in order to "introduce the essential matter." \*\*Laurin\*\* requested "respectfully to obtain a \*\*potent order\*\* at the French Ministry, to the effect that the French Consul in Damascus, Count \*\*Ratti-Menton\*\*, who through his conduct caused the Turkish authorities to use coercion, might at last be dismissed". . . This was all the more urgent, since the "unrest among the Gentile population very easily could get out of hand and turn into a regular persecution of the Jews in Palestine." In fact, \*\*Jakob Rothschild\*\*, the brother of \*\*Salomon Rothschild\*\*, in Paris, had attempted to push through the \*\*immediate dismissal\*\* of the inconvenient Consul with King \*\*Louis Philipp\*\*. On 4 April 1840 it says: "Several details stated in the trial strengthen increasingly my (Laurin) already expressed opinion, that the accusation of a ritual-murder has no legal foundation. . .I am convinced, that the Press will raise a cry of horror. . .", and further on, under the date 6 April 1840, we find the following portentous sentence written: "I have spoken with the Pasha, the interrogations will be stopped. \*\*Thereby much has been gained\*\*." "This intervention from the European side has encouraged our deeply afflicted brothers in the East to take the initiative with their own government," wrote \*Der Orient\* on 30 Mai 1840; these deeply afflicted brothers now directed a petition (45) to the Viceroy of Egypt, \*\*Mehemed Ali\*\*, "in favor of the persecuted brothers-in-the-faith in Damascus." This reads in part: "The Israelite Nation(!) has no princes, no State; her glory is buried by the Ages, her nationality is extinguished. Religion governs her conscience, but it does not sever (us) from (our adopted) nations. The \*\*Israelites of Damascus are your children\*\*, for God has entrusted them to your government. They are slandered by malice and oppressed by cruelty. The name of Mehemed Ali rings loudly throughout the universe, for in one hand he holds Glory and in the other Justice. The Hebrews of Damascus are (100) accused of a horrifying crime, of a crime which contradicts reason, their religious principles, and even more, history. The people of Israel are unfortunate, it's true, but their character in travail has been astonishing, and men such as Your Highness, whom God has gifted with genius, take pity upon them and do not despise them. Your Highness, we ask for no mercy for our bothers-in-faith -- we ask for Justice. To you alone has God entrusted the power over these unfortunate people, and you alone have the right to rule them. This concerns an old religion, which they wish to besmirch, and it seems that God has reserved for you a still greater glory -- to be the Liberator of an oppressed Nation." \*\*Mehemed Ali\*\* thereupon gave command to send first of all an 800 troops to Damascus, "in order to uphold the peace among the Christians there" (46) -- in later ritual murder trials in like manner entire battalions, yes, even battle ships were mustered, in order to "calm" the Gentile population. The consular representatives of the remaining powers joined in the procedure of the Austrian Consul; the representatives of the German states got the report issued on the part of the Jews, that "they might appear in the best light." But the \*\*Prussian Consul in Beirut\*\* is especially praised, who "proved himself on this occasion as the representative worthy to be a successor of \*\*Frederick the Great\*\*, in that he united his own efforts for the rescue of the persecuted with those of the Austrian Consul." The representative of Prussia rendered to "the Israelites many benefits" at the most important place in Syria and assured them "they should fear no one; he was willing and ready to serve anyone who bore the name \*\*Jew\*\*." As thanks for this he will be numbered among "the devout of the peoples of the world" and "every kindness possible in this world" shall be shown to him, as also "his name is to be praised all over the world, that all peoples might know that Israel is not yet helpless and that it shows gratitude toward its benefactors(47)." These cosmopolitan gentlemen finally agreed upon a formula, that "the Austrian Consul General made the proposal, to withdraw the pending trial from the hands of the Turkish justice (Sherif-Pasha), and hand it over to a commission of four European (read: Jewish) Consuls, to which four German 'criminologists' should be added for the bringing out of the facts" (49) -- in other words: The Gentile \*\*Ratti-Menton\*\* was to be eliminated. Before this plan could be pushed through, an event took place on Rhodes, which seemed suited to throw the Jewish direction of the case into confusion during just these critical days. Go to Damascus/Page 3Back to Table of Contents\\\_\\\_\\\_\\\_\\\_ ----- Page 3 (p. 101) #### Rhodes As had first become well-known in the course of several weeks, an approximately 12-year-old Greek youngster from the town of \*\*Triande\*\* on \*\*Rhodes\*\* had disappeared without a trace around the time of the \*\*Jewish Easter\*\* 1840. The child had been sent by his mother to a merchant to buy yarn. Since then he had been missing. On the next day the mother made a police report with the Turkish \*Gouverneur\* of the island, \*\*Jussuf Pasha\*\*. The latter immediately carried out house searches in the relevant location, but without result. Finally two witnesses who on the day in question had observed the missing child reported how he was haggling over something or other with the \*\*head of the Jewish community\*\*, \*\*Stambuli\*\*, and then disappeared into the house of the Jew. \*\*Stambuli\*\* was brought forward. He began a great lamentation that he knew nothing about it; he tried to come up with an alibi, which did not succeed. At any rate this much was learned, that on the (102) day in question, shortly before Easter, \*\*three strange Jews\*\* had come o Rhodes in a direction through \*\*Triande\*\*. A police team succeeded in discovering these three Jews. They were brought before the \*Gouverneur\* and questioned in the presence of several foreign Consuls. They likewise knew nothing. The \*\*Rabbi of Rhodes\*\*, \*\*Jakob Israel\*\*, gave (in response to the rebukes of the questioner) the explanation to the protocol, that none of the Jewish laws and books of religion required any such kind of unnatural sacrifice, of which people liked to accuse the Jews: "\*\*We are also in no way capable of such a crime, we would be unworthy to be God's children\*\*, if we through our behavior could give the slightest cause of dissatisfaction to the government." Here one of the Consuls present interrupts him with the words: "Be silent, we have not summoned you to listen to your \*\*apparent\*\* justifications or longwinded explanations, we want to know shortly and concisely, where the Greek child can be found! The Rabbi also asserted that he "knew nothing about it". The Highest Court at Constantinople then announced, too, the "Innocence of the Jews at Rhodes" in a public declaration. The Jews were "totally acquitted of the accusations of kidnapping a child and of child-murder, and as compensation were entitled to some \*\*benefits\*\*. . .those who had accused them illegitimately, had to pay the compensation. . ." We can imagine of what these benefits consisted. In contrast to those in Damascus, the judicial enquiries in Rhodes were nipped in the bud. \*\*Jussuf-Pasha\*\* was "formally degraded" and replaced by a successor belonging to the Jews. But the population, \*\*for centuries (105) never at peace over the trackless disappearance of its children\*\*, knew in this case, too, where the plague-germ of murder was to be sought. In the "situation-report" of a Jewish correspondent out of Rhodes cited above, there occurs accordingly the very remarkable passage, that "Jews, if they do not wish to subject themselves to mistreatment, should not allow themselves to venture before the gates of the city." These were at any rate very critical moments, which were capable of shaking the carefully protected and guarded positions of the Jews on those shores. "These are \*\*grievous signs of the times, such events often pull down in a few weeks an edifice built over years\*\*," wrote the \*Orient\* with wrinkled brow, in the summer of this year! to them. . . " Now, (106) since the Jew \*\*L. H. Loewenstein\*\* in his \*Damascia\* (54) is so generous and allows even the rest of humanity to be told the "glorious deeds", we consider that the time has come and we commit ourselves to the immodest venture of erecting an "indestructible monument" to those captains of World Jewry. 1. After this Committee heard with particular attention various letters from the East, which reveal the necessity of a further \*\*intervention\*\* of the \*\*European Israelites\*\* in favor of their persecuted brothers in \*\*Damascus\*\*, and has learned that the Israelite Central Consistory in \*\*Paris\*\* has empowered Herr Ad. \*\*Crémieux\*\* to defend as its emissary the case of the accused Jews in Damascus; the Committee is 2. convinced that it would be highly expedient if \*\*several gentlemen of rank and talent\*\* were sent, to \*\*work together with Herr Crémieux\*\*. - 7. that on Tuesday, the 23rd of this month, at 4 o'clock in the great synagogue, \*\*Duke's Place\*\*, a public assembly be held. . .as well as, that on the next Sabbath an announcement relating this shall be issued." The Committee expressed at the end, "deeply moved by noble-mindedness, the humanitarianism and the zeal" of its chief Montefiore, "the warmest gratitude." -- "At the conclusion, Montefiore opened the suggested subscription, by drawing up 100 Pounds beyond taking care of his own travel expenses, which sum his wife also equally contributed. The three young Herren Rothschild each participated with 200 Pounds apiece, Herr Isaak Cohen gave 100 Pounds, and so forth. Thereupon, the Jews of Manchester followed directly the example of the London Jews, and in a meeting held there, which was attended by Christian manufacturers, merchants and scholars, 800 Pounds was raised."(59) -- A glorious piece of theater: The Gentile "Intelligentsia" contributes its not insignificant mite to the "rescue" of Jewish criminals! Indeed: "Such a noble example was powerfully effective, the sympathy for the unfortunate Jewish population increased all the more, as (109) on the one hand this tragedy no longer stood isolated, on the contrary similar occurrences in other places, this time in Rhodes, also had turned up and had been exploited with fanaticism. . .all the more happened from the other side. Louder and ever louder shouted the English House of Commons for aid for the Israelites." (60) One day before the main meeting of the London Jews, on 22 June 1840 a sitting of the House of Commons took place, an excerpt from the minutes of which throws a glaring light upon the intrigues behind the scenes. \*\*Sir Robert Peel\*\*, "perceiving the presence of \*\*Lord Palmerston\*\*"(61), raised the topic of the "much-discussed abusive persecution of the Jews in Damascus," . . . "of which he had already made mention on Friday." This Member of Parliament reported to the Lower House the same account of cruelty which \*\*Merlato\*\* and \*\*Pieritz\*\* had already put about in the world from the end of April to the end of May of this year with conspicuous correspondence \[of detail\]. \*\*Sir Robert Peel\*\* now awaited the \*\*intervention of England\*\*, "although he knows that this couldn't be done officially; yet the \*\*respect for England\*\* and the influence of its government are sufficient, that the \*\*happiest results are to be expected\*\* from that intervention, even in limited degree." The Jews of England, like those of all nations, would firmly trust the England's intervention will lead "to the discovery of the truth," if the charges should be proved to be unfounded. The "Secretary of Foreign Affairs," \*\*Palmerston\*\*, responded to this that "the subject of which the highly esteemed Baronet had just now made the House aware, had already been brought to the attention of the government some time ago, which lost no time in taking suitable measures." He, \*\*Palmerston\*\*, had given instructions to \*\*Colonel Hodges\*\*, General Consul in \*\*Alexandria\*\*, "to bring the entire matter to the most earnest attention of the Pasha of Egypt." The unfortunate accused \*\*would have to be compensated, as far as this might be at all possible\*\*. Hereupon remarked the Member \*\*O. Connel\*\*, "the best means (110) to purge the Jews of the taint thrown upon them would be, \*\*to put them on an equal footing in every respect with the rest of the citizens\*\* resident in England. He wished to know, whether it were the intention of the government, to propose a \*\*law\*\* which would aim at the \*\*full equal standing\*\* of the Jews." The "Damascus Affair" was therefore supposed to be exploited into a matter of high politics. \*\*Loewenstein\*\* gives to these statements his informative commentary, from which it emerges that \*\*Palmerston\*\* "admitted quite openly that the \*\*civil equality\*\* of the Israelites with their Christian fellow-citizens was a necessary measure by virtue of reason and justice". . . Lord \*\*Ashley\*\* joined the preceding speaker and declared, he had only just received letters from the East which "indicated that extortion of money was the single goal of the atrocities perpetrated against the Jews." We see matters going forward step by step to the good fortune of the Jews -- but it gets better yet! First of all there was mentioned with warm gratitude the helpful intervention of Colonel \*\*Hodges\*\*, "Consul of his His Majesty in Alexandria," of \*\*Prince\*\*Metternich, "His Grace," of the Austrian Consul Merlato in Damascus, of the Austrian General Consul in Alexandria, Laurin, and also gratefully acknowledged was "the energy, which Herr James v. Rothschild expended for the support of the unfortunate co-religionists." This general assembly decided "after examination of the presented documents" to send to Syrian "the gentlemen Crémieux and Montefiore as representatives of the Israelites." The French Minister-President Thiers, who attempted to protect the French Consul for Damascus from the filthiest attacks, was accused by one of the committee's speakers of "lack of humanity before the forum of (111) civilized Europe"! Montefiore declared that he would go across with Crémieux. "We go in order to defend the requirements of Humanity, which is offended in our persecuted and suffering brothers; we go to shed light upon the dark chaos of diabolical deed, to uncover conspiracy and to shame the conspirators. . . still more, we want to try to infuse into the eastern governments more enlightened principles of legislation and the administration of justice; I hope that our efforts will be crowned with success. . . fare thee well, gentlemen! I pray to the god of our fathers, that he guides our steps. . . Thus I look upon my return in the sure hope, to be able to say to you at that time, that the Judge of the World has given us the victory, has bent kings and rulers to His will. . . " The minutes note at this point: "Great emotion held sway at "After \*\*Montefiore\*\* asked to take his leave of the \*\*Queen of England\*\* (!) and was received by the same in the most gracious manner. . .he travelled on the 27th of June, accompanied by his wife and fellow-pilgrims, the Orientalist \*\*Dr. Loewe\*\*, a learned German (Jew), the Undersheriff \*\*Wire\*\* and the physician Dr. \*\*Madden\*\*, \*\*on a steamboat placed at his disposal by the Queen from London to Boulogne.\*\*" From there "the envoys of a sympathetic Europe hurried" to \*\*Paris\*\*, but here they were held up by discussions with "leading politicians." In Marseilles the traveling group met with the "fiery \*\*Crémieux\*\*", who had hastened on ahead in company with the \*\*"Orientalist"\*\* and the earlier tutor of the \*\*Rothschilds\*\* (112), \*\*Munck\*\*. The French government had placed at their disposal a "government steamboat" for the crossing to Alexandria!(63) "So travel happily, you high-minded advocates of the great cause of Humanity and reason! May your fiery courage and the light of your reason and eloquence triumph over the base malice and the dark fanaticism of the enemy! Proclaim to us that trodden-upon Innocence has found Right and recognition at last!" Thus did Jew \*\*Loewenstein\*\* still cry out from Germany. The emissaries of Israel were in Paris when over 200 "important Christian merchants, bankers, officials and scholars of the City of London" on the 3rd of July of the same year called up a public assembly, "in order to express demonstratively their fervent sympathy in respect to the terrible oppression of the Jews." The Lord Mayor of London had also promised to make an appearance. A number of the persons of this "great Christian meeting," which the large auditorium in the Egyptian Hall, Mansion House (65) was barely able to hold," (113) has been handed down to us. We encounter there, to give only a very modest "selection," a Lemmé "and Company," Lewis Lloyd, Masterman, an Abel Smith, Colmann, Schaezler "and Company," an Udadelizen Freudenteil "and Company," Schunck-Souchay "and Company," Suse and Sibeth, a Godfroy and Simson, a Benjamin Greene, a Jeremias Bryant, David Salomons, Samuel Garney, Turnbull and \*\*Curtis\*\* "and many other respected bankers and merchants of the City," and we immediately know all about it -- practically in advance we are able to set what the course of the meeting will be. An enormous torrent of words was raised, from which we excerpt only the interesting scraps. The Vice-President in his speech of welcome took upon himself "the freedom to say that, in his opinion, the Jews of Damascus were just as worthy of respect and praiseworthy in their dealings as those who live amongst us in England." From this he now "permits himself to say, that no one of our fellow-citizens has made more zealous an effort, to promote \*\*Humanitarianism\*\*, to help the poor and oppressed, to patronize literature and science (applause), that Christians also have benefited from these blessings. . .to show the high regard which is due them, he is stating only that \*\*Mr. Salomans\*\* was a short time ago \*\*appointed to one of the highest positions\*\*. He could name still other men of the Jewish nation who have contributed to the honor and welfare of the city of London, and he need only mention the name \*\*Rothschild\*\*, a name that will endure as long as the city of London itself (loud applause)." Then came the reading of the atrocity report of the "Rev. Mr. \*\*Pieritz.\*\*," which resulted in various motions. \*\*J. Morrison\*\* stepped up: "...for I cannot extol the character of the Jews any better with praise, for long as I've lived, I have gotten to know no more honorable, more useful and more patriotic people than the Jews (applause). They are well worth our making vital efforts \*\*for their relief\*\*..." Mr. O'Connell was already "received with loud enthusiasm as he stepped up." This applause was certainly deserved, since the speaker developed in "shining rhetoric" the lapidary sentences: "Is not a Jew a model in every respect in life? Are they not loyal friends? (66) Are they not honest, industrious? All of this proves how improbable the charge against the Jews is. . . May the call go out from one end of the British island to the other (Hear! Hear! applause)." \*\*Daniel Hearne\*\*, "Catholic priest from St. Patrick's" and \*\*Alexander Munro\*\*, "Pastor of the Scottish Peter's Church," proved "the invalidity of the accusation against the Jews with numerous citations from the Bible." They hope "that a kindly dawn will smile upon the people of Israel". . . \*\*priceless human rights\*\* in general" are protected. It would "especially please" him "to see our Jewish brothers fully \*\*emancipated\*\*"... And the actual goal of these theatrical preparations? This we learn with utter clarity: "The decision of this meeting were communicated by the Lord Mayor as well as Lord \*\*Palmerston\*\*, as, also, \*\*to the foreign ambassadors\*\*. The envoys of Hanover, Saxony, Portugal, the United States, Spain, of the Turks, of Holland and of Prussia responded in the \*\*most obliging terms\*\* and with the greatest sympathy for the subject of the conference. . . Indeed, the Dutch envoy even enclosed the copy of a letter which His Majesty's Minister of Foreign Affairs, \*\*Baron Verstolk van Soelen\*\* already had issued on the 5th of March to the Dutch \*chargé d'affaires\* in \*\*Constantinople\*\*, and the content of which was able to convince us that the Dutch government had already shown its sympathy for the unfortunate ones.(68)" The news of the London "General meeting" therefore even penetrated America, according to the note above! On the 19th of August of this year an "Israelite assembly took place with respect to the Damascene affairs" in New York (69). A report "about the results of this energetic assembly has been directed to the Lord Mayor of \*\*London\*\*, as President of the meeting held in \*\*Mansion House\*\*." The President of the New York Jewish assembly "felt the urge, to express his pain over the fact that anyone could ascribe such disgusting practices to any kind of religious party in such an enlightened century." He had "noted with great satisfaction, that several European governments have been making the effort to put a stop to the cruel measures applied in Damascus and has learned with great joy that this has been \*\*partly\*\* successful. He wishes most intensely that the sympathy and the active intervention of the government of the United States might not remain uninvolved in so noble-minded an effort. . ." On the 27th of August a similar "assembly" took place in the synagogue Mikveh Israel in \*\*Philadelphia\*\*. . . The ship expectorated the Jews, who comfortably nestled into the surrounding Hotels -- the "old forbear" without a doubt could be rightly satisfied with his "civilized" grandsons! A report from out of Alexandria from August 6, 1840 reads: (71) "Sir Moses Montefiore and Herr Crémieux reached here on the 4th of August with a large retinue, which occupied two hotels almost exclusively, and will continue their journey to Damascus toward the end of the month, in order to, as is well known, take steps in favor of the so atrociously abused Jews, and to subject this matter to new investigations. A talk of Sir Moses with the Pasha which occurred yesterday did not accord with the wishes of the former. The Pasha has declared that the intervention of legal scholars in this affair is not agreeable to him, and has promised to give Sir Moses a further reply in a few days." (72) Under the 26th of August, thus three weeks after the first meeting with \*\*Mehemed Ali\*\*, they knew enough to report from London (!), that "the measures which presently are understood to be in progress in connection with Sir \*\*Moses Montefiore\*\*'s mission, will not remain without result. . ." (74) The success of course could not fail to arrive; if we draw a comparison with the stop-over of the Jewish deputation of \*\*Rhodes\*\* in \*\*Constantinople\*\*, which indeed paid out a sum of 150,000 Piasters in bribes within the shortest time, then \*\*Rothschild funds\*\* would have allowed the way to the revision of the judgement without further appeal to be eased in Alexandria as well. At the end of August, the time was felt right from henceforth to present a request for pardon; \*\*Montefiore\*\* and \*\*Crémieux\*\* had wanted to bring in a petition for pardon for the Jews in Damascus to \*\*Mehemed Ali\*\*; this was \*\*unnecessary\*\*, \*\*for the Pasha had pardoned them before\*\* the arrival of the petition. . ."(75) # Firman \[i.e. edict or decree\] of Mehemed Ali, in reference to the Jews of Damascus (76). liberation of all their coreligionists who have been arrested and to secure the peace of those who, in consequence of the investigations which have been pending over the disappearance (!) of the \*\*Father Thomas\*\* and his servant \*\*Ibrahim\*\*, have taken flight. \*\*And because We hold it not advisable on account of their great number in the population to reject this request\*\*, so We command, all Jews who are incarcerated be set free; as concerns those who have left their hearth, so I will, that the greatest security for returning home be granted them. Each one of them shall go again to his trade or business and as formerly be able to carry on his customary work. I will, that they be totally secure from any contesting\[of his order\]. This is Our Will." In the edict of \*\*Mehemed Ali\*\* there is nothing mentioned of any sort of additionally demonstrated innocence or unjust treatment of the accused, no word about any possible errors having crept into the procedure of the trial, and indeed, in the session of the chamber on 10 July 1840 the French Minister-President \*\*Thiers\*\* repeated on inquiry his many-times given declaration that, after he had studied the entire procedure of the investigation as carefully as possible, he had found no cause to make the slightest reproach to the French Consul as judge of the investigation.(119) Despite this, the advocate \*\*Crémieux\*\* was not entirely satisfied with the text of the Order of Release; he expressed the intention of still demanding from the Pasha a declaration to the effect that the accusation of blood-guilt was a \*\*slander\*\* -- even this "Declaration of Honor" was accomplished! Alexandria -- Judah had wrested a shining triumph! "The Jews were finally freed more than anything else through the intervention of \*\*England\*\*, \*\*Austria\*\* and also of the \*\*Prussian Consul\*\* in Alexandria." (78) A few years later, one of the most knowledgeable men on the subject of the \*Talmud\* and the Jewish world in general, the former Rabbi \*\*Simon Drach\*\*, who later crossed over to Christianity, wrote the following sentence heavy with significance: "The murderers of \*\*Father Thomas\*\*, convicted of their crime, have nevertheless \*\*eluded vengeance by means of the efforts of the Jews of all (!) nations; in this case money played the largest role.\*\*" (79) "Justice has lost its way." (81) assassinato dagli ebrei il giorno 5 di febbraio del 1840. Here rest the bones of the apostolic missionary \*\*Father Thomas of Sardinia\*\*, who on the 5th of February 1840 was murdered by the Jews. \[It will come as small surprise to the reader to be told that this plaque has since been replaced by one which makes craven allusions to the supposed innocence of the Jews.\] The Jewish deputation stayed on for some time still in the East. One must seize one's opportunities. Under an agreement with the Vice-Regent of Egypt, Mehemed Ali, Jewish schools were established in Cairo and Alexandria, which then in later years through the Alliance Israélite Universelle were extended to hundreds of locations in the Near East according to plan and were supported on a continuing basis by large sums(82), in order to prepare intellectually and economically the political resumés of the Jews of Egypt, Syria, and Turkey; as final goal of a politically central location, these Jews already had in mind the creation of (at least in vague outline) an independent territory. It is entirely possible, that the disputes between Mehemed Ali and the Gates \[Note: "the Gates" or "High Gates" refers to the autocratic government in Constantinople, in other words the chief authority of the Ottoman Empire; by the start of WW1, this "Empire" had shrunk to a husk and was referred to as the "Sick Old Man of Europe."\], which had reached their zenith in the year 1840 and ended with the defeat of the former, were artfully stoked by these swindlers who knew all the tricks of the political trade, in the hope that they might come closer to their goals thereby. In any event the long duration of the stay of the Jewish chiefs in the East is suspicious. (121) Montefiore also turned up in Constantinople -- a topic to which we will return. As it emerges from a highly informative letter of the Jewish Orientalist appointed to the Royal Library at Paris, Munck, sent from Cairo on 2 October 1840 to his mother, the Jewish children in these Jewish schools typically had to learn, besides Hebrew, Arabic, French and Italian as well as geography and arithmetic; the necessary \*Talmud\* instruction then rounded out the training of those feared Jewish elements, who systematically brought into their own hands the whole shift of East-West intercourse and thereby insinuated themselves into the sphere of high politics. It goes without saying that these dangers were not recognized by the governments of the individual nations or, respectively, were not permitted to be recognized. In subsequent time these Jewish Consuls performed the most valuable service to Jewry also in quashing further cases of ritual murder -- the Jewish money invested in the Jewish schools had thoroughly paid for itself. It is an irony of political history, which is so rich in bad jokes, that the collections taken in conjunction with the (for example) "Christian" meetings arranged in London were remitted, among others, to these very \*Talmud\*-schools! At about the end of October 1840 \*\*Crémieux\*\* and \*\*Montefiore\*\* took leave from each other in Egypt: the "attorney" traveled directly back to Europe to "give his report," while Sir Moses \*\*Montefiore\*\* surfaced in \*\*Constantinople\*\*. He had -- according to a report of the \*Journal des Débats\* -- "brought along residents from \*\*Damascus\*\* and \*\*Rhodes\*\*, in order to have an \*\*appeal\*\* of the \*\*charges\*\* lodged there against the Israelites heard before the Tribunal of the Grand Vizier" -- to be well noted is the fact that: it is not a question of an appeal of the \*\*judgment\*\*, for this had occurred long ago to the satisfaction of world Jewry, but the charges as such, that is, that anyone at all had dared to designate the murderers by name, was supposed to be subsequently declared null and void! "As reliable reports show, \*\*Father Thomas\*\* is not supposed to be dead at all." It says further in the report of the Paris paper: "As soon as the political situation (122) allows it, he (Montefiore) wants to proceed to Damascus and Jerusalem and settle there, if he succeeds in founding a kind of Republic. Lord \*\*Ponsonby\*\* paid him (Montefiore) a visit. . ." Very interesting: England and Judah already had dark plans there in Palestine and Syria; \[This \*is\* especially interesting due to the subsequent history -- e.g., the British Balfour Declaration, etc....and, of course, the events just 4 or 5 years after this was written, with the founding of "Israel."\] This news, which in its main points is also confirmed elsewhere, is one of the most significant things in the Damascus story (83)." "The newly-born kingdom of \*\*Mehemet Ali\*\* threatens to crash, the coastal regions of Syria and with it also Palestine's are already under the occupation of the Four Powers, and Damascus, the theater of the sad story, has already declared itself together with Aleppo for the Sultan. Mehemet Ali is \*\*declared an outlaw\*\* and \*\*put under ban as a rebel\*\*, his army, created and assembled with difficulty, and the single prop and core of his power, is demoralized, and the provinces and nationalities which were torn away are placing themselves with joy under the protection of the Sultan. ..." And this Sultan was now showered with the same disgusting flattery which just a few weeks before his great opponent, the Vice-Regent of Egypt, had requited with "a pleased smile"! Jewry sniffed an inheritance, for, as it reads: "Also the Jews of Palestine, Syria, and Arabia are \*\*an already highly significant nationality\*\* in relation to their great number in the great Kingdom of the Halfmoon." \*\*Montefiore\*\* seemed in those days to already have seen himself as governor of Jewry in Syria and Palestine; in no case should one underestimate these early \*\*Montefioran\*\* political strivings in their \*\*historical\*\* ### significance!(84) After his final departure the Jewish influence was so firmly grounded "in the great Kingdom of the Halfmoon" through an explicit Firman(85) of the Sultan Abdul Meschid, that (123)those areas of the East, in which human life already counted for nothing, immediately became a Dorado for numberless blood murders.(86) Go to Damascus/Page 4 \*\*Back to Table of Contents\*\* # Damascus 1840 \\\_\\\_\\\_\\\_\\\_ ----- Page 4 (p. 123) At the beginning of December \*\*Crémieux\*\*, on his trip back to Paris, reached Vienna "after an endless triumphal progress," where he was swamped "with tributes." \*\*Price Metternich\*\* and all his old acquaintances received "the defender of offended, abused Humanity. . .with distinction." The Vienna Jewish community arranged, to thank him, "a banquet in the hotel fit for a Roman Emperor, the like of which not many had been seen of equal magnificence." -- "The general enthusiasm extended also to the Jewish women's circle in the tasteful arrangement of the celebration, which in particular the Frauen Nanette Edle v. \*\*Wetheimstein\*\*, Louise Edle \*\*Wertheimstein\*\* and Regine \*\*Biedermann\*\* had managed. . ." (87) Jew Manheimer handed over to his Jewish chief an address of gratitude of his community, written upon parchment and with a golden cover set with brilliantine," which was also read aloud. The report concerning this reception contains such numerous typical as well as informative details, that it should be added to the Appendix in its unabridged text. (88) After "toasts were proposed with great enthusiasm to the Emperor and the entire Imperial house and to the Prince State-Chancellor (Metternich), and to the \*\*Consuls\*\* of the great powers who rendered assistance in this cause of Justice and Humanity, and the celebration was inscribed so indissolubly in the emotions of the Israelite population through many significant features," \*\*Crémieux Triumphator\*\* traveled back to Paris on the 9th of December 1840. In Fürth, appropriately, a magnificent edition of the book of Esther was presented to him (89) \[The reader's attention is called to the rather pointed contents of that book, which contains the story of Jewish revenge...in which Haman, along with his 10 sons, is hanged by Esther and her consort.\] In Frankfurt a.M. "Herr Crémieux also honored our citizens and high-school children with his presence." But \*\*Sir Moses\*\* also entered London again after long "diplomatic" (124) stay in Constantinople; Here there occurred for him the honor unattainable for the ordinary Englishman, of being received personally by the Queen. Paul \*\*Nathan\*\* mentions with a sense of pride this detail, which by itself speaks volumes, in the foreword to his sorry and Talmudic piece of work about \*Tisza-Eszlár\* which appeared in 1892,: "...thus it was natural that \*\*Montefiore\*\* was given special distinctions, when he returned home from Egypt after a happily concluded mission in this affair. \*\*Queen\*\* \*\*Victoria\*\* of England received him personally and as a special sign of her favor in recognition of his position and his success in Alexandria, bestowed upon him the privilege of bearing supporters to his arms." \[In heraldry, this consists of (usually) human figures which are displayed outside of the escutcheon proper and signify are enhancement of the family's distinction.\] Crémieux in Paris again -- Montefiore back in London, the blessing of Yahweh, which the Rabbis in the synagogues had beseeched, had indeed proven successful! Both had returned as the uncrowned heads of their people, of whom the Jew Mendelssohn wrote in an open letter from Paris as an Epilogue to " this sad drama in Damascus" (90): "Though dispersed to all points of the globe, in our century also Israel is still one people! Was it not, as if the poisoned dagger of that accusation had struck at but one man, but one heart? Did not those terrible events prove that a magically powerful bond winds itself about us irrefutably from pole to pole? Like one single voice Israel rose, from North Germany to free America far across the ocean and defended, strong in its conscience, the purity of the Mosaic Law " ### The Seed Sprouts !\[\](\_page\_95\_Picture\_3.jpeg) So that the Gentile peoples, who of course still existed, did not become too shocked over this "purity of the Mosaic Law," and since on the other hand, the huge excitement over the ritual crimes of \*\*Damascus\*\* in the whole world of culture despite the "thick veil which had been drawn over this bloody scene," tended never to entirely die down, Eastern Jews who had immigrated to America had by 1843 already founded as an organization for warding off \["defamation", etc.\], the Order "B'nai Brith," which however (125) was soon operating under the familiar cloak of "purely humanitarian aims": "to foster the ideals of humanity -- of charity, brotherly love and harmony, and under the strictest maintenance of the \*\*most loyal\*\* and \*\*patriotic\*\* attitude" pushed Jewish world politics (91) in grand style and in Jewish modesty, divided the "world to be liberated and still to be conquered" into 17 districts (92). In Germany, too, "District VIII", this giant Jewish organization, which weighed From the more recent times the following crimes occur \*\*1881\*\*: The Jews again slaughtered a child in Alexandria at the beginning of April, the Greek boy \*\*Evangelio Fornarachi\*\*. The corpse, found on the beach near the sea \*\*empty of blood\*\*, \*\*pierced\*\* and resembling a wax statue, was laid out in state for several days by the parents, which gave rise to a riot against the Jews. Several thousand soldiers out of Cairo placed the city in a state of siege. Although the crime was obvious, only "the possibility of murder" was pronounced \*\*by an international commission of the Consuls\*\* of France, Germany, Italy, Austria, and Greece, and the \*\*Baruch\*\* family, strongly suspected of the murder was placed on "provisional freedom"! (96) Edouard Drumont reports in his work \*La France juive\*(97) the following blood-murders of Gentile children from the Ghetto of \*\*Constantinople\*\*: \*\*1882\*\*: At \*\*Balata\*\* a child was enticed into a Jewish house; more than 20 people saw the child go in. On the following day the \*\*blood-empty\*\* body was found in the Golden Horn area. The result was a riot by the people. A very short time later an entirely similar case occurred in \*\*Galata\*\*. \*\*Serouios\*\*, the most respected attorney of the Greek community, (127) directed a petition to the representatives of the Christian powers of Europe, to obtain justice. The Turkish police, bribed by Jews, allowed the documents to disappear; the ecumenical Patriarchate declared by means of bribed physicians "on signal from above" the mother of the stolen and slaughtered child to be "mentally disturbed" and offered her a "pension" with Jewish money as "compensation" for her child! \*\*1885\*\*: In \*\*Mit-Kamer\*\* in \*\*Egypt\*\* a young Copt was slaughtered \*\*on the occasion of the Jewish Easter\*\* holiday(98). \*\*1890\*\*: On \*\*Easter Monday\*\* (!) of this year the boy \*\*Henry\*\* of the French family \*\*Abdelnour\*\* in \*\*Damascus\*\* became missing as of nine in the morning. Suspicion fell upon a Jewess, but the mother was prevented from searching there for her child. Instead, the Turkish authorities ordered house searches \*\*at the mother's\*\* and her neighbors under the pretense that the child had been hidden by relatives in order to be able to accuse the Jews of child-kidnapping. On the 21st of April 1890 agents of the authorities appeared with instructions to search a well in the neighborhood, to see whether the child perhaps \*\*had drowned\*\*. Without first visiting the wells of other houses, the officials immediately headed for a wagon-shed at the entrance of the Jewish Quarter. Located there was a long unused water-shaft sealed with a \*\*heavy stone\*\*. The officials perceived the smell of decay and the corpse of the child was lifted out of the well. Since boots and clothing were put on incorrectly, a crime was presumed and an autopsy (128) arranged. The child's body, transported to the Military Hospital, was examined by twenty military and civilian physicians. The result reads: The child was thrown into the well, \*\*after the blood had been drawn out of him by the artery of the right hand\*\*. The doctors thereupon amputated the arm at the elbow and were preparing it. Suddenly a representative of the authorities, a wali (office manager), demanded the report of the physicians. The civilian doctors were dismissed by him with the words: "We no longer need your services, go outside and don't come back in!" On the following day the military physicians stated that no blood had been withdrawn from the arm, the child had fallen into the well and drowned! In the \*\*night\*\* after this declaration the child -- without his relatives having been informed -- was literally buried. Guards were set at his grave, who refused anyone access! The \*Gouverneur\* of Damascus threatened the family of the child with prison, or immediate exile if they should express their suspicion that the child was murdered by Jews. Thereupon the relatives turned to the French government to investigate the case. An open letter of a relative of the victim was at that time published in the Paris paper \*Le peuple\* -- without any success! -- The "case," in the mind of Judah, had been "liquidated"!(99) \*\*1892\*\*: At the time of the \*\*Jewish Easter\*\* in \*\*Port-Said\*\* the 85-year-old Jewish prayer-leader \*\*Carmona\*\* enticed the four-year-old Greek girl \*\*Helene Vasilios\*\* into his house, which had also been observed by several witnesses. \*\*Carmona\*\* saw himself forced to let his house be searched by a number of Greeks and by the mother of the missing child. After a long time a small, dark dungeon was discovered situated near the neighboring Jewish temple. Since this apparently could not be opened, the door was knocked in and one saw, after the room had been illuminated sufficiently, crouching in the corner an old Jewess who was trying to hide the already critically wounded (130) child whose eyes and mouth were bound. The rage of the crowd of people knew no limits. The old woman was struck so that she remained unconscious; the child succumbed two days later to her wounds which had been inflicted with a \*\*jagged instrument\*\*. The uprising among the Greek population was nipped in the bud by the Egyptian and \*\*English\*\* military. Despite this, the Jews of \*\*Port-Said\*\* sent off a deputation to \*\*Cairo\*\* to lodge \*\*complaints\*\* with the government over the fact that insufficient protection had been given them and that the magistrate of the investigation took up for the Greek side, in that he had released from custody several of the Greeks who had taken part in the unrest. Several years earlier the son of a type-setter of the already named paper \*Stambul\* had been kidnapped by Jews; the paper had reported about it and was occupied for the duration of three months by order of the Turkish authorities and then went back into business under a Jewish editor.(101) The outrage of the Turkish, Mohammedan as well as Christian classes of the population had climbed to the boiling point as a consequence of these events, and here and there it came to collisions with Jewish elements who had provoked them in full consciousness of their unlimited (131) power. The Greek Archbishop of Brussa, Nathanael by name, gave to his lambs on the 15th of April 1893 a thorny "pastoral letter" in which it says, among other things(102): "... The nonsensical claim (concerning blood-murder), which is found spread by maliciousness, has aroused the populace against the Jews, of whom several have been mistreated" -- not a single Jew had been killed by it, while in the past century alone dozens, indeed perhaps hundreds of defenseless victims of the Jews had disappeared without one "pastoral letter" having taken a position on it! It then says further: "... these violent acts have been repeated in other parts of our diocese. This barbaric way of behaving has filled us with great hurt and anxiety... nothing is less in keeping with the spirit of our religion than racial hatred (look at this!) and the blind fanaticism which arouse the lower passions of the people. Therefore, and because we judge the claim, that the Jews slaughter Christian children in order to use them for a secret rite, as nonsensical and insane, we advise you paternally to refrain from violence against the Jews. Acting against this prohibition will incur from us a rebuke and punishment from the Imperial Turkish government. Blessed are the peaceful, for they shall be called the children of God." Spiritual and worldly authority hand in hand for the protection of the Jewish murder-plague! The seed of a Montefiore and Crémieux-Schmeerkopp had borne fruit a hundred fold. What to call this Archbishop? Perhaps he originated out of those Jewish schools of the Fast! Yet we next have to take a closer look at the circumstances in the most strongly Judaized land of Europe next to Poland and Romania, Hungary! Go to Chapter 3: Tisza-Eszlár Back to Table of Contents ----- ----- # Page 1 On 8 April \*\*1875\*\*, the Representative Victor \*\*Istóczy\*\* put an Interpellation to the Ministry \[i.e., an objection on question of policy, etc.\] in the Hungarian House of Representatives, the gist of which was that in all of Europe no State existed in which the Jewish element possessed a greater influence and a greater power than in \*\*Hungary\*\*. Istóczy asked the following question: "Has the government the intention of putting a dam in the path of the \*\*flood of Jews\*\* immigrating to Hungary? Would it put obstacles in the path of a peaceful movement on the part of the native population for \*\*self-defense\*\*? Is the government even thinking of taking a position on the Jewish Question (136) at all, or of persisting in its politics of complete neutrality and \*\*indifference\*\*?" \*\*of rights\*\* of the Israelites with all other citizens of the nation, the government recognizes \*\*no\*\* such thing as a Jewish Question and is \*\*unable\*\* to recognize such a thing, and thus takes \*\*no\*\* position toward it \*\*whatsoever\*\*..."(3) First of all, the facts should be established that \*\*an entire chain\*\* of similarly featured crimes preceded the blood-sacrifice of the year \*\*1882\*\* in that region -- crimes which came off as secretly and unpunished as the general and nearly hopeless Judafication of Hungary which was beginning already in this period. According to the report of Ónody, the following blood-murders preceded the ritual-murder of Tisza-Eszlár: 1. On the eve of the Jewish Feast of Atonement (15 September) of the year 1875, there were numerous, mostly foreign Jews assembled on the property of their racial comrade Horowitz at Zboró (in the Sároser Comitat), and the ritual slaughterer was already called in. They fell upon the unsuspecting sixteen-year-old serving maid Hanna Zamba, threw her to the ground, undressed her and began, under the murmuring of Hebrew "prayers," the rite of butchering. (137) At this moment, a carter stopped before the house of the Jew and demanded admittance in order to conclude a delayed transaction. The Jews scattered. The girl, nearly frightened to death, escaped by wading through a highly swollen stream and thus shook off her pursuers. At her cries for help two women rushed to her side, who later affirmed under oath the statements of the girl. As a result of the fear of death she had endured, the girl became critically ill and in April 1876 this victim of an attempted ritual-crime succumbed to her suffering. On her deathbed the girl took an oath once more to the statement she had given earlier, before her father, the mother-in-law, the Catholic sacristan and several inhabitants of the place, that on the eve of the Jewish Festival of Atonement in the year 1875 in the house Number 165C at Zboró, the ritual-slaughterer of the Jewish religious congregation there wanted to slaughter her in the presence of several Jews. The complaint was presented at the judicial bureau. The sitting judge Winkler, who had full responsibility but who was friendly to the Jews and had already been either bribed or intimidated, tried at first to appease the complainants with fine words and to keep them from any further steps to go forward with the proceedings; since this attempt failed, he moved on to threats that he would have the "slanderers" locked up because they weren't able to prove their accusations. In this simple manner, the investigation petered out. As the Hungarian parliamentary representative v. Ónody determined, this famous lord did not think it at all necessary to give the documents to the district court at Szwidnik, as it should have been his duty to do. 2. Two years later, in 1877, in the village of Szalacs in the immediate vicinity of the Pér region, where in 1791 a ritual-crime likewise occurred (4), there was a double ritual-murder of two children. In the registry of deaths of the Szalacs Roman Catholic church, one reads under the date of 13 June 1877, on page 70 of Volume II: "Emerich, son of the late Peter Szabó and his spouse Rosalie Keleman, nine years old, was murdered and on 15 June \*\*1877\*\* laid to eternal rest by the priest Franz Kubowitz. (138) Therese, child of the same parents, six years old, was murdered and and buried by the same pastor. . ." Behind these matter-of-fact words no one expects a ritual-crime, yet that is the case: The foster-parents had to work at their fields on 13 June and left both children with their Jewish brother-in-law \*\*Josef Klee\*\* until their return. The latter presented the children with a few Kreuzer with the instructions to buy something sweet for themselves at the small store of the shopkeeper Jew \*\*Ehrenfeld\*\*. Toward evening the siblings set out for the Jew's, and from thence onward, despite desperate searches, they remained missing. When the sexton of the place walked to church the next morning, he noticed at the house of the Jew Alexander Ehrenfeld conspicuous traces of blood in the sand, which extended along the wall of the yard to a wagon shed perhaps 50 steps distant. Furthermore, the coachman of Ehrenfeld stated that on the evening before (13 June) he had seen the two children playing together as they sat in the archway of the door of his master; at the same time he related that on the same evening and all through the night approximately \*\*forty strange Jews\*\* were making quite a spectacle of themselves and unceasingly went in and out. After three days a penetrating odor was spreading from the coach-house. The bodies of both missing children were discovered jammed into a large equipment case, no longer in use, for a fire-engine. The Jews managed, through some sort of subversion, that the autopsy was performed not by the physician of the region, von Székely-Hid, but by a \*\*Jewish\*\* doctor. The children's bodies had \*\*gaping stab wounds on the neck and all blood had been withdrawn from the bodies\*\*. When the foster-mother, Anna Szabó, was led to the bodies, she was seized by convulsions and later died insane. The brother-in-law \*\*Josef Klee\*\* said to his wife on the night after the bestial crime: "I pity the poor children; the girl did die right away, but the boy had a long death-struggle." These words were heard by the stable hand sitting on a bench under the opened window of the Klee residence. Josef Klee was arrested but soon set free again \*\*without the judicial authorities making further inquiries\*\*. (139)The Protocol composed by the Jewish doctor was kept secret; yet the judge said quite openly to anyone who wished to hear it, \*\*that the necks of both children had been cut through leaving gaping wounds and all blood had been withdrawn from the bodies\*\* 3. Not fewer than three similar cases occurred with the same role of the Jewish doctor in 1879 at Tállya in the Zempliner Comitat, in 1880 at Komorn, and in 1881 at Kaschau, where the daughter of the master binder Josef Kocsis suddenly disappeared under mysterious circumstances and was found after two weeks ritually butchered in a well and without any volume of blood. Géza v. Ónody determined that: "Striking and at the same time characteristic is the fact that all the children who were lost had belonged to the lower classes of the people, were the children of poor people from whom the Jews could presume that their disappearance would excite no particular attention. In no single case did the children of well-off families disappear, from whom it was to be expected that they - in case a child of theirs became missing -- would institute the most zealous official investigations." Thus in the years 1878, 1879, 1880, and 1881, in the western Hungarian city Steinamanger, four girls disappeared, one after the other in regular fashion before the Jewish feast days or before the Passover festival, namely, two girls, in service with the Jews to do cleaning, whose parents lived in the country, the daughter of a poor shoemaker and the small eight-year-old daughter of a coachman working as servant to Jews, all of whom no trace was ever found. In all four cases the judicial investigation was immediately initiated, well-founded suspicion directed against the Jews, but the investigations were just as quickly dropped again as "groundless"! 4. In the year 1879 the following case was reported from Piros in the Bátsch-Bodrogher Comitat: The Jewish owner of a large estate, Herman Großmann attempted (as could be proved) for months to lure the fifteen-year-old and strikingly pretty and robust daughter of the farmhand Peter Sipos into his employ with every kind of suspicious promises, but the parents flatly refused. Since (140) Großmann, with Jewish obtrusiveness brought up his request over and over again, and the parents of the girl feared the vengeance of the Jew, they finally consented under the condition that their daughter Lidi at first should join the Jewish household as a maid only for one month. That was on 11 October 1879. Four days later, the parents learned by chance that their daughter had disappeared. When cornered, the Jew Großmann suddenly declared that the body of the girl was "possibly" to be looked for in a branch of the Franzen-Canal, the Türr-Canal; on 21 October, thus a week after the disappearance, the girl was actually pulled from the designated section of the canal by means of a long iron rake. The body was clothed only in a short slip. The findings of the autopsy yielded the information that the body could not possibly have lain in the water for six days and death by drowning was excluded. Those present came to the conclusion that Lidi Sipos had died an unnatural death. Thereupon the conducting of the investigation was proposed for district judge Peák at Neusalz, which the latter flatly declined! Further, the issuing of a copy of the physician's autopsy results to the parents was denied. The coachman of the Jew stated before witnesses that his master had ordered him, on the day in question (15 October), to Neusalz on a flimsy pretext. When he was about to harness the horse in the stall the night after his return, he heard suspicious noises and rumbling in the cellar underneath the stable building. When he communicated his perceptions to Großman that same night, the latter was startled and instructed him to go to his sleeping place immediately. A few days later the coachman was discharged from service. The \*\*country doctors\*\* who had performed the \*post mortem\* examination, stated the following concerning the death of the girl: \*\*Above the navel was a taler-sized circular wound, under the nose a wound which went very deep was discernable; the victim had probably been hung up on a hook which had been driven into the flesh at the latter place \[i.e., the nose\] and the blood had been siphoned off from the strange wound at the navel\*\* (141) No sort of slaughtering cut could be discovered -- that this was again a ritual-crime nevertheless, was confirmed by the case of a Budapest girl, from whom blood had been tapped off, still before the Tisza-Eszlár case had become known; the only difference was that this victim got away with her life. The girl, employed as a servant by a Jew in the Budapest Jewish Quarter, Theresienstadt, reported that directly before the Purim festival (14 February) she had been drugged unconscious (5), so that she first reawakened after an entire day. After she came to, she felt so "smashed" that she could barely stand up, and felt strange pains in her limbs. When she inspected her body, she found on her right upper arm, on her left thigh, and \*\*above her navel\*\* similar round, blood-red spots, in the middle of each of which was a small opening. She assumed that the Jews had sucked out a large quantity of blood during her death-like sleep and she left their service because of this. The hair of the corpse of Lidi was disheveled and tangled and so mixed with straw from bedding, that the two female attendants \[preparing the body for burial\] had difficulty arranging her hair in order. All of this led to the conclusion of a desperate struggle of the girl, attacked in her bed by a band of Jewish murderers. The district judge Peák \*\*prevented a judicial investigation\*\*. \*\*5.\*\* Directly before the Jewish Easter of the year \*\*1882\*\*, (142) the Jew \*\*Leopold Grünwald\*\*, who lived in the Kovácsi Comitat in Barser, sent the seventeen-year-old Barbara \*\*Kleeman\*\*, a Zipser Saxon girl who was in service to him, late in the evening to the neighboring village of Peszér, on the pretext that she might fetch back home a bag of money he had left there in the inn. In the taproom of this remotely situated house, there were only two guests present: the brother of Grünwald and the local ritual slaughterer. The girl, who sensed a trap, made to turn around to leave, but her master, who had followed right behind her, blocked her exit. The three Jews threw the girl to the floor, undressed her and bound her. Yet before they could stick a gag in her mouth, the girl gave out a piercing shout for help. Her elder sister, who was in service at this inn, pushed the door in and tried to set the unfortunate girl free. During the scuffle, the victim dragged herself out into the street, where she was found by the inhabitants running up; the rescuers immediately fell upon the Jews, who were beaten within an inch of their lives. of it, so that he was able to utilize the protocols in their complete text, even with indication of the reference numbers. His writing, which brought to light irrefutable material, should have called the attention of the entire civilized world to the monstrous Jewish danger. It appeared in the Hungarian language in December 1882 under the title: (143) Tisza-Eszlár in the Past and Present -- and in the shortest time was bought up by Jews and disappeared. The same fate befell the German translation, which was taken in hand by his personal friend and liaison officer to German comrades-in-arms, the knight Georg von Marcziányi and already in 1883 appeared in Budapest. In fact, only a few copies remain of even this translation, which possess the cultural-historical value of rarities. Incidentally, Georg von Marcziányi himself published in the summer of 1883, during the judicial preliminary examination, a treatise about this blood-murder: Esther Solymosi. This publication had the task of uncovering the Jewish machinations and intrigues, in order to bring about orderly judicial proceedings; this broadside has also been translated into German (M. Schulze, Berlin, 1882). The Jews were not able to do anything against the publications of both the Hungarians -- thus the Jewish press worked all the more intensively to weaken their effect. In \*\*1892\*\* there appeared in Berlin \*Der Prozeß von Tisza-Eszlár\* \[\*The Trial of Tisza-Eszlár\*\] of this Paul Nathan. This concoction, numbering 400-pages, is a sophisticated Talmudic master-performance; one cannot suppress a smile now and then, at how this young Talmudist, who moreover had been distinguished with the highest dignity by a German university (Heidelberg), begins to additionally adulterate the impact of the documentary and factual material and at the end has gone so far with this that the honest reader, who has no notion of these disgraceful intentions and, after all, is not even able to have any such notion, can take note of one more example of how the poor and innocent "fellow-citizens of the Mosaic persuasion," of whose restless urge toward activity he could convince himself daily, had to suffer under the suspicions of "anti-Semitic hotspurs." Thus does Paul Nathan bluster, also -- one sees him, speaking almost with his hands: "But an entire book would have to be written, in order to demonstrate in all its details the repulsive corruption, the limitless dishonesty, the blind hatred, the tower-high frivolity, which have been employed without hesitation by the anti-Semites, in order not to have to give up their accusations of ritual-murder.' But we will keep to the judicially and historically certified facts of the case, even if we run the danger, in so doing, of being by no means convinced of Jewish innocence, because our (145) "mental disposition prevents this" (Nathan in his "Preface," p. vi!). Tisza-Eszlár, a modest little village of the Szabolcser Comitat situated on the upper Theiß, had hardly a dozen Jews to show before the year \*\*1848\*\*, but a few decades later there were already 200, most of them elements fleeing from military service and smuggled across the Russian border with the aid of the Jewish secret organizations (\*Kahal\*) -- elements which now "work with tireless industry and never-slackening perseverance at the labor of exploitation and for the \*\*material as well as moral\*\* ruination of their non-Jewish fellow-citizens" (Géza v. Ónody). As already mentioned, the region of Hungary lying between the Danube and the Theiß and including the nation's capital (7), had been flooded with the most disgusting sort of kaftan-draped Galician Jews. J.G. Bogrow, himself a Jew, describes in his \*Memoiren eines Juden\* \[\*Memoirs of a Jew\*\] (8), which appeared in 1880 in St. Petersburg, his own view of this type as follows (p. 313): "In the gloomy, filthy antechamber. . .stood a ragged Jew of low stature with a puffy, wrinkled face, with a red beard mixed with gray, and long, glued-together red \*peyes\* (earlocks). The folds of his over-sized kaftan, with holes and tears of every size and shape, were \*\*bordered with a broad crust of dried excrement from the streets\*\*, which formed an entirely unique fringe and tassel on the torn edges \[of his garment\]. At first glance one would take this man for a beggar of the basest type" -- but he was a person distinguished with positions of confidence! developed into a kind of Little Jerusalem, in which the non-Jewish portion of the populace was menaced -- in the full meaning of the word -- in its physical as well as mental existence. The Jews of Tisza-Lök had the reputation among their coreligionists of "holiness" and maintained continuous and very active ties with the Polish-Galician \*Chassidim\*. But the threads of all ritual-crimes in that region stretch beyond the Carpathians, toward Galicia, and just as the command-posts of the \*\*Polna\*\* (1898/99) and \*\*Konitz\*\* (1900) blood-murders are also certifiably to be sought in that dark and horrible ghetto of Europe, one can indeed simply speak of an organized Jewish secret service, which determines the time and location for the ritual slaughter of a human being, puts together a detachment of Jews, instructs the ritual-slaughterers of various Jewish communities and arranges for the murder gang to vanish again without a trace. If, due to unforseen circumstances, this plan does not go off without problems, as, for example, at Tisza-Eszlár, then the World organization of Jewry, the AIU, whose specialty became the quashing of trials, steps forward into action all the more successfully. In any event, the carrying out of the murder and the non-punishment of the murderers seem to be sufficiently secured. After the failure at \*\*Kovácsi\*\* in the Barser Comitat, Tisza-Eszlár had been designated to furnish the blood-toll. ### \*\*Esther Solymosi\*\* The girl made use of the street for her path home, until the point of the dam turnoff; from there onward she used a field path, which led hard by the back of the synagogue -- probably so she could reach home faster. She paid for this with her young life. According to the statement of the Christian shop-keeper \*\*Josef Kohlmayer\*\*, Esther very much urged him to hurry while she was making her purchases, "because she had to get back home quickly, for the house must be given a fresh coat of whitewash before evening." The girl packed up her paints and immediately set out on the road home. Shortly before the branch-off, Esther met her seventeen-year-old sister Sofie and happily told her that Frau Huri, her god-mother, had promised to buy her a new dress and give her five Gulden, so that she might be able to still buy herself a pair of shoes for the Easter holidays. . . Then she greeted the local magistrate, Josef Papp, who was standing in front of his mill and exchanged a few friendly words with him; he was still watching the girl as she made the turn onto the path. !\[\](\_page\_107\_Picture\_4.jpeg) The synagogue in the village of Tisza-Eszlár These named here, and a few other witnesses besides, gave their accounts later under oath Esther had disappeared as if gone from the surface of the earth -- and stayed that way. Frau Huri started to worry, she assumed at first that Esther was still on her way to the store and then stopped in at her mother's. The old lady Solymosi reported to the court on this point: "Toward two in the afternoon Frau Huri came and said: 'Has her god-mother had anything brought from the vault (of the store) by the girl?' The mother was taken aback: 'Is she gone?' Frau Huri: 'She's gone! I sent her to fetch paint. . ." (protocol statements). With that, began the tragedy of a mother who was crushed by the horrible end of her daughter. #### The Murderers The mother, sobbing loudly, searched for her daughter. Her sister, Frau Gabriel Solymosi, helped her; they searched until sunset. . . . (148) In the direct vicinity of the synagogue the wife of the temple servant Scharf addressed them hypocritically: "What's wrong with you?" and without waiting for an answer continued: "Has Esther become lost? She isn't lost. Possibly a fever took hold of her and she's lying about, somewhere." Now Scharf himself put in an appearance and got involved in the conversation. The mother of Esther made the following declaration about this on the second day of the hearings: "Scharf, the temple servant, asked me what was wrong with me; I couldn't speak a word, but my sister, Frau Gabriel Solymosi, told him that Frau Huri had sent the girl into the village and that no one could find her since then; to that he replied there was no reason to be so sad, and there was a similar case in Nánás when he was still a child, and that then, too, the Jews were suspected, even their ovens were searched. . . " But these Jewish "words of comfort" -- one can still picture the cunning Jewish faces today --had the opposite effect: the women became increasingly alarmed, and a terrible suspicion tormented them. The Jew Nathan also knew quite well that the Scharf couple had committed a major piece of stupidity with their thoughtless chattering. That's why, when he comes to this part in his book about Tisza-Eszlár, he becomes downright sentimental, which has always been an effective means of fooling one's fellow-man, in this case the non-Jewish reader: "This scene, which played itself out at twilight so peacefully in front of the house of the temple servant Scharf, was the was the kernel for the most dreadful conflicts, conflicts which were supposed to disturb the peace of thousands. Both Solymosi women went homeward; what was going on in their souls, we know. . ." !\[\](\_page\_109\_Picture\_0.jpeg) Indeed, this Jew, all Jews knew it, only one entity did not know - the Hungarian state, which let many precious weeks go by until the judicial investigation, as time unused! But this intermission was exploited all the more zealously by the Jews, to take defensive measures -- i.e., to disseminate slanders to the effect that Esther, who (they said) was a flighty creature(9), just took off on this day. Consciously or unconsciously, Nathan (149) grasped at this "valuable" line of thought and wrote further: "Finally, the disappearance of Esther was not Later, Jewry became more aggressive; the customary tactic was employed of turning the accusers into the accused, and efforts were supposed to be made to bring suit against the widow Solymosi and the spreaders of the news of the murder of Esther, on the grounds of "offense against honor"! But it remained only a threat; something else happened: to wit, when strangers unexpectedly came into the village, as for example in one case imperial officers, to carry out administrative tasks, the Jews immediately took violent fright, put their heads together, whispered among one another in Hebrew, fearfully looked over the new arrivals and ran to the community office in order to discover there the reason for the arrival of the strangers. On their faces \*\*fear and panic\*\* were clearly evident! (Géza v. Ónody in his book about Tisza-Eszlár.) Finally, Nathan called the mother of the victim, in public, "bought" for the purpose of "making ill-feeling against the not insignificant" Jewish portion of the population: "The woman had been poor, anemic. When a \*\*sad fate\*\* had overtaken her daughter and anti-Semitism with happy heart made the mother's cause its own, then the destiny of its \*\*valuable protégée\*\* also changed. Charitableness and party interests brought about \*\*collections\*\* for the poor widow. . . From somewhere or other, \*\*certain\*\* benefits \*\*flowed in\*\* to the old Solymosi women." The mother, questioned about this before the court, at first did not understand what was wanted of her, but then she spurned these infamous slanders with outrage -- Nathan knows better, however: "These statements (of the mother) do not correspond to the facts. In truth, the living situation of Frau Solymosi has improved considerably. She no longer needs to work for her daily support. . .She was well-dressed, far better than a Tisza-Eszlár peasant woman otherwise usually dresses; in her pot meat is no longer absent and as the surest symptom of (150) a change in her circumstances, the envy of the other peasant women of the Theiß village has already begun to be directed toward her. . .thus one sees how even the reasons of external advantage captivate the peasant women -- thus does worldly advantage Only a Jew can write like that! A widow, whose fourteen year-old daughter was literally butchered, experiences "a visible change in her exterior circumstances" -- the death of of one's own child was therefore turned into a "business," to "external advantages" for those left behind! That comports fully with the "offer," composed as a business letter, made to the father of the likewise ritually-slaughtered Ernst \*\*Winter\*\* of Prechlau- Konitz(11), who was supposed to be "compensated" for the blood of his son with 20,000 Marks -- the death of a child as business! On 3 April, two days after the disappearance of Esther, the mother reported to the community judge Fárkas at Tisza-Eszlár; she asked that the synagogue be searched. Fárkas declined -- which no longer surprises us -- with the argument that he was not empowered to do anything like that and referred the mother to the sitting judge Eugen Jármy. The latter again answered Frau Solymosi, when she repeated her suspicion about the Jews: "Good woman, how can you think such a thing? That sort of thing can no longer happen in this day and age!" (12) He finally issued a circular letter in which the following appears: "On 1 April, between 10 and 11 o'clock, Frau Solymosi's 14 year-old daughter disappeared, whose further description is given below." That was all at first! The family of the temple servant Scharf, however, became in the following period the \*enfant terrible\* of the Jewish community. A few days after the disappearance of Esther, the six year-old son of the temple servant, Samu Scharf, told his playing companions of a special murder case which he had heard about from his older brother. The eleven year-old Elisabeth Soós repeated in a protocol this tale as follows (Samu said to the children he was playing with): "Father called the Christian girl into the temple and had her sit down in an easy chair; Moritz seized her hand, (151) father seized her head, the \*schächter\* \[ritual-slaughterer\] cut into her feet and then they carried her there, where the large tree stands." With that, Samu pointed toward the cemetary! The mother of little Elisabeth Soós, Frau Andreas Soós, a few days later than her daughter, heard from Samu himself the following (protocol): "Papa called the Hungarian girl to him, he tied her up, washed her, and then right away the \*schächter\* -- Bácsi -- cut her neck" and also in this version: "Papa called the Hungarian girl in from the street, mother washed her feet, and the \*schächter\* cut her across the neck. Bácsi also has slaughtered a hen that way at our place." rintorsiting to the start to the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of the start of s On the 19th of May, Bary arrived at the scene of the crime. Preventive detention was imposed upon the \*\*Scharf\*\* family. On the same day, the six year-old son Samu blabbed away before the examining judge (protocol): "Father called Esther inside, and she came into the place. Father stuck a white piece of linen in her mouth, then they washed her in the trough and a large Jew cut her in the neck with a long knife, so that her head fell away. He had made \*\*just one single cut\*\* on her. . .they they grabbed Esther and carried her through the hallway to the temple. They had hold of her by her hands, her feet, and her head, and they were: Abraham Braun and his son, Samuel Lustig and his son, and \*\*Moritz\*\*. There were \*\*many\*\* there. . . ! On 20 May, \*\*Bary\*\* took up the first interrogation with the sixteen year-old \*\*Moritz\*\*, the brother named by Samu. Moritz Scharf declared by way of an introductory statement, that on the Sunday evening before the Jewish Easter, on 1 April, an election of the new ritual- slaughterers had taken place at the house of Jacob \*\*Süßmann\*\*. He did not want to admit knowing Esther by name; his performance appeared, in this first interrogation protocol, to be so artificial and contradictory, that he was held in custody. The examining judge had a number of Jews arrested besides \[Moritz Scharf\]. Since the space of the modest community house did not suffice for a separate accommodation for the arrested persons, the security commissar \*\*Andreas Recsky\*\* declared himself prepared to temporarily lodge the youngest, Moritz Scharf, in his office space at \*\*Nagyfalu\*\*. Separated from his coreligionists, Moritz suddenly broke down in the surroundings which were foreign to him, and stated that he was ready, still on that very evening, to make a full confession; He gave an account of the ritual-crime and the murderers in every single detail; on the basis (153) of his testimony, four Jews could be charged with the murder and five others with complicity. The confession of Moritz \*\*Scharf\*\*, which was made on the evening of the 21st of May before Commissar \*\*Recsky\*\* and the protocol chief of the examining judge, \*\*Koloman\*\* Péczely, reads exactly(16): "On Saturday toward twelve o'clock in the afternoon, \*\*Esther Solymosi\*\*, who was on her way home from the old-village section of Eszlár, came into our house at my father's invitation. My father called her in with the remark that she should take the candlestick from the table. When she came into our house with my father, \*\*Esther Solymosi\*\* had on a shabby white cloth on her head, a red-colored cloth around her neck, and wore a kind of white coat and a -- if I remember this correctly -- blue-colored skirt. That the girl was called Esther, I knew that because my father addressed her by that name. The mistress of the girl was Frau Andreas \*\*Huri\*\*, for Mother had asked her with whom she was living, and she said, mentioning her name, that she was living with Frau Andreas \*\*Huri\*\*. Esther's face looked like her sister Sophie. At the behest of my father, Esther placed the candlestick, just as she had taken it from our table, upon the chest of drawers. When the girl climbed down from the chair \[apparently used to reach the top of the chest of drawers\], a Jewish beggar(17) was sent in from the temple for the girl. The Jewish beggar caught the girl by the hand and lured her in with him to the temple. There, in the corridor of the temple, the tall, brown Jewish beggar took hold of the girl and threw her to the ground. The girl began to moan and scream then, but the \*\*already present ritual-slaughterers\*\* from \*\*Téglás\*\* and \*\*Tarczal\*\* quickly pressed the girl back down on the floor and the ritual-slaughterer \*\*Salomon Schwarz\*\*, who had arrived from Tisza-Lök, cut the girl's neck through and let the blood flow into a red earthenware plate; when the plate had become filled with blood, he poured the blood into a pot. I wasn't in the temple at this event, but I looked in on it from outside through the keyhole of the temple doors. My father wasn't there, but was inside our house. When the girl was (154) led into the temple, they barred the temple door from within. Aside from those mentioned above, there were present in the temple: Samuel Lustig, Abraham Braun, Lazar Weißstein, and Abraham Junger. They had previously undressed the girl down to her slip and then the \*schächter\* \[ritual-slaughterer\] inflicted the cut; the girl was barefoot. When she was no longer moving, they bound her neck together with rags and dressed her again. The ritual-slaughterers took hold of the girl, the Jewish beggar undressed her; when she was dead, the Jewish beggar likewise dressed her again. After this happened, I went to my father and to my mother into our room and told them that the girl had been killed; then my mother forbade me from speaking to anyone at all of this." -- To Recsky's question: "Did your father know that they'd killed the girl?" he answered: "He knew it, for I told it to him, that they had slain the girl!" -- "I have made this statement without any coercion." -- Moritz Scharf m.p." This protocol, which had been concluded toward ten o'clock in the evening, was delivered to the examining judge \*\*Bary\*\* still that night, by means of a messenger on horseback; shortly after midnight \*\*Bary\*\* entered the rooms of \*\*Recsky\*\* in \*\*Nagyfalu\*\*. Mortiz Scharf was questioned for a second time. Since the Jewish press wants to take note of contradictions in the protocols and from them construe the statements of Moritz \*\*Scharf\*\* as baseless, the second protocol, taken by the examining judge himself in the same night, also ought to be published in its complete text again(18). On the 22nd of May, Moritz \*\*Scharf\*\*, as witness before the examining judge in Tisza-Eszlár, stated the following in addition: "About 1 o'clock the foreign beggar (Wollner) came and said to me that I should close the synagogue. When I was about to do this, I saw the three foreign ritual-slaughterers Lustig, Braun, and Weißstein walking to the house just then. Then the body was no longer in the entrance hall, also there was no trace of blood to be seen. I don't know where they concealed the girl. It wasn't in the synagogue, (155) because they would only have been able to hide it by the \*Torah\*. But when I looked for it in the cabinet in the afternoon, there was nothing there to see. They would not have been able to bury it in the courtyard, because there I would have had to see it, so they could only have carried it into the Theiß. During the afternoon and the evening I saw no wagon near the synagogue, perhaps there was one nearby after 10 o'clock at night, when I lay down to sleep. Then there were, still in the synagogue: Lichtman, Rosenberg, Süßmann, Romer, Einhorn, and my father. When they went away I don't know. I believe that the corpse was carried out, not through the door, because geese are herded in the vicinity, but through the window of the entrance hall (19)." Finally, in the protocol taken on the 23rd of May \*\*1882\*\* before the \*\*Nyiregyházar\*\* Court of Justice for authentication of the confession, after his attention had been drawn by the President of the Court to the consequences of a false statement by a witness, \*\*Scharf declared that he upheld, in their full compass\*\* the confessions made on the night of 21/22 May in Nagyfalu and on the same day (22 May) before the examining judge \*\*Bary\*\* in Tisza-Eszlár, that he confirmed them and stood ready to take an oath on them. His confessions \[he said\] he had made without any psychological or moral force, and the fact that he had not so stated the facts on 20 May before the examining judge, or had denied them, was \*\*out of fear of the members\*\* \[of the Jewish congregation\]. - 1. On the day of the murder of Esther, the \*schächter\*-election took place - \*\*3.\*\* The child was led out of the house by a Jewish beggar into the synagogue situated in the direct vicinity.(156) - \*\*4.\*\* Several \*\*ritual-slaughterers who were already present there\*\* overpowered the girl. - 5. The schächter from Tisza-Eszlár, Salomon Schwarz, slaughtered Esther - \*\*6.\*\* In the synagogue \*\*still several other Jews\*\* were present. - 7 The parents of the witness Scharf were accessories - \*\*8.\*\* After the crime, still \*\*numerous other Jews\*\* appeared toward five o'clock in the afternoon - \*\*9.\*\* The body of the girl was removed without leaving a trace, and probably sunk in the Theiß. - \*\*10.\*\* Three foreign Jews were had come to Tisza-Eszlár \*\*already on the day before\*\* the crime and had found a hiding place in the house of the temple servant. So far we are taken by the observations of the young \*\*Scharf\*\*. We must now determine what the court did with this Go to Tisza-Eszlár/Page 2 Back to Table of Contents # Tisza-Eszlár 1882 ----- Page 2 (p.156) - 1. Have you knowledge of the fact that the sitting judge of the upper Dada region, in the Szabolcser Comitat, to whom the mother of the murdered girl reported, (157) instead of making the case \*\*the subject of a preliminary investigation, as was his duty\*\*, referred the mother to the court of justice in Nyiregyháza, and that this man in turn referred the mother back to the sitting judge again, and that, with the sitting judge and the court of justice making a \*\*completely unreasonable issue of jurisdiction out of the case\*\*, the investigation was \*\*first begun after weeks\*\* had passed? - \*\*3.\*\* Do you intend, considering the \*\*scope of the case -- incalculable\*\* as a consequence of the prevailing circumstances -- to pursue the case with attention and to exercise watchfulness that, \*\*despite the great financial resources of the Jews which have now been set into motion\*\*, the guilty Jew or guilty Jews receive their rightful punishment?" Since \*\*Istóczy\*\* in the argument of his interpellation speaks of a Jewish \*\*race\*\*, he receives a sharp rebuff from the Minister President and Leader of the ruling Jewish-Liberal party, the \*\*freemason Koloman from Tisza\*\*, whose machinations substantially influenced the course of the trial. \*\*Tisza\*\* replies: "My first comment is this, that it is totally inadmissable to speak of any \*\*race\*\* or \*\*\[religious\] denomination\*\* in our fatherland, that it is base and deserving of full contempt. . ." So far had the Judafication of Hungary already progressed in the eighty years of the 19th century, that a corrupt Jewish race was not permitted to be spoken of! We now understand the following events better. In the beginning, the state's attorney \*\*Melchior Both\*\* was in charge of the Office of Public Prosecutor. On 18 May \*\*1882\*\*, the proceedings were put under the charge of the responsible court, on 3 June of the same year Both shot himself. \*\*Georg Ritter von Marcziányi\*\* interprets this incident, which caused the greatest sensation in its time, as follows in his book (page 19): "One of the most important moments in the judicial preliminary examination was the suicide of the state's attorney of \*\*Nyiregyháza\*\* in the first days of June, (158)\*\*Melchior Both\*\*, who put a bullet in his head after the arrival of the Chief state's attorney \*\*von Kozma\*\* who had traveled for the examination of the case. It turned out that \*\*Both\*\* had already been in a position of \*\*closest intercourse\*\* with the \*\*top-level Jews there\*\* for a long time. After the the ritual-murder had become known, a \*\*secret collection of money\*\* took place among the Jews there, and the rumor was about among the people that the goal of this collection was for the \*\*bribing of the Court of Justice\*\*. The fact of the matter is, that \*\*Both\*\* did everything to \*\*nip the whole murder case in the bud\*\*. . ." That was \*\*Both\*\*. \*\*Ladislaus Egressi-Nagy\*\* functioned as the second state's attorney; he was soon relieved of his duties in this trial as a result of a difficult falling-out with the examining judge \*\*Bary\*\*, who was as incorruptible as he was energetic. The Chief state's attorney \*\*von Kozma\*\* also seemed to be no longer sure of the case; things must have been going on here which have never been fully explained. Characteristically, the Chief state's attorney in his critical situation turned, not to the Justice Minister \*\*Pauler\*\*, known for his incorruptible and unbiased attitude and on that account slandered and avoided by the Jewish gang and their helpers, but to a Jewish-inspired and therefore influential clique of journalists in Budapest, the so-called "Jókai-Club," which delightedly rendered its \*\*expert opinion\*\* concerning the Chief state's attorney; in this opinion we read(20): "Considering that the Herr Chief state's attorney Alexander \*\*Kozma\*\* never has given grounds in his past life, spent in view of the public, during a public career of many years, which could cast even the remotest suspicion \*\*of corruption\*\* (!) upon him, the Court of opinion rules that: Herr \*\*Szabó\*\* has impugned the Herr Chief state's attorney with such an \*\*unworthy suspicion\*\*, which the Court(21) condemns decisively and declares to be perfectly groundless." press -- and the struggle against the "anti-Semitic leprosy" received a new impetus, and this in turn had a decisive effect upon the course of the trial! \*\*Kozma\*\* remained, but he committed a tactical error. The vice state's attorney \*\*Koloman von Soós\*\*, a creature of the Chief state's attorney, became the successor of Nagy; but the reputation of being all too friendly to the Jews preceded him, so that he was not able to stay long in \*\*Nyiregyháza\*\*. He likewise went. Now there appeared the state's attorney \*\*Emerich Havas\*\*. Meanwhile, it had become (160) winter. On 29 November, the court was supposed to open. On this date chief state's attorney \*\*Kozma\*\* received an urgent petition from \*\*Havas\*\*, in which the latter asked for his "withdrawal from the state's attorney functions in the affair of Tisza-Eszlár," because the Herr Justice Minister had instituted against him a "criminal investigation because of \*\*suborning false witnesses and abuses of the power of his office\*\*". We shall not go more deeply into the matter of the proceedings against \*\*Havas\*\* here. Their course was likewise very murky. His successor, Eduard von \*\*Szeyffert\*\* -- thus the fifth state's attorney -- was dispatched \[in his place\]! #### The Intrigues up to the Time of the Main Hearings Already, before the beginning of the trial, there was a series of complaints about insults and duels which we will pass over because of their unimportant nature. In April 1882, the greatest variety of rumors were surfacing already in every region of Hungary, such as: Esther Solymosi had been seen here or there -- the \[possibility of\] a mistake was eliminated; since no one could produce the girl despite these claims, the Jews let a large number of dead Esthers pop up. Even this disinformation campaign did not catch on; the most that it accomplished was that inquiries went in circles. As later, in 1891 in Corfu and 1900 in Konitz, these clumsy maneuvers brought about unrest and strong anti-Semitic disturbances in the populace, which could at first be suppressed by military presence; but the local Jewish manipulation had miscalculated this time. From now on, the "Alliance Israélite Universelle" considered the situation of the Jews in Hungary to be so critical, that something most be done for its exoneration. Jewish Gold was supposed to prepare this offensive, in that a "premium" \[reward\] of 5000 Fl. (161) was subscribed for producing the girl. The Jew Josef Lichtmann in Tisza- Eszlár received the commission of "offering" the mother Solymosi a sum of 1000 Fl. if she would accept another girl instead of her daughter. This transpired with the words: "If the girl should make an appearance, how nice 1000 Fl. would be for you, and you could receive this sum from us right away." When this Jew was called to account for his attempt at bribery, he naturally denied everything and admitted only this much, that he had spoken not of 1000, but of 300 Fl., which the woman would receive in case she succeeded in bringing the missing Esther back home. rint, rictor of spring profesters of spring profesters of spring profesters of spring profesters of spring profesters of spring profesters of spring profesters of spring profesters of spring profesters of spring profesters of spring profesters of spring profesters of spring profesters of spring profesters of spring profesters of spring profesters of spring profesters of spring profesters of spring profesters of spring profesters of spring profesters of spring profesters of spring profesters of spring profesters of spring profesters of spring profesters of spring profesters of spring profesters of spring profesters of spring profesters of spring profesters of spring profesters of spring profesters of spring profesters of spring profesters of spring professers of spring professers of spring professers of spring professers of spring professers of spring professers of spring professers of spring professers of spring professers of spring professers of spring professers of spring professers of spring professers of spring professers of spring professers of spring professers of spring professers of spring professers of spring professers of spring professers of spring professers of spring professers of spring professers of spring professers of spring professers of spring professers of spring professers of spring professers of spring professers of spring professers of spring professers of spring professers of spring professers of spring professers of spring professers of spring professers of spring professers of spring professers of spring professers of spring professers of spring professers of spring professers of spring professers of spring professers of spring professers of spring professers of spring professers of spring professers of spring professers of spring professers of spring professers of spring professers of spring professers of spring professers of spring professers of spring professers of spring professers of spring professers of spring professers of spring professers of spring professers of spring profess But old Frau \*\*Solymosi\*\* was likewise "unreasonable," angrily kicked the Jews out of her modest little house and made a report. Both bribery attempts allow us to recognize the plan, hatched early-on, to plant \*\*a false Esther\*\*. Sometime around the middle of June, the \*schächter\* left Tisza-Eszlár, after he had asserted with certainty several times that in three days the body of Esther would appear. Thereby was staged the most foolish fraud which International Jewry has ever undertaken in these kind of trials. On the \*\*18th of June 1882\*\* -- therefore 79 days after the disappearance of the girl, perhaps 20 km below Tisza-Eszlár, a female body was thrown on land by the current of the Theiß. Raftsmen who were moored in the vicinity pulled the corpse, which had become entangled in willow bushes, onto land and buried it without making a report of it to the authorities. But the news (162) spread from here by a ranger more quickly than was expected, from village to village and even reached the ears of \*\*Bary\*\*. The latter had developed sharp ears. With the same resolve with which he examined witnesses, he arranged for the district physician Dr. \*\*Kiß\*\* to go to the place where the body was discovered on the evening of 18 June; \*\*Kiß\*\* presided over the immediate opening of the grave; at a depth of 2.5 fathoms the body, which had been pulled from the water, was in fact discovered; it was superficially inspected without being taken from the grave. The thorough examination and autopsy was delayed until the arrival of the Court of Justice. Guards were posted at the grave site. Already in the midday hours of the new day, (163)It is important and must be kept firmly in mind: The Jewish news service "knew" that the body found at least 20 km distant from Tisza-Eszlár was that of the fourteen year-old \*\*Solymosi\*\*! The medical surveys paralleled these perceptions of the witnesses; at the scene of the finding of the body appeared simultaneously the physicians appointed by the court: Dr. Trajtler, Dr. Kiß, Dr. Horváth and Géza v. Kéri. These four expert witnesses took on the job of making a protocol -- still on the 19th and the 20th of June -- concerning the \*\*internal and external\*\* findings \[from examination\] of the body. We learn the following important details from the exterior findings (Autopsy protocol of the afternoon of 19 June \*\*1882\*\*): - 1. The hair appears to have been shaved off - 2. The face is hollowed, there is no sort of abrasions present, nor are there any kind of signs of exterior wounds to be found - 3. The neck is not wounded. - \*\*4.\*\* The chest is emaciated - (164) 6. The feet are small and delicate. Their shape allows us to conclude that they have always been shod. \[i.e., that, unlike most peasant women, the subject never went barefoot.\] - \*\*2.\*\* The body is, at most, ten days old. (If one accepts the statements of Moritz \*\*Scharf\*\* as a basis, Esther \*\*Solymosi\*\* had been murdered over eleven weeks before!) - 3. The body has not been in the water for more than three or four days. - \*\*4.\*\* The body is that of an eighteen or probably even a twenty year-old. - \*\*6.\*\* The direct cause of death was consumption. \[i.e., tuberculosis\] - \*\*7.\*\* The body shows \*\*no traces whatsoever of external wounds\*\* which could have caused bleeding. The loss of flesh on the right arm indicates that the body was dragged \*\*by means of a rope\*\*. - \*\*8.\*\* The shape of the feet and hands, and the meticulous care of the same, shows that this person followed \*\*no kind of rough labor\*\* in her lifetime, but belonged to a class "which did not occupy itself with coarse manual labor." \*\*below Tisza-Eslár\*\* with his raft. As a further accomplice the Jew David \*\*Hersko\*\* was involved -- the cloverleaf was complete! On the \*\*10th of June\*\* (on the \*\*20th of June\*\*, the doctors declared that the body was, at most, ten days old!) Smilovics took the ferryboat to Tisza-Eszlár, according to arrangements made; there two Jews, Martin Groß and Ignatz Klein, were waiting for him with a wagon, and handed over to him a female body dressed in a slip. Smilovics shifted his strange freight over to David Hersko, together with the instruction \*\*that below Tisza-Eszlár a peasant woman was waiting and would give him clothes for the corpse\*\*. -- Everything went according to plan. The body was dressed with the help of the "peasant woman," who later turned out to be the Jewess Großmann from Tisza-Eszlár, and was then cast into the water. The non-Jewish raftsman \*\*Csepkanics\*\* was on the last of the rafts. Below Tisza-Eszlár, he suddenly noticed how a body, which he did not recognize and which the Theiß was driving down against his raft, disappeared under his boat and then surfaced again and now was being taken by the wind toward the far shore. There the object remained hanging in the willow bushes and now could be recognized as human. The possessions of the slaughtered Esther had therefore been carefully preserved at the scene of the crime. The mother of the child was actually able to identify every single piece of clothing of her daughter on the 19th of June. (166) If we visualize the witness statements of the young Scharf, the victim was undressed down to her slip (". . .I saw that Esther lay in her slip on the ground, while her clothes were on the table"). The slip was naturally deeply soaked through with blood and was therefore no longer of use, if they did not want to betray themselves. In some way or other, a new slip must have been procured; a \*Talmud\*-brain managed to dig up the information from one of the statements made to the court by old Frau Solymosi: a certain \*\*Roth\*\* (a Jewess) came to her and importuned her for \*\*a slip of Esther\*\* or even a strip from one of them; for these things would be necessary (she told her) in order to get information concerning the whereabouts of the girl from a fortune-teller! This is how this Jewish-Galician gang behaved to this old woman! Unfortunately it was not possible to determine the origin of the strange body; various hypotheses have been proposed. If one examines all the clues which the statements of the Jewish smugglers as well as the condition of the dead body have yielded, this body came either from a dissection room or from a Jewish cemetary. It is known that the orthodox Jews have the ritual custom of meticulously shaving off the hair of Jewesses not only at the time of marriage but also after their death, and this had been done thoroughly with the body. The body, externally and conspicuously well-groomed (cosmetic treatments) but otherwise all the more strikingly uncared for in every respect, would support the final surmise -- that, in any case, this was not the body of a blooming, virginal fourteen year-old peasant girl! Thus, these final connections remain just as unclear as the question of what happened to the body of the girl after the butchery of 1 April. Yet even here we have at least a clue: Still prior to the staging of the smuggled corpse, below Tisza-Eszlár fishermen drew a headless, well advanced in decay and thus unrecognizable female body from the river. The Hungarian magnate Ónody, resident in Tisza-Eszlár, was later able to determine that these fishermen, as soon as the rumor of their discovery spread, were bribed by provably Jewish parties not to hand over the body to the rangers, but to bury it at an exactly agreed-upon location. But something of this must have leaked out, for the Nyiregyháza Court of Justice decided to dispatch an exhumation commission to the relevant location on a certain day. The Jewish intelligence service had smelled a rat, for even before the commission reached the site, the Jews Heymann-Levy, Flegmann and Lichtmann had already appeared. What they were up to at this extremely critical moment remains unknown; all that was known was that the deputies of the high Court of Justice were standing before a freshly excavated empty hole. . . But the Jewish stage-managers were not content with this success, from now on they wanted to "officially" -- i.e., journalistically -- refute the blood-accusation. In the year \*\*1891\*\* on Corfu, the correspondent of the \*Berliner Tageblatt\* \[\*Berlin Daily\*\], Dr. \*\*Barth\*\*, took over this handsomely paid "mission," which, thanks to the firebreak of the \*Kreuzzeitung\*, did not succeed. The same thing was tried in Hungary. The editor of the Jewish Prague \*Politik\* \[\*Politics\*\], with the revealing surname of \*\*Puffke-Lipnitzki\*\*, was given the task of writing a series of articles about Tisza-Eszlár in the Cracow (likewise Jewish) \*Csas\*. In his book (page 179), Representative Ónody formed this judgement of these effusions: "The series of articles is a masterpiece of an exquisite sort, a masterpiece \*\*as only a brain refined by the shrewdest malice of Talmudic morality\*\* is able to produce." As the starting point of his arguments, Lipnitzki (168) makes use of "information" as if he received it: "It is impossible to suppose of the Jews, that they, in the midst of the 19th century, cleansed by the winds of the Enlightenment and of cultural progress, could have committed such a murder as they are accused of: Esther Solymosi probably has been murdered by the anti-Semites!" There we have it -- constantly repeated as weapons in Jewish hands are: "Enlightenment," "culture" and -- as often as possible -- "humanitarianism," all for the purpose of imputing to non-Jewish peasants the most hideous crimes! !\[\](\_page\_122\_Picture\_1.jpeg) Notice of large reward to be offered to "truth-tellers" by Jews (169)On 4 July 1882, Dr. Henrici, who had already aroused enormous interest(27) in a great number of gatherings as one of the first anti-Semitic speakers (in 1881 he had called the first racial anti-Semitic people's assemblies in Berlin), also spoke in Berlin in the "Sozialer Reichesverein" \[roughly, "Social National Union"\]: "That little spot in Hungary has become a turning point for the whole anti-Semitic movement, perhaps it will form a boundary stone for Israel. . . In case these people of the ritual-murder are referred \[to court\], all peoples have the most scared duty, to protect us from the gang which slaughters us not only economically, but perhaps also in actuality. This little place (Tisza-Eszlár) will perhaps become Israel's end. Cowardice and bloodthirstiness have been characteristic traits of the Jews in all times. It would be a national suicide, if we would not protest against the fact that members of the nation which in Hungary are standing before the blood court \[i.e., as accused ritual-murderers\], are sitting in the robes of office upon a German judicial bench and are allowed to pass judgement upon the Germans. . In another assembly, \*\*Henrici\*\* demanded, to thunderous applause, the immediate removal from office of Jewish judges -- "even in Berlin what has come to light in In a petition directed to the government, police supervision over the Jewish populace, but particularly over the \*\*synagogues\*\*, was supposed to be requested. In order to enlighten the population and shake it from its apathy, a large number of handbills about this blood-murder were circulated, since the \*\*"German"\*\* newspapers had refused to accept the explanation relating to this! (170)So strongly did these "extra editions" affect the nerves of the "Chairman of the Jewish community of Berlin," the banking Jew and "Royal Advisor for Commerce," \*\*Meyer-Magnus\*\*, that he complained to the Prussian Minister of the Interior \*\*von Puttkamer\*\*. The text of the letter of reply from the latter should be reproduced as simply a symbolic document of its time: "Berlin, 13 July 1882 Ministry of the Interior Sir I most obligingly thank you for the delivery, by means of your kind letter, of the extra edition of the morning of the 23rd which referred to the well-known case of the disappearance of the Christian resident in Tisza-Eszlár. I find myself in \*\*perfect agreement with you, Sir\*\*, in respect to the condemnation of this sorry piece of work, abject alike in both form and content and I in no way underestimate the danger which the circulation of such productions of the press can bring in their train under prevailing conditions. (signed) v. Puttkamer To the Royal Confidential Advisor and Chairman of the Board of Directors of the Jewish community Herr Meyer-Magnus, Esquire, Hier-W. Bellevuestr. 8." could smile amusedly to themselves as they rubbed their hands Yet soon they should again have opportunity to get angry -- this time more lastingly! Leading men of the anti-Semitic movement, among them the dynamic Dr. Henrici named above, and also Otto Glagau, its "culture warrior", had the merit not only of having relentlessly uncovered the practices of the Jewish stock exchange hyenas and foundation swindlers, but also of having clearly recognized the most monstrous crime, blood-murder, and having pointed it out as fact to a peaceable citizenry, came together for the formation of an anti-Jewish alliance, to which anti-Semites from Austria and Hungary also belonged. This anti-Jewish alliance summoned the first anti-Semitic congress in Dresden. Otto Glagau held the leadership. Max Liebermann von Sonnenberg, who later became Reich deputy, at whose suggestion the facts of the case of the blood-murder which occurred in the year 1900 at Konitz were published, Dr. Amman, the founder of the "Sozialer Reichsverein", Dr. Hentschel, court preacher and member of the Reichstag Stöcker, the founder of the Christlichsoziale Partei \[Christian Social Party\] (1878), "a dazzling speaker in the pulpit as well as in the people's assembly" (28), the future member of the Reichstag Prof. Paul Förster, with his brother Bernhard the author of the so-called "anti-Semitic Petition" of 1881, Ruppel, Pickenbach, Ernst Schmeitzner, well-known through his antisemitische Monatshefte \[Anti-Semitic Monthly issues\], the member of the Hungarian Reichstag, Istóczy, whose Manifest an die Regierungen und Völker der durch das Judentum gefährdeten christlichen Staaten \[Manifesto to the Governments and Peoples of the Christian States Endangered by Jewry\] was adopted, and Ivan von Simónyi -- all these were to be named as the leading men of this congress. At their invitation the Hungarian Reichstag deputy Géza v. Ónody also spoke on the 10th of September 1882 in Dresden about the ritual-crime committed in his hometown and about the doings of the Alliance Israélite Universelle in Hungary. The portrait of the murdered girl, created by his countryman Anrányi according to the statements of the mother and relatives, was (172) displayed in the assembly hall. It is the same one which Ónody published in his book. Even ten years later, this circumstance so enraged the Jew Nathan, that he described the girl as a prostitute; he writes on page 39 of his book: ". . . it is claimed that it is the portrait of a public beauty of Nyiregyháza, and really, whoever strolled through the broad streets of that particular little Hungarian city, a native of the place probably pointed out to him a tall girl with a short apron, with a loosely wound blue cloth about her bare neck which, although she was not ritually slaughtered, and although she continually went about her somewhat profitable trade, nonetheless was supposed to be the original of the Esther of the portrait. Her name was Ludovika Marossek. . This painted Esther Solymosi \[i.e., the one in the portrait\], who was a prostitute, has the busts of crowned heads around her(29), and upon this portrait gazed apparently devoutly the heads of the party, worthy pastors and great men of mature age, some of them in significant positions, who have the eyes of the public on them, and who make a pretense of working for the 'moral' rebirth of society, and wish to solve problems of high politics, these people worshipfully gathered before the portrait of a -- whore. . . " the following atmospheric report: "The powerful arousal into which the population of our capital city has been transported by the ritual-murder of the unfortunate \*\*Esther Solymosi\*\*, committed by the Jews, the stubborn silence of the Jewish-Progressive press concerning the event, and finally, the news that the Hungarian Reischstag Deputy for Tisza-Eszlár, Herr von Ónody, will appear on Thursday evening in order to make a thorough report about the terrible crime by means of (173) \*\*official materials\*\* at a large assembly, had enticed an enormous crowd of people to the local assembly hall. For that talk turned out to be a great demonstration against Jewry. We wished that our esteemed Jewish fellow-citizens had been able to hear \*\*the authentic truth\*\* about the crime from the mouth of this unimpeachable man of honor. . ." The appearance of Ónody in Germany -- as even \*\*Nathan\*\* had to concede -- had achieved two things: - 2. "Onody had committed himself personally in Hungary as in Germany, and with him the anti-Semitism of both nations, to \[justice for\] the ritual-murder." With these successes, which even a Jewish "intellectual" stressed, the Hungarian could feel satisfaction for the first time. How had things been developing in his home country? In Hungary as well, the anti Semitic currents had been swelling. Whatever decision the court might make, the people were convinced that they were being bled to death by the Jewish foreign body -- not only economically but in the literal sense of the word. One knew what to expect from newspaper reporting -- indeed, Jews and editors had already become identical concepts in Hungary! But the \*Alliance Israélite\*, that parent company of World Jewry, must have given a signal; for at the same time as anti-Semitic speakers were appearing in Germany and fliers were being circulated, there suddenly assembled in \*\*Budapest\*\* on \*\*5 July 1882\*\*, contrary to all other practice in secrecy and silence, a general meeting of the Rabbis under the chairmanship of the Head Rabbis \*\*Menachem Hatz\*\* and \*\*Leopold Lipschitz\*\*. No resounding "resolutions" were composed (an exception for such a meeting!) but something totally cunning was cooked up! The Rabbis wrote letters -- this "quiet propaganda" was already practiced at that time -- but not spontaneously to this or that (174) person abroad -- but to very well-known international "authorities," who almost without exception belonged to the \*\*theological faculty\*\* of their universities, and they asked these men to render their expert opinions about the possibility of ritual-murder and/or to "historically elucidate" this subject. With great adroitness, they knew how to discover, next to the freemasons, their baptized racial comrades among the "Christian" theologians! These scholars, to whom this request suddenly came, had in all probability never been able to examine a ritually-slaughtered human body which had been drained of all its blood, as their former colleague, \*\*D. Johann Eck\*\* had done in the 16th century -- perhaps \[this was the occasion when\] they were first told about what is meant by a ritual- or blood-murder -- with the exception of their baptized \[Jewish\] colleagues! and besides: it is flattering and at the same time an honor to be approached by a learned assembly of foreign Rabbis for a letter of expert opinion, and therefore the bearer of an apparently quite well-known name is not permitted to disappoint them in any way. These letters of reply, written for both the above-named rabbinic Head Swindlers and also, really, for their agents, are to be evaluated with this perspective in mind! The theological faculty of the University of \*\*Copenhagen\*\* refuted "this foolish \*\*invention, proceeding from blind fanaticism\*\*" by recalling (175) "with what great severity the Mosaic Law forbids men the consumption of blood; according to this law, anyone who would commit the above \*\*atrocity which is charged to the Jews\*\* \[in Tisza-Eszlár\], would be excluded from the community of the Jews and incur heavy punishment(!) Fully justified is the complaint and the indignation of the whole of Jewry over the fact that this accusation has been raised against them - an accusation which, as often as it has been raised, yet \*\*never has had the slightest basis in fact...\*\*" The theologians of the faculties at Leiden and Utrecht are also "according to their knowledge of the Mosaic and Talmudic laws," completely convinced that both \[i.e., the mosaic and Talmudic laws\] \*\*do not in the least\*\* assent to a use of human blood, and still less do they prescribe it." -- In such a manner were the expert opinions of the faculties procured!(174) Unfortunately, a \*\*Paul de Lagarde\*\* in all innocence became involved in this Jewish swindle maneuver and as a consequence had to let his name be abused even decades later by Jewish rats! In his letter of reply from \*\*Göttingen\*\* of 7 October 1882, he even thanks "the esteemed assembly of Rabbis for the confidence which it has shown me (P.D. Lagarde) by this request." Further on, however, Lagarde makes it clear that he was unable to supply the "desired historical elucidation" of the (ritual-murder) accusation, due to lack of time. . . "Should it seem expeditious to the esteemed assembly of Rabbis, however, that I appear as a witness (!) for it in any sort of judicial hearing. . .I am prepared to do so." prepared for that! Quite obviously, however, the "Licensed Theologian and titular Professor" \*\*August Wünsche\*\*, as a baptized \*\*Jew\*\* and (of all things) headmaster at a girls' school in \*\*Dresden\*\*(30), knew what was in the interests of the Jews. At the end of his rather cordial letter (31 October 1882) to the Head Rabbi \*\*Lipschitz\*\* in \*\*Budapest\*\* we read: "May a high court succeed in \*\*throwing light upon\*\* the Tisza-Eszlár affair \*\*and soon prove the innocence of the accused Jews\*\*, so that \*\*the evil spirit of the anti-Semitic movement\*\* may not draw new nourishment, to the misfortune of the \*\*common life of Christians and Jews!\*\*" It is clear that Judah knew how to make necessary capital from the contributions of its honorary Christian colleagues. The Gießener University Professor \*\*Stade\*\* in his letter of response actually anticipates these Jewish goals -- without, perhaps, having been conscious of them -- when his letter reads: "The outcome of the affair in Tisza-Eszlár may be what it will: this much is determined in advance, that it will be allowed to be used neither against the Jewish religion nor against the character of the Jewish people. Deeds such as those of which the ritual-slaughterer there is said to be guilty, are foreign to the latter and loathsome to the former." So wrote Paul \*\*Nathan\*\* barely ten years later, and he had to know, of course, being, finally, an "expert in his field"! Go to Tisza-Eszlár/Page 3Back to Table of Contents ----- Page 3 The coachman of the examining judge, sleeping in the wagon-shed and awakened by the ceaseless yapping of the watchdog, checked the premises. Near the main house, in the inner yard, he noticed three persons, who had apparently been positioned as watchmen; they were making signals in the direction of the street. In the corridor to \*\*Bary's\*\* room, the coachman came upon two Jews in kaftans, who --armed with revolvers -- were conspicuously trying to get in the entrance door. When challenged, the whole strange crew rushed to the yard gate. Two kaftangarbed Jews, pursued by the dog which was at their heels, swung themselves over the garden fence and thereby a bunch of skeleton keys were dropped. At daybreak, in the vicinity of the doghouse, a piece of meat was found which the dog, however, had not accepted. A chemical analysis yielded the fact that it was poisoned with arsenic. This assassination attempt on \*\*Bary\*\* failed -- further such attempts seemed hopeless. There still remained the main witness for the prosecution, the sixteen-year-old \*\*Moritz Scharf!\*\* On a motion of the examining judge, \*\*Scharf\*\* junior had been taken into protective custody, since he himself no longer felt safe with his racial comrades! Later, before the court, this witness declared when questioned about this: "I was told that they would kill me, \*\*because I have spoken the truth...\*\*" -- In the decision of the examining judge of 27 May 1882, the text reads: "...with consideration furthermore of the fact that according to the record of the newspapers it has become public that he (Scharf, junior) has made incriminating statements concerning his racial comrades, according to which one can fear that, with the \*\*irritable mood\*\* of his racial comrades. . .that they will \*\*harm\*\* him or try to \*\*corrupt him\*\*(33), and keep him from making further depositions -- in consideration of this, \*\*especially in his own interests and for the complete safety of his person\*\* (179) Moritz \*\*Scharf\*\* will be allowed until further notice to remain in official localities and stay voluntarily in court custody." \*\*Scharf\*\* had therefore been brought into the Comitat House at \*\*Nyiregyháza\*\*; he even remained there into August of the next year, not as a prisoner, but as a witness standing under police protection, who was allowed to move freely besides, who mixed with the families of the court officials there, was decently clothed and cared for and who even received private tutoring! What didn't the Jewish newspapers, the \*Pester Lloyd\* in the lead, fabricate: that \*\*Scharf\*\* had been lodged in a pig sty and sadistically abused and at the end had been nearly driven mad -- one recognizes here already the intention of designating the later statements of \*\*Scharf\*\* as those of one mentally disturbed -- which they \[i.e., the Jews\] certainly tried to do. How necessary the police protection in \*\*Nyiregyháza\*\* was, emerges from the fact that attacks upon this witness were planned several times. The castellan \[one in charge of a fortress or the security of public building\] \*\*Henter\*\*, to whom Moritz had been handed over, had been able to make detailed reports also about this to the court. To go into detail about this here, however, would take us too far from the main narrative. each other, than the medical confidential agents of the \*\*praiseworthy Nyiregyháza\*\* court, who might be honest men of healing, but are not specialists in the fields which are at issue here." This \*superarbitrium\* \[literally, "above judgement/appeal" -- i.e., the findings of the Hungarian National Medical Council\] repeated in essential points the results of the \*\*first\*\* expert opinion of the medical agents of the court and evoked, as Georg von \*\*Marcziányi\*\* was able to determine, "\*\*the greatest consternation\*\* in the circles of Jewry". Over the members of the Hungarian National Medical Council, the Jewish press poured a veritable deluge of insinuations and maledictions! Nevertheless, after the conclusion of these investigations, these documents were delivered to the Head Prosecutor's Office; the head Prosecutor, \*\*Szeyffert\*\*, to whom certainly no anti-Semitic leanings could be imputed, took over setting down the charges in writing and transmitted them to the Court of Justice at \*\*Nyiregyháza\*\*. !\[\](\_page\_131\_Picture\_4.jpeg) #### The Concluding Hearing in Nviregyháza The Tisza-Eszlár trial - a) on a charge of \*\*premeditated murder\*\*: the ritual-slaughterers Salomon Schwarz and Leopold Braun, the teacher (cantor) Abraham Buxbaum and the vagabond Hermann Wollner, "beggar without definite place of residence, who already has a police record"; - c) on a charge of \*\*accessories after the fact\*\*: "because they have made an effort to frustrate the investigation against the accused by assisting them," the five Jews who took part in smuggling the body: the raftsmen Amsel (182) Vogel and David Hersko, and also Yankel Smilovics, Martin Groß and Ignaz Klein. "It is a matter of an affair which could be \*\*fraught with grave consequences\*\* for a few million human beings; under these circumstances, one can claim that the number of five defending counsel was too small rather than too large."(37) -- Next, 80,000 Fl. were made available for taking care of the "smaller expenses" of the defense(38). At the Jew \*\*Guttmann\*\*'s, the head man of the Israelite Alliance (A.I.U.) in \*\*Vienna\*\*, his own telegraphic equipment was set up. Between \*\*Nyiregyháza\*\* and the Viennese Jew, his own telegraph connection was thereby set up, so that the Jews were informed directly and as quickly as possible of every word that was spoken, without the world outside -- not even the authorities -- being able to learn anything. -- "A Christian ought to demand it at once! I ask you, Herr Minister, whether you would allow him this! I don't believe that you would. . ." (The Deputy \*\*Schneider\*\* in the Austrian Reichsrat on the 10th of November, 1899.) The hearing had 138 prospective witnesses. The President of the Court of Justice was Franz von Kornis, and the state's attorney was the many-times mentioned Eduard von Szeyffert. He had picked up very definite instructions at Nyiregyháza. The Jewish press was full of the praise of this man; Paul Nathan as well gives him a good report card -- which already says it all! He writes: "Eduard von Szeyffert dealt with this difficult task with perfect tact and reaped for himself the boundless recognition of the educated (read: Jewish!) world and -- what this means -- the deadly hatred of the (183) anti-Semites. . . " (39) The mother of the victim was represented all the more cynically by these Jews, and without a trace of sympathy: "The old woman Solymosi was a tall, gaunt, bony woman of angular body type. During the hearings she appeared in dark clothes, and a black scarf also framed her yellow, parchment-like and expressionless face. There was something strangely sad in observing these mummy-like features. There was no emotion to be noted in her face and the single thing which seemed alive was a pair of small blue eyes, which simultaneously gazed out at the world stupidly and with a superstitious religiosity. No doubt: the fundamental trait of character of this pitiable woman was a mixture of stubborn, unshakable devoutness to God and to superstitions. It must have been easy to awaken the imagination in her that she was an instrument of God. At least she believed herself to be in a quite special The charge was supported in its essential points on the basis of the protocol statements of the sixteen-year-old son of the temple servant Joseph Scharf, Moritz, of the 21st/22nd of May 1882. In the public hearing as well, Moritz Scharf repeated firmly and with certainty his account already given before the examining judge. On the first day of the hearing there was already a violent scene: "When Moritz Scharf had related the story of the murder, the accused father began almost to rage against the boy; there were frightful scenes, when the men, some of them quite old, stood facing the young man, whom they regarded as the sole author of their misfortune." (41) -- The old man Scharf suddenly tried to fall upon his son, but was pushed back again to the bench of the accused by the prison guards. Each of the accused was invited to comment on the statements of the witness. The Jewish teacher Buxbaum raged: "It (184) is not true, what this one says, this dog, this louse!" -- Moritz replied quietly: "You were present too, when Esther was murdered!" -- Buxbaum: "What time was it?" -- Moritz: "Between eleven and twelve o'clock." -- Buxbaum, beside himself: "I was there? Pfui!" (He spit in the face of Moritz.) These scenes repeated themselves in the following days of the hearing and took on an ever sharper tone. On the eighth day of the hearing, Moritz was questioned by the Jewish defense counsel \*\*Heumann\*\* about why he always walked about under guard; Moritz replied: "\*\*Because the Jews would kill me, because I have said the truth..."\*\* -- "If you had not "barked" (42) such lies, then we would not be here" confirmed father \*\*Scharf\*\* resignedly on another day. -- "For an entirely different reason this (the investigation) could not be ended," the son said in defense of himself. To this the Jewish defense counsel: "I ask the witness, Moritz \*\*Scharf\*\*, why the investigation could not be ended and for what reason it lasted \*\*thirteen months\*\*." -- The Jewish youngster rebuffed him with: "For the reason that the Jews who \*\*remained behind\*\* in Tisza-Eszlár dressed a corpse in the clothes of Esther \*\*Solymosi!\*\*" After he had become a witness to the horrifying events in the synagogue, \*\*Moritz\*\* ran to his parents, to report to them the things he had seen from his own terrible vantage-point. President \*\*Kornis\*\*: "What did you say to your parents sitting at the table?" -- Moritz: "I told them the situation which I'd seen." President: "What was the answer?" -- Moritz: "My mother said that I should be \*\*quiet\*\*!" But the small boy Samu had overheard something and blabbed it out, which is how the case was set in motion! Frau \*\*Bátori\*\* and her daughter \*\*Sophie\*\* remarked that on the evening of \*\*1 April\*\* light was burning in the synagogue (45) in the vicinity of which they lived, until late at night, which was otherwise unusual. Around midnight the \*\*rear\*\* part of the temple was still brightly lighted. On the 16th day of the hearing, the peasant woman \*\*Cseres\*\* from Tisza-Eszlár gave her account to the Protocol: "In the night in which Esther disappeared, there was a great noise near us. . .I looked out of the window and saw \*\*many Jews\*\* come and go. Later the Jew \*\*Großberg\*\* came wringing his hands and called out: "God, what have we done, what have we caused to happen!" A strange (186) Jew, according to his appearance a \*\*Galician\*\*, answered Großberg: "Don't worry, nothing will come out of it!" Furthermore, it was established without objection that the Jews Schwarz, Braun and Buxbaum had entered the locality already on 31 March, a day before the murder of Esther and had taken accommodation with the former ritual-slaughterers Taub and Jakob Süßmann respectively. bending only a little bit and had been able to see well. But now it was established that the keyhole was located only 85 cm. above the floor, which implied that \*\*Moritz\*\* could look through it only by crouching over entirely and only for a few minutes; he claimed, however, as we see in the Protocol from this local inspection, that when \*\*Bary\*\* had taken him there, he did not need to bend over that way then. The basic result of this local inspection was: ". . .It was further determined that Moritz \*\*Scharf\*\* (187) did \*\*not see\*\* the scene at the \[time of\] the inspection." One of the Jewish defense counsel remarked: "With this inspection of the scene we should have opened the whole case, then we need not have had to hear \[the case\] for five weeks long!" But just as in the first days, the mother of the victim remained unswerving in \[the midst of\] these intrigues; she had answered in response to all questioning: "Gentlemen of the court, my mother's heart tells me that the Jews, who are sitting on the bench of the accused, murdered my daughter. The Jews came to me and have offered me \*\*a large sum of money\*\* if I would make this voice of my heart be silent -- I cannot do it. . ." (H. Desportes, p. 239) The court President \*\*Kornis\*\* directed the following "conciliatory words" toward the mockingly smiling gang of murderers: "I must admonish you, that you, returning to your home hearth and (189) Christian fellow-citizens, bring along peace and modesty and refrain from any such provocation which could lead to the arousal of excited emotions and to the disturbance of \[your\] \*\*peacefully\*\* living together. You would not wish to ascribe \*\*the suffering and vexation you endured\*\* (!) to the judge or to the court of Justice or, finally, to individual citizens, but to the coincidence of circumstances. You might make friends with the destiny which often interposes itself without mercy and heavily in the course of life and which is often impossible to avoid even with the greatest lawfulness and decency."(49) For the mother of the victim, however, no one had a word of comfort; on the contrary, she was helplessly abandoned to Jewish scorn and imprecations still during the court hearing; according to her own statements, the Jews had even finally claimed that she had abused Esther, and because of that she had gone into the water. . .even ten years later Paul \*\*Nathan\*\* could spit out at her in the filthiest manner! "An uncanny shudder quietly creeps over a person when he views the behavior of Jewry in this \*cause célèbre\*: the Jews, who continuously throw out phrases about humanitarianism, enlightenment, human rights, tolerance, and so on, and who refer to the law with daring cynicism in all cases where they have been righteously attacked -- the same law which they \*\*for the most part hold in contempt and trample with their feet\*\* -- these Jews first commit an atrocious ritual-murder, cowardly deny it with snide brow, \*\*break out filthy obscenities about the pain of the grief-bowed mother, abuse her\*\* under hypocritical pretexts, mislead the court, cunningly cut the threads of the investigation, like hyenas dig half-decayed bodies from their graves, switch them around, dress the false dead body in the garments of the slaughtered one, mutually swindle each other for the sake of ill-gotten gains, send \*\*death threats to judges performing their duties, plan assassinations\*\* of the same, in order to get incriminating court documents into their possession and will finally, (190) if all this doesn't help them and the iron ring is contracting around them closer and closer, move on to corpse desecration in the most disgusting and repulsive sense of the word, in order to dispel the storm clouds drawing threateningly close above the Jews! This is \*\*their\*\* humanitarianism, \*\*their\*\* enlightenment, \*\*their\*\* morality, which they proclaim so hypocritically, standing upon whose postulate -- built upon deceit and lies -- they have the presumption to strive for religious tolerance, for tolerance for religious rites like one of these rites which has come to the light of day in the ritual-sacrifice murder in Tisza-Eszlár. ."(50) ### Epilogue The acquittal of the accused set lose in the Hungarian people an enormous rage. \*\*Eötvös\*\* and his good friend, the Chief State's Attorney \*\*Szeyffert\*\*, had to leave Nyiregyháza shortly after the pronouncement of judgement in rash haste and in a closed wagon, under the curses of the populace and pursued by a hail of stones. In all larger cities of the nation, especially in \*\*Preßburg, Kaschau, Ödenburg\*\*, in \*\*Budapest\*\* and in court locations themselves, serious clashes occurred, Jewish shops were stormed, and in the comitats individual Jewish properties went up in flames. Nevertheless, all these things only brought water to the mills of Judah. . On \*\*11 September 1883\*\*, the already mentioned court preacher \*\*Stöcker\*\* spoke at a meeting of his Christian-social party in (191) Berlin about the outcome of this trial there he said, among other things (51): "The trial of Tisza-Eszlár is decided, the accused were acquitted. . .virtuous jurists, among them two state's attorneys, have assured me that \*\*before\*\* the trial they had believed in the innocence of the accused, \*\*after\*\* the decision however, \*\*they believe in their guilt\*\*; they personally consider themselves \*\*fully convinced of the guilt of the accused.\*\*" The peasant woman \*\*Cseres\*\* said on the occasion of her interrogation in the public hearing that it "was being spread about in Tisza-Eszlár that the Christians are losing and the Jews are winning"; that the inhabitants of the village had banded together and angrily discussed the Jewish machinations and they were finally brought back to peace only by the military. -- Their instincts, not warped by miseducation, had told them that certain powers were at work to bend this judge's decision! more experienced hands, so that the \*\*errors committed\*\* in the investigation can be \*\*repaired\*\* if possible." In another passage of this letter it further reads: "One other issue which will now likewise be decided is this, whether, in case the royal State Prosecutor's Office should consider a supplementary investigation necessary, (192) \*\*Bary\*\* should also be entrusted with it despite the numerous errors which he has committed -- \*\*or another man?\*\* We know this "educated Europe" already from Damascus; the golden Internationale, which forms the "public opinion" and prepares the Jewish "victory" But today we have concrete indications about it: the trial of Tisza-Eszlár became a financial-political \*\*power-struggle\*\* between Jewish High-finance and the nation of Hungary which was dependent upon it and which was already heavily in debt to international High-finance in the eighties of the 19th century -- and just at the time when the small village by the Theiß was making news, Hungary was in the process of negotiating with the house of \*\*Rothschild\*\* over settlement of its \*\*national debt\*\*, \*\*which was burdened with an excessively high rate of interest.\*\* The completion of this annuity-conversion was supposed to bring an annual savings of 2.5 million Gulden in interest to the economically beleaguered country. A few days before the beginning of the main hearings at \*\*Nyiregyháza\*\*, the Baron Albert \*\*Rothschild\*\* sent a sharply worded dispatch to the Hungarian Finance Minister, Count \*\*Szapary\*\*; the gist of its contents was that the money-market, (193)consisting overwhelmingly of Jewish elements, along with the means which stood at its disposal, would bring it to pass that "the Hungarian state notes would be depressed to a level which would correspond with \*\*that of the Hungarian pronouncement of law\*\*" -- This dispatch was also made known in the press! The Budapest representative of the House of Rothschild, the Jew Goldschmidt, spoke in the days before the main proceedings of the criminal trial as the agent of the "Alliance Israélite" with the Hungarian Minister, Baron Bela Orczy -- after the "Anglo-Jewish Association" in London had already meddled into this in an unheard of fashion -- and stated to him categorically that they would like the charges against the ritual-slaughterers dropped. Furthermore, he threatened him with bringing an interpellation in the English Parliament, and put to him the impertinent demand that the acquittal of the accused had to occur not at the first stage of appeal, but instead immediately at the first judicial hearing! and to threaten with dismissal if necessary" the Court President Kornis! The paper of the Minister President took up this inspiration and wrote: "The \*\*Tisza-Eszlár\*\* case compromises Hungary! Other countries point their fingers at Hungary. The \*\*world press\*\* pillories us daily. The \*\*judgment of the outside world is sovereign, it cannot by appealed to anyone.\*\* Who has brought \*\*this shame\*\* upon Hungary? Those very people who have created the Tisza-Eszlár trial! We therefore simply ask: \*Que usque tandem\*? (53) and hereupon demand from them an answer, \*\*not in words, but in deeds\*\*." And the Jewish paper \*Egyenlöseg\* still dared to write after the end of the trial: "Would it be a wonder, if after so much terror, Europe would turn from a nation which was so weak as not to resist anti-Semitism?!" The responsible men of one state therefore preferred to look on as the children of their people bled to death unatoned for under the the ritual-slaughter knives of Galician Jews, than that they do without money credited from Jewish banks which these had first sucked out of their hosts! In this connection one ritual-crime ought still to be mentioned as \*\*sequel\*\*, which happened in \*\*1895\*\* likewise on \*\*Hungarian\*\* soil. On the morning of \*\*6 September\*\* of that year, in \*\*Honter\*\* Comitat in \*\*Garam-Kis-Sallo\*\*, the farmer Johann \*\*Balars\*\* sent his five-and-a-half year-old daughter \*\*Juliska\*\* with an errand to the gin-shop Jew \*\*Ignatz Adler\*\*. The girl did not return. On the \*\*10th of September\*\*, thus shortly before the "great Day of Atonement," the horribly mutilated child's body was discovered outside of the place. The Jews had "reconciled" themselves with Yahweh! In the body and heart of the victim was \*\*not a drop of blood to (196) be found\*\*. Neither on the body nor on the clothes were there any blood spots. At the time when the girl disappeared, by the claim of many witnesses \*\*three\*\* wagons of Jews arrived at Ignatz Adler's place, among them a \*\*ritual-slaughterer\*\*." Go to Chapter 4: Skurz Back to Table of Contents # \*\*Skurz 1884\*\* ----- ----- Page 1 The blood-murder of Tisza-Eszlár and the events at the Court of justice at \*\*Nyiregyháza\*\* were still in everyone's memory when a completely similarly fashioned crime occurred on \*\*German\*\* soil. The accompanying circumstances allowed a further and thoroughly successful increase in Jewish power and influence after the triumph in Hungary to be recognized, insofar as Jewry now knew how to arrange things so that the actual murderers remained unmolested and, instead of them, a non-Jew was brought to the dock. On 21 January 1884, toward eight o'clock in the evening, the fourteen-year-old Onophrius Cybulla left the house of the Gappa inn in the village of Skurz (governmental district Danzig), where he had been washing up bottles, to make his way to his parents, living in the same locale. Although the young fellow had only a short way home, he didn't arrive at his parental residence. Witnesses said under oath that Onophrius was lured into the property of the Jewish merchant Boß; in addition, it could be established that on this evening numerous foreign Jews had assembled on the property of Boß, where the whole night long a hive of activity, otherwise unknown, prevailed. The non-Jewish serving-girl had been given a vacation on this evening without having requested it. In the stable building of the Jewish estate, a messy state of confusion reigned on the following morning; in the stall of Boß and on the manure pile in the yard, liquid and clotted blood was indisputably discovered, and likewise some sacks exhibited blood spots. The ritual-slaughterer \*\*Josephson\*\* was observed in the early morning on a bridge located outside the village, with a heavy sack upon his back. Some time later, the \*\*dismembered\*\* body of the youngster was found under this bridge. It was missing both thighs, and they were never found. The lower legs were lying in the vicinity of the undressed, \*\*blood-empty\*\* corpse. \*\*transverse cut going down to the spinal column\*\*, which had brought about death through \*\*exsanguination\*\*. The abdomen had been slit open. The autopsy yielded further important particulars: wounds were found on the fingers, hands, on the back, on the nose, on the forehead and on both eyes; on many places of the body there were bloodshot areas. These wounds suggested that the boy had defended himself vigorously. As a result of blows to the head, there had occurred a severe hematoma in the cranial cavity. Aside from this, there were \*\*numberless\*\* other wounds present, which had first been inflicted on the body. These wounds were \*\*smooth-edged\*\* and likewise had been most skillfully executed with a \*\*very sharp instrument\*\*. The dismemberment of the body had to have taken place in a \*\*closed room\*\* and under full illumination. At the place of the discovery of the body, there were neither blood spots nor traces of a struggle. According to the findings of the experts, a lust-murder seemed to be totally out of the question; likewise the acceptance of a robbery-murder was ruled out from the start, since the slain boy was completely without means. The Crime Commissar \*\*Richard\*\* was ordered from Danzig to \*\*Skurz\*\*. According to the most fundamental preliminary work, he investigated as the presumed murderers the trader Jews \*\*Boß\*\*, \*\*father and son\*\*, as well as the ritual-slaughterer \*\*Josephson\*\*. Jewish strangers, who were seen on the day of the murder, could no longer be investigated. The clothes of the Jews were inspected by a chemist, Dr. \*\*Bischoff\*\*, called in as an expert. On a jacket belonging to \*\*Josephson\*\*, \*\*traces of human blood\*\* were discovered, and in addition the physician Dr. \*\*Lindenau\*\* found impressions of incisors on the left index finger of the ritual-slaughterer. This doctor speculated that it (201) could be a bite wound. The investigations furnished further indications which heavily incriminated the Jews to an extraordinary degree. Moreover, they constantly got caught in contradictions and made the most unbelievable excuses. In this critical situation, \*\*Richard\*\*, the Investigating Commissar up till now, was suddenly recalled without specification of sound reasons. The Prussian Minister of the Interior, \*\*von Puttkamer\*\* -- we have gotten to know him already -- dispatched Commissar \*\*Höft\*\*. The populace knew of \*\*Höft\*\*, that he saved a large number of Jews from \*\*Neustettin\*\* from the prospect of judicial condemnation in \*\*1881\*\*, when they were charged under the most serious points of suspicion of having set fire to their own dilapidated synagogue with the aid of petroleum -- even the prayer books were soaked through with petroleum -- in order to receive the high amount of insurance. Then the blame for the arson was laid on the "anti-Semites," who had wanted (it was claimed) to take revenge; therefore the further course of events could not surprise the populace! Next, the Jews in custody were set free. Then the guilty were sought after. Under a suspiciously large levy of the most dubious means, the trial was supposed to be guided along a determined route. Even \*\*Höft\*\* came to accept that the dismemberment of the body could only have been performed by an \*\*expert\*\* hand; but this remained the single point in which he agreed with the inquiries of his predecessor. the proceedings began before the jury court in Danzig, with a great throng of a very highly incensed public. The evidentiary proceedings turned out to be scandalous from the beginning; the Skurz Jews entered court as "prosecution witnesses." The non-Jewish witness \*\*Zilinski\*\* made the following statement \*\*under oath\*\*: The Jewish ritual-slaughterer \*\*Blumenheim\*\* had come to him to sound him out. In order to learn what the Jews were up to, he had assumed the pose of being against \*\*Behrendt\*\*. (202) Thereupon he was invited by \*\*Blumenheim\*\* to come with him to see a \*\*gentleman from Berlin\*\*, and to tell the latter all the \*\*worst\*\* (!) that he knew about \*\*Behrendt\*\*. The "gentleman from Berlin" had introduced himself as Commissar \*\*Höft\*\*, who then unrelentingly tried to persuade him that \*\*the Jews could certainly not be the perpetrators\*\*, etc. \*\*Zilinski\*\* was supposed to make a statement against \*\*Behrendt\*\*. On a train trip \*\*Höft\*\* again insistently demanded that he make statements against \*\*Behrendt\*\* and not, by chance, against the Jews. Furthermore, various witnesses stated that on \*\*21 January\*\* - thus on the day of the disappearance of the boy -- \*\*Behrendt\*\* had already arrived at home at about seven in the evening; since he had too freely partaken of alcohol, he had to be undressed and carried into bed; \*\*Behrendt\*\* first got up again the next morning and went about his work. The behavior of Commissar Höft explains much, but not everything. We must further take into account that \*Landgerichtsrat\* \[district court councilor\] \*\*Arndt\*\* was functioning as President of the Court of Justice during the jury court proceedings in \*\*Danzig\*\*, under whose chairmanship at that time the \*\*Neustettin\*\* Jews accused of the synagogue arson got an acquittal during jury court trial in \*\*Konitz\*\*. As state's attorney \*\*the Jew Preuß\*\*, of all people, had been appointed in the \*\*Behrendt\*\* trial! This Jewish prosecutor pled for the guilt of Behrendt and the innocence of his racial comrades \*\*Boß\*\* and \*\*Josephson\*\* despite the outcome of the hearing of evidence, which had downright devastatingly exposed the Jewish manipulations, and although \*\*Preuß\*\* himself had to concede that it couldn't seem odd when the voice of the people was directed \*\*against the Jews\*\* -- all the more so, when in the year \*\*1879\*\*, in \*\*the same area a totally similar "mysterious" murder\*\* had occurred which still is not cleared up to this day; but the investigation against the Jews had not then been initiated because of this, but on the basis of entirely other indications. The so-called proof of guilt of this Jew against an innocent man, worn down in a year of custody pending trial and whose business was ruined, who sat on the bench of the accused in place of the Jews \*\*Boß\*\* and \*\*Josephson\*\*, in its boundless arrogance brought about the opposite: the sworn jurors acquitted the "accused" after only one half-hour's deliberation. After one year's custody in jail Behrendt was released again; his earlier existence was, not least by the intrigues of his Jewish competitors in \*\*Skurz\*\*, destroyed, and he had to start all over again, almost as a beggar! As a German citizen, the good fortune of the Jewish blood-murderers of \*\*Damascus\*\* and \*\*Tisza-Eszlár\*\* -- rehabilitated in every way and economically compensated -- was not to be his lot This trial, too, had developed into a \*\*farce\*\*, a comedy! \*\*At Jewish trials\*\* of every kind, this theatrical show unworthy of Justice repeated itself so often that the people kept losing more and more trust in it. A contemporary voice, of the \*Kulturkämpfer\* Otto Glagau (\*Zeitschrift für öffentliche Angelegenheiten\* \[\*Magazine for Public Affairs\*\], Berlin, 1885, \*Heft\* \[Volume\] 118), determined resignedly: ". . One sees how the Jews have \*\*the advantage everywhere\*\* and how much worse things constantly are shaping up for native-born citizens. Even Law and Justice are not free, but \*\*cost more or less money\*\*. The poorest Jew, if he falls into the hands of the administrators of Justice, never lacks for a clever advocate: his well-to-do racial comrades already take care of that; but for the poor, ignorant native-born citizen, not one Christian soul troubles himself!" (203)The Jewish-edited Berlin "National"-Zeitung seemed to be not entirely wrong when it was able to triumphantly write in its Number 363 of \*\*5 August 1883\*\*, after the conclusion of the ritual-murder trial of Tisza-Eszlár: "If the survey of the investigation of \*\*Tisza-Eszlár\*\* was described by many in righteous anger as a disgrace of our century, so has the conclusion of the trial \*\*made a charge of a ritual religious murder judicially and scientifically impossible for the future."\*\* - In dry words this means: At the command of international Jewry, a charge of ritual-murder has to fail for all future time! The following ritual-murder cases will establish the proof Go to Chapter 5: Corfu Back to Table of Contents # Corfu \\\_\\\_\\\_\\\_ Page 1 (p. 207) The year \*\*1891\*\* can be called fateful insofar as within \*\*one quarter-year\*\* two ritual-crimes of \*\*complete similarity\*\* accompanied by circumstances just as similar, and in two different regions of Europe -- \*\*Corfu\*\* and \*\*Xanten\*\* -- focused the interest of the public upon both these places. This captured attention would have been enough in itself to once and for all dispel that darkness which had seemingly become more and more impenetrable for the middle-class world despite Damascus, Tisza-Eszlár and Skurz. As Jewish gold prepared the way for the Emancipation, so the other great power of World Jewry, its \*\*press\*\*, methodically extended these acquisitions. It also helped to draw "a thick veil over those bloody scenes" -- and they were forgotten! In Greece there was soon no longer a single national newspaper which possessed the courage to give a clear, unbiased account of the events on Corfu. But Jewry had ever to fear the \*\*unbiased\*\* account and knew how to prevent this as well. Thus nothing remained for national Greek circles, other than to hand over their reports for publication to the \*\*single\*\* foreign paper which had the courage to call these things by their right name. Finally the most effective thing of all occurred: The Greek debt-notes fell alarmingly at all stock exchanges in the world, the last resistance of the government of a small nation was broken. The \*Alliance Israélite Universelle\* had engaged in their old methods here, too! Jewish high finance and international \[news\] dispatch bureaus, the sharpest weapons of universal Judah, prevented, under downright outrageous circumstances, the implementation of a judicial procedure which had the mission of exacting justice for a ritual-crime upon an eight year-old girl! "From detailed information, we are in a position to be able to report that no kind of visible traces of wounds were found on the murder victim; to accept that this is a murder done out of ritual reasons, is to credit with belief a populace which is as fanatical as it is ignorant; moreover, this is a case of a \*\*Jewish\*\* child" -- In this vein wrote the Jewish papers of all nations with identical voice, and for Germany, the leading press organ of the A.I.U., the \*Berliner Tageblatt\*, with its circulation of a quarter million, adopted a cunningly drawn up system of falsifications Fortunately, there was a \*\*German\*\* paper that made the effort to unmask this infamous Jewish tactic and the broadly fielded campaign of lies and to search for the truth, though without being able to bring about the just and objective realization of court proceedings, since the German government had already bowed to Jewish interests! Running from the end of April until the end of May 1891, the \*Neue Preußische Zeitung (Kreutzzeitung) \[New Prussian Times (Cross Times --\* another name for the \*New Prussian Times)\*\] brought out the sensational "Corfu Letters," whose contents originated with the expositions of highly placed, nationally-minded Greek politicians and scientists, who had totally and clearly seen through the subversions of international Jewry. A number of these letters were (209) composed by a parliamentary deputy from Corfu itself and transmitted for publication in the \*Kreutzzeitung\* through intermediaries. In their time, these articles in the \*Kreutzzeitung\* very much got on the nerves of the Jewish wire-pullers; it's no wonder that the hatred of their tribal co-religionists was directed first and foremost against this brave paper and then against the German nationality itself. "In the night of \*\*12 April\*\* toward ten-thirty, it was announced by town-criers that the Jew \*\*Salomon Sarda\*\* was missing his little eight-year-old daughter; whoever might know anything about her whereabouts, should report it. The following day people were shocked to learn that the body of the child had been discovered in a sack in the entrance way of a Jewish house. \*\*The father himself\*\* had found her when he looked through the entrance way for the missing child while walking home from drinking coffee (!) at around two in the morning. There he suddenly stumbled over the body and had immediately summoned the night watchman. The latter stated that Sarda had displayed no kind of surprise or pain at the sight of the body. The autopsy, which was conducted by four of the best trained physicians in Europe, revealed the presence of a wound on the neck as well as one on the heart and one arm, and a bump on the head. Death must have ensued as the result of loss of blood, after the child had presumably been rendered unconscious by a blow to the head. In the body there (210) was not even a drop of blood; rather, numerous needle punctures at various places indicated that the murderers had made sure to carefully evacuate the blood completely. The wounds were -- as was the entire body -- washed clean and plugged with the hair of the girl. Even on the underwear there was not the slightest trace of blood to be noticed. The unusual circumstances under which the crime, as well as the discovery of the body, had occurred, in connection with the fact that shortly before the Jewish Easter had been celebrated and similar events from the end of the previous and the beginning of this century were still in everyone's mind, impelled the masses to the forceful belief that it is was matter of one of those ritual human sacrifices for the acquisition of blood, which, despite all that has been written against it, nevertheless exists in the mind of all peoples and always has existed, and by means of events of this kind is ever brought to mind all over again. . The rumor was spreading that the deceased was by no means a Jewess, but on the contrary, was a Christian girl by the name of Maria Dessyla, kidnapped in Janina, who frequently had called herself by that name. The excitement which has swept over the people as a result of this defies description. All the same, justice would have been allowed to run its course with the generally peaceful nature of the Corfuites, if the Jews had not unanimously, as if a signal had been given, expressed the outrageous accusation that the Christians had murdered the child in this manner in order to set the people against the Jews. . ." Also, an employee of the \*Staatsbürgerzeitung\* \[\*National Citizen Times\*\], who had plentiful contacts in Greece from his longer residence in \*\*Athens\*\* and the Orient, turned to three different persons in Athens with the written request for information about the events in \*\*Corfu\*\*. From all three -- among them a historian and philologist -- comprehensive reports came in which contained downright overwhelming evidence! the body; the head of the girl alone showed \*\*seven knife cuts\*\*. The legs appeared forcibly stretched and bent(2). The body was \*\*absolutely empty of blood\*\*! Four Roman Catholic nuns who conducted a girls' school in \*\*Corfu\*\* appeared as witnesses for the prosecution. The child had been brought to this school at the approximate age of six; on this occasion, the tailor \*\*Sarda\*\* avoided giving further details about the child, despite repeated requests, so that the school had to rely upon the statements of the student herself that she was named Maria \*\*Dessyla\*\* and was born in \*\*1883\*\* in \*\*Janina\*\*. These declarations of the nuns were vigorously attacked by the Rabbi of \*\*Corfu\*\*, who presented a birth register written in \*\*Hebrew\*\*, in which the murdered girl was supposed to have been entered as the \*\*daughter\*\* of the tailor \*\*Sarda\*\*! At closer examination (212) the register was shown to be \*\*forged\*\*. In the official Greek civil registry the child was listed nowhere as the child of \*\*Sarda\*\*, although the latter was already resident for twelve years in \*\*Corfu\*\*! All of these circumstances allowed it to be recognized that the allegedly orphaned child had fallen into the claws of this Jew years before in one way or another, so that she could be allowed to disappear again if need be, and that all further personal particulars \[of the child\] had been most carefully avoided on purpose. The chief witnesses, two Greek police officers, observed the murder band on the night in question as it made to bury a body in a sack in the Jewish cemetary; but the Jews succeeded in escaping. To divert suspicion from themselves, the Jews had made the first "announcement" according to the procedure which they had already practiced many centuries earlier in Trent. After the Jew Sarda made use of the public town-criers on the evening of 12 April, he appeared in the morning hours of 13 April at the police bureau in Corfu and boldly declared, without a trace of sorrow, that someone had murdered "his child" and thrown the body in a sack, in the entryway in front of his residence, near the synagogue. To the police commissar in charge these statements seemed highly suspicious, and he held Sarda in custody. On the basis of the statements of witnesses, the evidence grew stronger and stronger. After three days, there appeared before the examining judge a an "exonerating witness" in the form of the half-blind Jewish beggar Ephraim. This one would have it that, in spite of his poor vision, he had seen five peasants with the child's body on the night in question! Because he continued to get caught in awful contradictions, he fell under grave suspicion not only of perjury, but of being at least an accessory to the bestial crime. What happened to the accused Jews? The government authorities at first tried -- as in all nations -- to treat the whole matter as a "fairy tale," but soon had to realize that the case could no longer be covered up! But the government did not possess the courage and -- the power, to honestly take into account the people's sense of right, and thereby the outrage of the populace increased by the hour. (213) In order to gain time, following proven methods the Prefect of Corfu, and then the state prosecutor entrusted with the case, were summoned to Athens to make a report to the government. This report-making absorbed more time. Meanwhile international, Jewish-inspired diplomacy had paved the way. The Greek Minister President Delyannis responded to the interventions which England, France, Italy, and Austria had made with him for the protection of the Jews, that "the official investigation might come across certain factors which would be likely to foster the acceptance of the Christian population with respect to \[belief in\] a ritual-murder." He therefore was making an effort to "postpone the opening of the trial proceedings against the Jews charged with murder, so that this might gain time for producing the necessary proof of their innocence." To express this in plain words: \*\*Delyannis\*\* himself is convinced that a child of his people has been ritually-slaughtered -- but his hands are already tied as far as being able to resort to drastic measures! For refuting the \*Kreuzzeitung\* reports, the \*Berliner Tageblatt\* dispatched to Greece its own correspondent, a \*\*Dr. Barth\*\*. We must examine this situation somewhat more closely, because the unscrupulous actions of the Jewish press were responsible for the unrest on Corfu. It has not been possible for us to determine whether this Dr. Barth himself was an international press-Jew, or merely a paid creature of the Jews; However, his tactics were so revealing that even today they still are able to contribute to the story of the Jewish press battle! "Berlin, \*\*16 May 1891\*\*(3) -- In regard to the "official denial" of the \*Wiener Fremdenblatt\* \[literally, \*Vienna Foreign Page\*\], which from Rome is supposed to have reported the incorrectness of our earlier report concerning the ritual-murder, and about which the local Jewish press was naturally \*\*beside itself with joy\*\*, we have the following to reply: A statement from an authoritative source has been made to us that -- as of noon today -- \*\*no official denial whatsoever\*\* against that telegram published in the \*Kreuzzeitung\* has been made on the part of the government. According to the judgement of the local Greek colony, it is also absolutely out of the question that Mr. \*\*Delyannis\*\* would be able to deny the \*\*fact\*\* of the murder of the Christian girl \*\*Maria Dessyla\*\* by Jews, without damaging his position as Minister President, as long as \*\*the trial\*\* against the Jews charged with the murder has not been conducted to its end in a manner completely open to the public. . .and if the Greek government had even the slightest evidence for the innocence of the Jews, it would have published this in the organs which stand at its disposal a long time ago; yet not only has this not occurred, but all the papers of \*\*Athens\*\* have up to this time set down the \*\*facts\*\* of the murder as \*\*established\*\*. We would therefore like to advise papers such as the \*Kurier\* and the \*Berliner Tageblatt\* to turn elsewhere with their attacks. -- For the rest, we are able to assure the -- \*\*Jewish -- leaders\*\* of these organs, that we know quite well \*\*what efforts individuals of their tribal persuasion have made to arrange official denials toward\*\* the \*Kreuzzeitung\*\['s reports\]. But these efforts were in vain for Berlin; naturally it is easier to manage this in \*\*Vienna\*\*, where the relations of the semi-official \*Fremdenblatt\* to Jewish \*haute finance\* are certainly known to everyone." (215) "The frightful terror which all of international Jewry felt in every limb when we shattered the \*\*attempted cover-ups\*\* by the telegraph agencies \*\*under Jewish influence\*\* with our recent report, and frankly pointed out that in Greece, not only the masses, \*\*but also people of substance believed in the existence of ritual-murder on Corfu\*\*, has led to the local main organ of the Jews, the \*Berliner Tageblatt\*, sending its own correspondent to \*\*Corfu\*\*. The latter immediately managed to prove on the spot all the reports on this case published by the \*Kreuzzeitung\* to be "inventions," by getting himself confirmation from the Greek archbishop on \*\*Corfu\*\* that the murdered girl was of \*\*Jewish\*\* descent and that \[it was\] probably a \[case of\] lust-murder. -- It may, perhaps, be true that the representative of the \*Berliner Tageblatt\* actually received this information from the archbishop; but only the \*\*personal opinion\*\* of the latter has been expressed by that confirmation. The archbishop, however, is no examining judge, so that his judgement is not supported by any kind of real evidence; also, by force of necessity, he \[the archbishop\] must seek to calm again the wildly aroused passions of the people, so that it is understandable that he will speak as pacifyingly as possible before the public. This view is totally confirmed for us by a source whom we have cause to regard as competent and it is suggested by the fact that the the \*\*Prefect of Corfu, who has meanwhile been dismissed from his office\*\*, in the beginning had claimed the same thing as the archbishop is now asserting. Since in \*\*the meantime all circumstances which have become known have contradicted this assertion\*\*, this claim has led to the uncommon animosity of the people and finally to riots. And the fact that the government \*\*has recalled the Prefect\*\* at the urging of the masses of the people likewise shows that the former regards the Jewish extraction of the murdered girl as in no sense established. Nevertheless, in order to proceed surely and to be able to offer the correspondent of the \*Berliner Tageblatt\* at least an equally good testimony, we have asked the publisher of the most widely read \*\*Athens\*\* paper, the \*Acropolis\*, to inform us by telegraph (216) of his view of the state of the \*\*Corfu\*\* Affair, in order to thereby retain one further check upon the reports of our permanent \*\*Athens\*\* correspondent: So much for the \*Kreuzzeitung\*. Its reporting was proof against attacks and unassailable. Thus, finally, the \*\*German nationality\*\* as such had to become a target of attack! These perfidious methods do not appear to be out of date even today! \[Indeed -- the instinctive and deadly hostility of Jewry to Germany and Germans, above all other peoples, antedated the Third Reich and the respective positions of these two arch-enemies in 2001 is the one feature of the current situation we can be grateful Hellmut Schramm was spared having to see.\]. On \*\*16 May 1891\*\*, the \*Kreuzzeitung\* reported in connection with the alleged official denial of the Greek Minister President, that the Jewish press had made the further untrue claim that in Corfu "anti-Semitic" pictures and fliers \*\*with German text\*\* were surfacing. In reality, it was a matter of harmless Greek newspapers, which were regularly published in \*\*Athens\*\*, \*\*Patras\*\*, and \*\*Corfu\*\* as daily papers. In these were the most varied illustrations concerning the events on \*\*Corfu\*\*. Several Greek papers naturally put out a picture of the murdered girl, an "extra edition" out of \*\*Corfu\*\* had a \[picture of\] the house of the Jew \*\*Sarda\*\* in front of which the body was found lying in a sack, as well as the hardly sympathetic portrait of this man who had had the murdered child for several years in "foster care." One other picture represented the nocturnal scene in the Jewish cemetary, where those accused of the murder had tried to bury the body. Under this picture was verse written in the dialect of the Ionian islands, which reads: "Is that not an insult, is that not a crime? To the Jewish burial grounds they had brought Maria. Maria was Christian and was baptized, and in the Jewish cemetary they dug a grave for her." With the beginning of the unrest on \*\*Corfu\*\*, this infamous lie was again brought up. On \*\*21 May 1891\*\*, the \*Kreuzzeitung\* received from \*\*Athens\*\* the message by telegram that \*\*simultaneously with the start of the riots on Corfu\*\*, telegrams were dispatched from out of \*\*Constantinople\*\* (!), to \*\*Vienna, Berlin\*\*, and \*\*Paris\*\* -- thus the centers of World Jewry -- which told that anti-Semitic pictures with \*\*German\*\* text were being spread around in \*\*Smyrna\*\*. Upon being immediately questioned about this, the Greek consulate there made the unqualified statement that \*\*nothing whatsoever was known about this in Smyrna\*\*. "On this account, it is believed that the Jews of other cities had known about the murder on \*\*Corfu\*\*, since the \*\*denial-system\*\* (4) was already arranged ahead of time. The statement of the archbishop is \*\*private opinion\*\*, which is also shared by \*\*diplomatic\*\* (!) \*\*representatives\*\*. But, despite many requests, the government has \*\*endorsed\*\* this viewpoint by \*\*no announcement of any sort\*\*. If there had been any kind of proof whatsoever for this, it would do so gladly. . . The Minister \*\*Deliorgis\*\* stated that \*\*the presence of the foreign warships made the position of the cabinet more difficult, since a crisis in the government is probable.\*\*" circumstanced murder cases from earlier years which had remained unsolved! Moreover, the nuns had then declared under oath that the little girl had been the Maria Dessyla who was being taught by them. -- Besides this, the Jewish Easter had just been celebrated shortly before the crime. "Actually, the people found evidence for this custom of the Jews in nearly every year. At the time of the Easter of the year before, a Jewish riot arose in Smyrna when a small Christian girl (218) had disappeared, whose corpse was supposed to have been discovered in the water, allegedly by the Turkish authorities(5). Among the Christians, however, everyone was convinced that the child had been ritually-slaughtered by the Jews. . One must also consider that the Jewish population in Corfu is still of the outright dubious origin of the earlier Venetian times, that the island for almost centuries at a time was the point of passage of all Jews immigrating from Asia Minor, Arabia, and North Africa to the South of Europe and right here was where the most backward of all of the customs of the "Mosaic confession" were to be found. Even today the colloquial language of the Jews in Corfu is a Hebrew and Arabic mixed with elements of Spanish and Italian, and their religious practices are closed to any non-Jew. Thus, if the suspicion can exist anywhere in Europe, that the Jews could, in accordance with old Talmudic laws, go so far in their hatred for Christianity as to the killing of Christian children and to the use of Christian blood, the unique occupants of the Jewish Quarter in Corfu offers the greatest possibility for this."(6) Naturally the precious Jewish blood flowed out in "currents". The Jews locked in their Ghetto had been abandoned to "death by starvation". In contrast to this stood the \*\*official government reports\*\* on the facts: The window panes of some houses were smashed into rubble, some Jews, who had behaved too provokingly were beaten with sticks, but not a single Jew was seriously wounded, to say nothing of killed in those days! In the beginning, the populace of Corfu trusted the judicial (219) investigation and therefore kept order by itself -- the insignificant military detachment stationed in \*\*Corfu\*\* would not even have initially been able to do so. But when the future showed that the course of the government was apparently in advance already being subordinated to foreign interests, the people became suspicious. The authorities were accused quite openly of bribery. For example, that the state attorney had first begun his foot-dragging investigation \*\*many hours after discovery\*\* of the body, had repeatedly allowed himself to be led down blind alleys and thus had lost much precious time. That \*\*the Ghetto had not been searched at all\*\*, while because of supposed excesses many non-Jews were arrested and were taken away right before the eyes of the Jews. wishes. The Archbishop of \*\*Zante\*\*, \*\*Dionysius Latas\*\*, also shared the view of the Archbishop of \*\*Corfu\*\* in full compass(7). At the international Congress of Religion at \*\*Chicago\*\*, \*\*Latas\*\* later stated the following: "...among the ignorant masses of the population, the belief is spread that the Jews for the purposes of their religious rite make use of the blood of Christian children and that, in order to procure it for themselves, do not shrink back from committing murder. As a result of this belief, persecutions of the Jews frequently break out, and the \*\*innocent victims\*\* are exposed to many acts of violence and danger. Considering the fact that such false notions have also spread among the \*\*ignorant masses\*\* of other nations and in the last decade \*\*Germany\*\* and \*\*Austria\*\* were the showplace of trials against \*\*innocent Jews\*\*. .. as a \*\*Christian\*\* priest I ask that this Congress take note of our conviction \*\*that Judaism forbids murder of every kind and that none of its (220) sacred authorities and books\*\* command or permit \*\*the use of human blood for ritual purposes\*\* or religious ceremonies. The spreading of such a \*\*slander\*\* against the believers of a monotheistic religion is \*\*unchristian\*\*. It is incompatible with the duty of Christians, to allow such a terrible accusation to go uncontradicted, and the good repute of Christianity demands that I ask this \*\*parliament\*\* to declare that Judaism and the Jews are just as \*\*innocent\*\* of a crime falsely imputed to them, as the Christians of the first centuries were..." The consequent continuing of these provocations then read: Corfuites killed the child in order to put the Jews under suspicion of perpetrating the deed! With that, the forbearance of the populace was exhausted. A Good Friday procession attempted to force its way into the Ghetto, in order to compel the surrender of the band of murderers. A reinforced military unit, which had been placed there for the protection of the Ghetto, fired upon the defenseless procession. Three participants were shot dead, about twelve, of whom some later died, were left behind critically wounded at the site, to the mockery of a raging Jewish mob! For the protection of the \*\*Jewish\*\* segment of the population, the warships of foreign powers came into the harbor. . . A report out of \*\*London\*\* from \*\*15 May\*\* revealed these connections: "\*\*London\*\*, \*\*15 May 1891\*\*. -- The Lower House. The Under Secretary of State in the Colonial Office, Baron von \*\*Worms\*\* (!), stated that the English representative in Athens has made remonstrances to the Hellenic government because of the riots which have taken place on \*\*Corfu\*\* against the Jews. The \*\*admiral in command\*\* of the Mediterranean fleet has been instructed to send a warship to \*\*Corfu\*\* in order to cooperate with the English Consul there in the protection of the \*\*British subjects of the Jewish religion\*\* (!). Worms then read out a telegram which had arrived at the Foreign Office, according to which a Jew \*\*was killed\*\* by some Greeks after the revolt. The Greek government has granted assistance to the \*\*poor Jews suffering from hunger\*\*." In the middle of \*\*May 1891\*\*, the situation came to a further head. On \*\*15 May\*\* it was reported from Athens: "Yesterday a war ship (221) departed for \*\*Corfu\*\*," and according to a report from \*\*Vienna\*\* a state of siege had been imposed and the governor and mayors deposed from \*\*Corfu\*\* due to their alleged "irresolute attitude." -- In Athens "the local \*\*German\*\* envoy Count \*\*Wesdehlen\*\* as well as the English envoy" had "longer \*\*confidential discussions\*\* with the Minister \*\*Delyannis\*\*." (8) But International Jewry spun into its web of political machinery not only a commanding admiral, ministers and ministries, but even a king, without, perhaps, the final connections ever becoming clear to him. \*\*customs house\*\* and in their shops. While so occupied, one Jew was stabbed to death by a fanatic from the people. Therefore, \*\*one\*\* Jew has been killed, compared to so many Christians who were slain or wounded in \*\*Zante\*\*. \*\*No Jew is in custody, while our prisons are filled with Christians because of it.\*\* Therefore it is \[a matter of\] disgraceful lies when English papers say that nine Jews had been stabbed to death and many others starving. . . To summarize all this, the unrest of the people is sufficiently explained by the murder itself and its accompanying circumstances, by the limp management of the investigation on the part of the authorities, and by the insinuations of the Israelite population, which push the responsibility for the murder off onto Christians, and it is a wonder that the people, as a whole, have observed such a moderate attitude. Bloodshed has been most meticulously avoided, not out of fear of the military, since that was in the beginning much too small a force, and the Korfuites have demonstrated on former occasions against English troops, that they do not fear weapons. The Ghetto was not blockaded in order to starve the Jews to death, but rather to force them to deliver the murderers. Not a single person has starved to death. But in this case it has again been clearly shown how great the power of the Golden Internationale already is! One Jew is dead, and all the governments of Europe raise expostulations with ours; an English and a French warship lie in our harbor, and the Greek debt-notes have fallen significantly in Berlin. Let it be mentioned that the Jews in Korfu have lived unmolested for at least six centuries, although in the year 1812 a similar crime was committed as can be proved. Recently they have made themselves, to be sure, very much hated due to the ruthless exploitation of privileges which have been conceded to them by the Ministry of Trikupi for reasons of \[political\] election." The fire drummed up by the Jewish news bureaus, or -- as \*\*Zervos\*\* described this press campaign: "The crusade against everything non-Jewish" -- became, even for the forbearing Greek (224) government, too much in the long run. In the \*\*middle of May, 1891\*\*, the \*Kreuzzeitung\* learned (12): "... The information has been imparted by the Greek Ministry that the telegrams published up to now \*\*have been heavily exaggerated\*\*. The murder of a young girl which took place before Easter, has, in the opinion of the people, been \*\*attributed to the Jews\*\*. Consequently, a certain excitability has gotten hold of the populace of both islands (\*\*Corfu\*\* and \*\*Zante\*\*), and some riots occurred. . .A mild unrest still exists on one island (\*\*Zante\*\*); but the government immediately strengthened public forces, as well as ordered judicial prosecutions and taken strict measures, so that there no longer is any doubt that complete peace will be restored in the very near future. The Jews in Greece have always enjoyed the \*\*complete equal status before the law\*\* with the rest of the population. . ." Eight days after this government statement the peace of the grave came to \*\*Corfu\*\*. -- \*\*Corfu\*\*, \*\*23 May 1891\*\*: "The peace remains undisturbed. Several individuals who were distributing provocative placards were arrested. . ." The \*\*individuals\*\* are its own subjects. . And the Jewish murderers? For this compromise, also, the Greek government -- and this is the most shameful thing -- had to contribute 120,000 Francs! The Herr Rabbi of \*\*Corfu\*\* expressed his thanks to \*\*Delyannis\*\* by telegram: "The Israelites (13) in Corfu express through my mediation their robust thanks for the sending of the financial aid, which the Hellenic government had put at the disposal of the destitute Israelites. At the same time, they express their deep recognition of the \*\*disciplinary measures\*\* which have been taken in order to restore the peace; these will surely produce \*\*the desired effect\*\*" (report from Athens of \*\*23 May 1891\*\*). (227)In the \*battue\* against \*\*Delyannis\*\*, the \*\*stock exchange war\*\* of the Golden Internationale proved to be most effective. We obtain excellent information about even this from an excerpt from a telegram from Athens of \*\*19 May 1891\*\*(14): "The plunge in the rate of exchange of Greek notes on the European stock exchanges has evoked a panic in all circles, which is still going on. The position of the government is made much more difficult because of it, the Minister of the Exterior, \*\*Deliorgis\*\*, has tendered his resignation. All the press demands prompt publication of the results of the investigation, \*\*the hesitation of the government is seen by the populace as confirmation of the charges raised against the Jews\*\*. The officials concerned in \*\*Corfu\*\*, the \*Nomarch\*, the commandant, the state's attorney, and the examining judge \*\*were relieved of their offices\*\*, supposedly as a result of pressure from the Powers, but in reality for the appeasement of the Christians, who labeled the officials as \*\*corrupted\*\*. . ." After the "conscience of the world" had been lulled to sleep again, high finance no longer contented itself with the success achieved in Greece in 1891. So as to be able to subsequently glorify the Jewish emigrants as \*\*victims\*\* of a fanaticized native population, a \*\*reopening\*\* of the judicial inquiries was staged. We will not go into the details any more closely -- this would only lead to repetitions! Let only this definitive result be recorded: The four Jews incriminated most seriously, now as before, were officially acquitted at the cost of the state and brought abroad under a \*\*Greek safe-conduct\*\*. From now on, racial comrades also, who had emigrated perhaps a year earlier, returned to important positions on \*\*Corfu\*\* and the Ionic islands, after the Greek government, like that of Egypt in its time (1840), entered into the \*\*obligation\*\* of taking on the protection of its "Jewish citizens"! But a respected Greek politician, conscious of duty to his people, wrote in an open letter to the paper whose publications exposed the Jewish manner of fighting too late, the \*Kreuzzeitung\*: "We must keep silent, even if our hearts are bleeding. Greece is too weak to advocate its rights, indeed, even to speak the truth. . . The case of \*\*Corfu\*\* has again made us see our total \*\*dependence\*\*, thus we must hush up the entire affair, although by doing so we commit a \*\*crime against our national honor\*\* and allow \*\*our justice\*\* to become a \*\*business\*\* in the eyes of all independent, thinking men of Europe. . ." One weak comfort remained to this Greek: the justice of the rest of the European lands had already been delivered up to Jewry. . . Go to Chapter 6: Xanten Back to Table of Contents # Xanten 1891 ----- ----- # Page 1 (p.231) Very rarely has a ritual-murder trial had as a result the sort of comprehensive literature and coverage as the proceedings before the jury-court of Cleves on the occasion of the boy-murder of \*\*Xanten\*\*. As this literature also gives us important information about the dominating Jewish influence and the anti-Jewish trends at all levels of society which became increasingly strong in reaction, but which remained without influence due to lack of unified leadership, we wish, since what has been written down in the records remains even today easily accessible to anyone, first and foremost to make use of the stenographic records of the jury-court hearing at \*\*Cleves\*\*(1) in composing this chapter. On \*\*29 June 1891\*\*, Peter-and-Paul Day, a Monday, the cabinetmaker \*\*Hegmann\*\* of \*\*Xanten\*\* on the Lower Rhine was missing his little five-and-a-half year-old son since ten-thirty in the morning. The mother of the child, later questioned about this by the President of the court, told on the second day of the hearings (\*\*5 July 1892\*\*), the following: "I awakened the child before I walked to church (on Peter-and-Paul's Day, 1891) and took him from his little bed and then let him down; then I went to church. When I came back, I put a smock on him, then he went off and I have not seen him again. We drank our coffee at breakfast about ten-thirty. When I was making the buttered bread ready for the other children, I said: 'But where is \*Schängchen\*' -- that's what we called Johann -- Now it was noon. . . it got to be two o'clock and he still wasn't there. The child never stayed away past the time \[when he was supposed to\]." The mother made her way to church again: "I lighted a candle in the church before Saint Anthony, it was still not burned out when I heard that people came and said the child had been found. I went home, and it was already full of people. The Buschhoffs busied themselves around the Hegmanns' place in the most intrusive fashion. The ritual-slaughterer Buschhoff \[physically\] supported the Hegmann father, who a few months previously had suffered a neurological attack, so that he would not fall off his chair: "My husband fended him off fiercely, he did not want to be held, he said that it seemed to him as if Buschhoff had bloody hands and had soiled him with them." The \*\*Hegmann\*\* father before the court (second day of the hearing): "Just as Buschhoff laid his hand on my back, I felt as if a bloody hand were reaching out for my back. . .Buschhoff held me firmly, which I did not want to allow, I always wanted to get away from him. . . " -- The court chairman: "You had the thought, then, that he had killed the child and so you developed a dislike for him?" -- witness: "Yes. He (Buschhoff) was very pushy. . . " On this evening, toward six-thirty, the maid of the town councilor \*\*Küppers\*\*, \*\*Dora Moll\*\*, had found the child's body in a passage of the barn, lying on his side with his little legs spread, and having bled to death from a (233) frightful cut through the neck, which extended in a circle from one ear to the other and had run through the soft tissues \*\*down to the cervical vertebrae\*\*. "I saw something lying there," explained this witness before the court, "I thought it had been hens and I would chase them off. When I looked more closely, I saw the body lying there. . .It was lying with the little legs toward the barn door and with his little head toward the winnowing machine. . .When I approached more closely, I saw right away that it was the child of Hegmann. . ." (First day of the hearing). The staff physician (retired), Dr. \*\*Steiner\*\*, who had examined the body \*\*on the same evening\*\* in the presence of the court assessor \*\*Buchwald\*\* and of the mayor \*\*Schleß\*\*, and had determined that the \[amount of\] caked blood (the clotted blood) was \*\*very insignificant\*\*, perhaps as much as \*\*a small egg\*\*, gave the following \*\*expert opinion\*\* before the court: - This circular cut was unquestionably performed by a practiced hand with a very sharp and large instrument. - \*\*3.\*\* A jet of blood, a sharply delineated wave of blood, appeared to have poured down over the clothes - \*\*4.\*\* The traces of blood which were present were \*\*extraordinarily scant\*\*: "In my opinion the blood which was found at the site was \*\*not all the blood\*\* which flowed out of the body. I consider it to be that blood which, after the first blood flowed out, still flowed out \*\*after death ensued\*\*. \*\*5.\*\* No signs whatsoever of an unnatural assault were present. (Dr. Steiner on the first day of proceedings in Cleves.) Both of the other witnesses testified as follows: "After the examination protocol of the body itself had been (234) recorded, the area closest to the body was dealt with; neither on the winnower nor on a post which lay in the vicinity, was I able to discover traces of blood. . .we checked with a lantern and two lamps, in order to absolutely be able to see individual blood traces but we found none." (Assessor Buchwald on the first days of the hearings.) "At the inspection of the body we found this terrible cut; we found the child with his neck cut through from one ear to the other. It looked horrible, it made a frightful impression, I have to say that in the first moment I said to myself: 'That can only have been done by a skillful hand that knows what it's doing with a knife; it must have been a \*\*very large\*\* knife.' I cannot conceal the fact that I had suspicions about the Jewish butchers \*\*Buschhoff\*\* and \*\*Bruckmann\*\* living in the neighborhood. . ." (Mayor \*\*Schleß\*\* on the third day of the hearings.) Also, the autopsy protocol of the court physicians \*\*Bauer\*\* and \*\*Nüninghoff\*\* of \*\*30 June 1891\*\* confirmed the \*\*absolute blood-emptiness\*\* of the internal organs of the child's body. Point by point the descriptions read: "Completely void of blood," "extraordinarily bloodless," "pale and empty," "empty of blood," "totally void of blood," and so forth. The lack of blood at the site of discovery had immediately convinced all eyewitnesses that the child was first killed at \*\*another location\*\* and was brought into the barn just after he bled to death, not least of all for the intention of covering up traces of the crime and to incriminate others with the murder as much as possible. -- A devilish plan! The magistrate \*\*Riesbroeck\*\* of \*\*Xanten\*\* later stated before the jury-court in \*\*Cleves\*\*: "The body gave me the impression that it was \*\*not\*\* killed there but rather had been \*\*brought\*\* there." (First day of the hearings.) \*\*G. Heister:\*\* "I was lying on the stone on the corner of Cleves Street and Church Street." \*\*Pr.:\*\* "Did some children come onto Church Street?" \*\*G.H.:\*\* "Yes. There were two boys." \*\*Pr.:\*\* "And then one was pulled, by someone's arm into Buschhoff's? Do you know which child?" \*\*G.H.:\*\* "\*Schängchen\* Hegmann." \*\*Pr.:\*\* Didn't you also see what the others did?" \*\*G.H.:\*\* "They ran away. Stephan \*\*Kernder\*\* ran to his house, and Peter \*\*Venhoff\*\* also went to his \[own\] house." \*\*Pr.:\*\* "What was the arm like, that came out of the house?" \*\*G.H.:\*\* "It was bare. It came out up to the shoulder." \*\*Pr.:\*\* "Did it come from the doorway of the house?" G.H.: "Yes out of the doorway." \*\*Pr.:\*\* "Do you know out of which house the arm came?" (236) \*\*G.H.:\*\* "Out of the house of Buschhoff." \*\*Pr.:\*\* "Was it \*Schängchen\* who was pulled inside?" The mother of Heister had been questioned by the Commissar \*\*Verhülsdong\*\*. She told him that her young son had related to her in a quite relaxed way, that he had been sitting on the curbstone at Cleves and Church Streets and wanted to see whether Papa was walking to church and by this chance, he saw both his acquaintances Stephan \*\*Kernder\*\* and Peter \*\*Venhoff\*\* with \*Schängchen\* Hegmann walk up to Buschhoff's house, and then he noticed all at once how a hand came out of this house and \*Schängchen\* was gone. . . The aforementioned little five year-old \*\*Kernder\*\* had been walking hand-in-hand with \*Hänschen\* \[Both \*Hans\* and \*Hänschen\*, like \*Schängchen\*, are diminutives of the Christian name \*Johann\*, and the Hegmann child was usually called by one of these nicknames.\] on the street in front of Buschhoff's. He told his mother a few days after the murder of \*Hänschen\*, that he had gone across the street because Frau Buschhoff had stood behind her door and called out: "\*Schängchen\*, will you go out for me? Come in here!" But the little Hegmann boy resisted, at which she pulled him into the house. "I and Peter Venhoff, we were left standing there, when Frau Buschhoff said: "Just go and play." -- The small Stephan then told that Frau Buschhoff had spoken "very rudely."! (Statement of the father, Heinrich Kernder, on the fourth day of the hearings.) The third play companion, little Peterchen Venhoff, made such an impression of being intimidated, that this likewise very important witness could not be questioned! A gardner by the name of \*\*Mölders\*\* had been walking by the Buschhoff property around the same time; he had seen how an arm had been extended from out of the Jewish shop and pulled a small youngster inside. However, he was unable to recognize the child himself, since he saw him from the back. "In the direction of the cathedral, the children were in front of me, and as I was at \*\*Buschhoff\*\*'s, a white arm emerged. A child was pulled inside. That, I clearly did see . . ." The judicial investigation suffered at the very start from great carelessness. The first state's attorney of Cleves, \*\*Baumgardt\*\*, sent out an assessor who had been temporarily transferred to him \*\*for training\*\*, as investigator; \*\*Baumgardt\*\* himself came out for the first time a week later. Already, a short time later, the Board of the Jewish community, with the Head Rabbi of \*\*Krefeld\*\*, suddenly appeared unannounced at the \*\*residence\*\* of the magistrate \*\*Riesbroeck\*\* in \*\*Xanten\*\* and with Jewish pushiness asked "about the way things stood." But the magistrate told them curtly that he could say nothing, the documents were in the hands of the state attorney's office (magistrate \*\*Riesbroeck\*\* on the first day of the hearings). Now \*\*Baumgardt\*\* held the opinion from the beginning, that what was accepted by all circles in the populace of \*\*Xanten\*\*, that this was a case of a ritual-murder, was downright nonsense, unworthy of an "educated man," and -- as he later said -- a "rural superstition." For this state's attorney, it follows that the accused Jewish butcher, directly after the first report, was completely innocent, witnesses making statements against Buschhoff were spoken to harshly -- the same tactics of intimidation were employed later in the \*\*Polna\*\* ritual-murder trial by the Jewish examining judge \*\*Reichenbach\*\*, as also in \*\*Konitz!\*\* On the contrary, a house search at the Buschhoffs, in accordance with usual procedures, wasn't even carried out -- despite extremely suspicious (238) factors! Probably on the basis of higher instructions. Buschhoff himself demanded his arrest "in order to be able to prove his innocence"! This maneuver does not appear new to us, since the Jews at some earlier ritual-murder trials had of course already had this sly idea! State attorney \*\*Baumgardt\*\* seemed to want to see nothing. He lost precious time by pursuing baseless leads in the beginning. On \*\*30 July\*\* -- thus a full month after the blood-murder -- the Crime Commissar \*\*Verhülsdong\*\* was assigned to \*\*Xanten\*\*. He came to be convinced, completely without prejudice, that the child disappeared on the property of the Jewish butcher, and moved for the arrest of the Buschhoff family at the state attorney's office. \*\*Baumgardt\*\* refused! After almost another two months had gone by, and the entire process had caused unrest and exasperation in the populace -- thus the Jews had their own "secret police" -- the criminologist \*\*Wolff\*\* from Berlin appeared. He too very quickly believed that the evidence discovered was sufficient to execute the arrest of the Buschhoffs -- as he later stated as a defense witness in the \*\*Oberwinder\*\*(2) trial. The \*Kreuzzeitung\* wrote on \*\*20 January 1892\*\*: "But on the side, apparently under official masks, but without doubt here \*\*by order of the synagogue\*\*, all sorts of persons are wandering around in \*\*Cleves\*\* and \*\*Mayen\*\*, who likewise played a role in the derailing of the legal proceedings. Concerning this point and concerning the dealings of the Rabbi in \*\*Crefeld\*\* with the chief states's attorney in \*\*Cologne\*\* (4) and other persons in \*\*Cleves\*\*, further revelations shall still follow as opportunity allows " "The ritual-slaughterer \*\*Buschhoff\*\*, strongly suspected of the murder in \*\*Xanten\*\*, has been released from investigatory custody, even though the inquiries of Crime Commissar \*\*Wolff\*\* have yielded overwhelming circumstantial evidence for his guilt. The German-Social Association at Eberfeld expresses its regret over this release, On \*\*8 February 1892\*\*, Buschhoff had been "arrested" for the second time -- the entire procedure created the impression on the populace of a contrived and boldly acted comedy! The examining judge was the very elderly \*\*Brixius\*\*. But when it leaked out that he had appointed for the \*\*defense\*\* of Buschhoff, of all people, the attorney \*\*Fleischhauer\*\*, his son-in-law, the prosecution of the supposedly sodifficult law case was handed over to district councilman \*\*Birk\*\*. The course of the whole investigation proceeded in a strangely confused manner right from the beginning. Because of these events, the Prussian Minister of Justice Schelling was interpellated several times in the house of Deputies and attacked particularly by the conservative side; but serious recriminations (241) made due to the halting and unsure trial procedure remained unanswered. Thus Buschhoff went to trial well-armed! The bill of indictment of \*\*20 April 1892\*\* had once again summarized all incriminating points which led to the arrest of Buschhoff and read in a crucial passage: "The Buschhoff family must therefore explain \*\*what\*\* happened to the young \*\*Hegmann\*\*. That they are \*\*not\*\* able to do this, and that they dispute at all having pulled the boy Hegmann into the house on that morning and having him there, makes them \*\*extremely suspect\*\*." were fully confirmed! Aside from the statements of \*\*Mölders\*\* and the children \*\*Heister\*\* and \*\*Kernder\*\*, which have already been given in another connection, the several days of the jury-court hearings produced overwhelming evidence! Shortly \*\*before\*\* the disappearance of the little Hegmann boy, several witnesses observed how \*\*Buschhoff\*\* ducked into his house with a strange, strikingly ugly Jew, who was carrying a black leather bag and was coming from the train station. \*\*Witness Peter Dornbach:\*\* "Approximately five minutes before ten. I was walking to high mass. Buschhoff ran into me 25 steps in front of his house with another man, a \*\*stranger\*\*, apparently an \*\*Israelite\*\*. This man had on a defective suit, his hat (242) was pushed in. He was in a most intimate conversation with Buschhoff." (Fifth day of the hearings). Between eleven and twelve o'clock this Jew, who was described according to other witness statements as "foreign" and "ugly," left the Buschhoff property and went back to the train station! The 72 year-old Peter \*\*Kempkes\*\* also met Buschhoff: "He (Buschhoff) was running so fast, was rushing around so, his head was shaking. I thought to myself, he can well have done it. . ." (Fourth day of the hearings.) rististy torier. Kisisty torier. Kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisisty kisis Three and a half months after the crime, the policeman \*\*Schloer\*\*, who \*\*occasionally\*\* checked the residence of Buschhoff -- there could be no question at all of a systematic search -- found, right in the very bottom of a kitchen cabinet, a sack which bore a strikingly large and dark spots. Along with other things, it was brought to the city council building and spread out on a table. Mayor \*\*Schleß\*\* said the following about this (on the sixth day of the hearings): "As Frau Buschhoff later entered the hall to be questioned by the Herr magistrate \*\*Riesbroeck\*\*, she was \*\*visibly upset\*\* and that caught my attention; she said: 'Herr Mayor! God, have you brought along the old sack that we have used to lay over the barrels when we smoke \[i.e., smoke meats, etc.\].' But she was\*\*very upset\*\* by it, and I told Commissar \*\*Wolff\*\* about this directly. I did not show her the sack, she herself found it among the objects which were lying on the table. -- The large dark spots seemed suspicious to the mayor; he thought they were blood spots! In the trial, Buschhoff then claimed that they were "pickling spots"! A court chemist and a professor said of it that there was no longer any point in investigating the sack, it most likely could have been determined that there was blood there. . .A thorough examination was actually not performed! have no proof, they can't do anything to us!" -- When this witness was then later walking past the property of the ritual-slaughterer, she had dirty water poured on her by the latter! (Roelen on the fourth day of the hearings.) But Siegmund was slowly developing, in a way similar to the children of the temple servant \*\*Scharf\*\* in \*\*Tisza-Eszlár\*\*, into an \*enfant terrible\* of the Jewish bunch - only there was no \*\*Bary\*\* in Xanten! Another Xanten citizen, Anna \*\*Mauritz\*\* was walking only two or three steps in front of father and son Buschhoff on Cleves Street. Suddenly Siegmund, who apparently had complete knowledge of everything, crowed: "Papa, if only it hadn't happened." Highly embarrassed, the Jewish father pulled his young son close to him, looked around with dismay, and disappeared around the next corner! Shortly after the murder occurred, Frau \*\*Remy\*\* was traveling on the train (245) from Goch to Büderich to a wedding. "When I boarded the train in Xanten, two Jewish gentlemen came aboard with me. I was alone in the \*coupé\*; we had a few minutes stopover there. The gentlemen were saying that they were sick of Xanten. The one said: 'Yes, I would have already have gotten out of there if it had been possible. I would not have been so stupid; that was the stupidest thing that he did, \*\*that he brought it to the barn.\*\*" But when the two Jews heard the name of the witness \[being called\] at a station along the way, they nudged each other and continued speaking in a foreign language. On the next to last day of the hearings, the schoolboy \*\*Hölzgen\*\* gave a serious statement. A year before the youngster was watching, at another Jewish butcher's in the Mill Street, how a cow was supposed to be slaughtered. He stepped closer without being seen, so as to "see the thing for once." In the slaughterhouse there were three ritual-slaughterers present, who were earnestly discussing the death of the Hegmann child: "We need only keep this secret among ourselves, say nothing, and impress upon Buschhoff, \*\*that he doesn't blurt something out\*\*". . . "They've already gotten quite a bit, \*\*but that they shall not get!\*\*" In spite of all obfuscations, matters had shaped up extremely critically for Buschhoff in the course of the eight-day questioning of witnesses -- then the doctors were sent in to help -- the same procedure had, of course, been employed in Tisza-Eszlár as well! A faculty composed of four physicians, \*\*after one year\*\* advanced the basic -- and for the outcome of the trial, definitive -- thesis that the traces of blood in the barn, \*\*which they admittedly had not even seen\*\*, were sufficient \[for them\] to maintain that the slaughtering of the child had taken place in the barn -- therefore, that \*\*the place of discovery was the scene of the crime\*\*, while the expert opinion of the staff physician Dr. \*\*Steiner\*\*, which had been recorded still on the evening of the day of the murder (246) had yielded the decisive findings that \*\*only very insignificant traces of blood\*\*, considering the condition of total emptiness of blood of the body, had been noted in the vicinity of the place of discovery, that the child therefore could not possibly have bled to (247)Finally, in order to shake the statements of the chief witness \*\*Mölders\*\*, who had seen how an arm from out of the Buschhoff shop had pulled a child inside, the state's attorney \*\*Baumgardt\*\* claimed that Mölders would \*\*not even have been able to see\*\* because of conditions at the locale; thereby the chief state's attorney was casting doubt on the credibility of this chief witness -- a shameful hand-in-hand working for Jewish interests! A \*\*court summons\*\* in \*\*Xanten\*\* \[i.e., a trip to the actual location\], however, brilliantly justified the statement of Mölder, as the state's attorney himself was forced to admit! How did things stand with this "proof"? -- It had been contrived! A dubious character, the neighbor of Buschhoff, \*\*Ullenboom\*\*, described by an out-of-town mayor and by various witnesses as a liar and a notorious loudmouth, as a boaster and thief, and declared a total liar by Crime Commissar \*\*Wolff\*\*, "he has tramped around in every possible factory on the Rhine; I also got the impression that there was something sexually wrong with him," considered to be "half-crazy" by a member of the jury, he appeared as a "\*\*defense witness\*\*" for Buschhoff, in that he stated that at the time in question he had stopped at Buschhoff's with his foster child -- indeed \[he said\], it could have been the child that disappeared into the Buschhoff shop! Although he caught himself up in hopeless contradictions with this statement, so that the chairman of the court himself had to confirm that one of the witnesses must have committed \*\*perjury\*\*, and although doubt in the reliability and/or the soundness of mind of \*\*Ullenboom\*\* was expressed on all sides, the prosecution accepted his statements, held him to be merely "easily made nervous" but despite this "reliable" -- and constructed the proof of alibi with this! The next question before us is: how did the same Court of Justice behave toward prosecution witnesses? A few examples should suffice: The witness Mallmann incriminated the Jewish butcher. Thereby he aroused the extreme indignation of the chief state's attorney: "The most unbelievable of all witnesses is Mallmann, this peculiar man, who always speaks so hastily and never can be held to one point with his statements, who is afflicted with such stirring fantasies, that he considers himself called upon to support the charges against Buschhoff. . . This witness deserves not the slightest belief. . ." These declarations need no commentary! But on the occasion of the witness being examined to the point of exhaustion, Mallmann finally lost patience and said to the President: "It seems that you want to confuse me. I request that the protocol be shown to me!" (Sixth day of the hearings) The witness \*\*Mölders\*\*, an honest, elderly workman with the best reputation -- since with their best efforts he could not be pronounced mentally disturbed -- was supposed to be labeled a total drunkard in order to refute his testimony! The disgraceful procedure which was adopted toward this very important prosecution witness can only be described as shameful! One brief scene from the courtroom should throw light upon this. Mölders is giving his testimony on how the child was pulled inside Buschhoff's. \*\*President:\*\* "Into which house was the child pulled? Into Buschhoff's?" \*\*Mölders:\*\* "Yes." (249) \*\*Pr.:\*\* "Did you see that clearly?" M.: "Yes." \*\*Pr.:\*\* "You must reflect, your testimony is very important, you must be able to take responsibility for this before God and your conscience. Did you see that with complete certainty?" M.: "Yes!" M.: "Yes. I had drunk only a Korn." \[The German das Korn has two meanings in such a context: \*der Kornkaffee\*, "corn coffee," a sort of substitute coffee, like chicory during the Depression; but the word can also refer to German grain whiskey, like \*Schnaps\*. Since the setting is the witness's home in the \*morning\*, it should have been clear to the questioner -- and probably was -- that a coffee-like drink is meant, and not an alcoholic beverage.\] \*\*Pr.:\*\* "But you weren't drunk from that, from one Schnaps?" \*\*M.:\*\* No. It is rare that, \[being\] sober in the morning, I drink \*Schnaps\*; I just drink coffee in the morning." Go to Xanten/Page 2 Back to Table of Contents Jewish Ritual-Murder: a Historical Investigation Der jüdische Ritualmord: Eine historische Untersuchung von Hellmut Schramm, Ph. D # Xanten 1891 \\\_\\\_\\\_\\\_\\\_ ----- Page 2 The chaplain \*\*Bresser\*\* wanted to work to calm the aroused populace in \*\*Xanten\*\*, to prevent thoughtless excesses from occurring. He told the court that these efforts had earned him the nickname "Chaplain of the Jews." For our purposes this would be entirely meaningless in itself, but the chairman of the court responded to this: "You (Chaplain Bresser) can (250) refer to St. Bernhard, \*\*who also protected the Jews\*\*. . ." The resident \*\*Beekmann\*\* is supposed to have come out of the barn of Oster, the head of the synagogue, one night, and the next day have been blind drunk. One of his relatives is supposed to have said: "God, if only that goes well, the man has a lot of money. . ." -- The chief state's attorney refused to summon this witness, with the argument, as casual as it was outrageous: "If Beekman is supposed to reveal something and \*\*is given money by the Jews for it, that has no bearing on the case!\*\*" Several witnesses had noticed a strange Jew on the day of the murder. These witnesses expressly emphasized that he was \*\*a stranger\*\*, for the few Jewish families who lived in Xanten, a small city of then barely 4000 inhabitants, were naturally all known. It seems incomprehensible to us today that the prosecution did not pursue these tracks. In all probability, this was a case of the Dutch beggar-Jew \*\*Vellemann\*\*, who smuggled the blood of the victim over the border in the well-known black bag in combination with some middlemen. The witness \*\*Lenzen\*\* gives a short description of the strange Jew with a statement of the exact time. The chief state's attorney merely replied: "To me that does not seem likely. It was probably on the day before, when a Jew was at Buschhoff's?" The witness is certain: "No, on Peter-and-Paul's Day!" The witness \*\*Bernsmann\*\* is also questioned: "Are you not mistaken, aren't you confusing the Sunday with the Monday?" Witness: "I saw it with total certainty on the Monday!" When the witness \*\*Dornbach\*\* is just at the point of giving detailed evidence concerning "the strange Jew," the questioning is cleverly stopped (251) and the witness led over to: "Were you satisfied with meat purchases (at Buschhoff's)?" The mayor of Xanten, \*\*Schleß\*\*, wanted the reexamination of a witness, who had important evidence about the surfacing of a stranger in Xanten on \*\*29 June 1891\*\*, "whom she believed to be a Jew." The prosecution, however, "found no reason to move to summon the witness again from our side"... On the sixth day of the hearings a dispatch from the prosecutor's office in \*\*Dortmund\*\* came in to the jury-court in \*\*Cleves\*\*, according to which the book printer \*\*Reinhard\*\* had come in and wanted to make it known that \*\*30 years before\*\* in \*\*Wesel\*\* blood was withdrawn from several girls by Jews by means of needle sticks. - State's Attorney \*\*Baumgardt\*\*: "I find no cause to make application \[for summons\]" -- "The court regards the matter \*\*as inessential\*\* and the summons of Reinhard for it unnecessary." But staff physician Dr. \*\*Steiner\*\*, who possessed a reputation far beyond Xanten as a skillful doctor and researcher of the region -- he acquired the greatest merit for his historical research about Xanten -- and who was so "tactless" as to state that the quantity of blood found was much too scant for the butchering of the child to have taken place in the barn, had to see himself made the object of the public reproach in the courtroom, that he had \[been the one to\] first carry the "vague assumption" of a ritual-murder to the people! In his summation on the next to last day of the hearings, Chief State's Attorney \*\*Hamm\*\* also attacked him: "The entire erroneous management of the case at the scene is based upon the mistake, so that it, misled by the assertions of Dr. \*\*Steiner\*\* that not all the blood was present \[at the scene\], believed that: The child was not killed at the scene but was brought there as a corpse. . ." Concerning the \*\*motive\*\* of the horrible crime, the chief state's attorney was of the opinion that the question of whether this had been a ritual-murder or not, did not belong within the boundaries of consideration; for him, this was merely an "academic" issue! One of the defense attorneys of Buschhoff, the lawyer \*\*Stapper\*\*, supported by medical "experts," made the attempt to portray the boy Hegmann as a victim of an unnatural assault. According to this notion, the perpetrator had been "overcome by strong arousal impelling him to great violence," and cut the child's neck open! -- President: "Herr Dr. Steiner, do you concur in the opinions of the professors?" -- Dr. Steiner: "\*\*That I cannot do!\*\*" With bated breath, the public awaited the start of summation by the prosecuting attorneys on the next to last day of court. Going by the attitude of the Court of Justice up till now, nobody believed any longer that Buschhoff would be found guilty of the murder and condemned. At least it was to be hoped that a position would be taken on whether Buschhoff was to be regarded as an accomplice or as accessory. But what the public got to hear exceeded even the worst suspicions of all levels of German society who were conscious of national events! Chief State's Attorney \*\*Hamm\*\* spoke first. He had not the remotest thought of making any sort of charges against Buschhoff, but on the contrary gave a defending speech which had been composed from the start in a extremely clever and talmudic arrangement. The reasons on which he based his deductions stood in direct contradiction with the clear and definite evidence of the most significant and most credible witnesses, whose statements the chief state's attorney pushed aside as "meaningless" with a brazenness that simply flabbergasted the listeners. \*\*Hamm\*\* came to the end of his summation in this manner: "It is proven that (253) Buschhoff cannot have committed the crime, and the prosecution \*\*must\*\* (!) come to the proposal of moving for a verdict of not guilty for the accused. . . The proof will be deduced with mathematical exactitude by my colleague \*\*Baumgardt\*\*, that Buschhoff cannot have committed the crime and pulled the child inside around ten o'clock. . ." After the chief prosecutor, the state's attorney stepped forward with equal zeal as \*\*defender\*\* of the accused. He developed the already mentioned "proof of alibi" with the assistance of the statements of the ill-reputed Ullenboom. This prosecutor also put forward the basic argument that the scene of discovery was \*\*simultaneously\*\* the scene of the crime, and that therefore the murder was committed in the barn of Küppers! His memorable and happily delivered \*plaidoyer\* concluded with the words: "Buschhoff is therefore, I declare, neither the murderer nor an accomplice to murder, nor even an accessory to the murder, he \*\*must\*\* (!) be excluded from any suspicion. I come then to the conclusion that we are by no means dealing with a case of \*non liquet\* \[Latin: "it is not evident"\]; one thing is clear, by no conceivable means could Buschhoff be the perpetrator; regrettably it is unclear who did commit the crime. . . By duty and conscience, I cannot move for a guilty verdict for Buschhoff. I move for his acquittal." All the stenographic records make note of this moment with the significant word "commotion." The three actual defense attorneys, since the prosecuting attorneys had taken on themselves the task of defense, really produced nothing essentially new in their long arguments -- their main mission seems to have consisted of spreading a kind of halo around Buschhoff; they all moved perfectly in the direction indicated to them by the prosecution! Attorney \*\*Stapper\*\*: "Gentlemen of the jury! The outcome of this trial will \*\*not\*\* be in doubt, and you yourselves, gentlemen, will think back upon this day with satisfaction your whole life long, the day when you were called upon to restore freedom to a poor, unfortunate man, to restore to his persecuted family, which was abandoned for months to hatred and to the agitation of \*\*a rabble without the ability to judge\*\*, their head of the house, to restore to his children their father, and to his community its member. . .On (254) the evening of 29 June 1891, \*\*the bloody specter of ritual-murder\*\* climbed out of the darkness to which it was exiled for decades. . .Behind it lies a system, gentlemen, it is the conflict of anti-Semitism which got ahold of the Buschhoff case. . .Yes, gentlemen, there was a risk that an innocent man might lose his life, had we not had \*\*dutiful officials\*\*. . ." Frau Buschhoff, who had called out in the presence of Frau Hegmann: "But console her, \[that\] she is getting a replacement for it," and who had imposed herself in the most disgusting fashion, experiences via this lawyer the following "evaluation": ". . .In what a touching manner did Frau Buschhoff deplore the crime, how well did she strike \*\*the proper tone\*\*, the tone of tenderest sympathy \*\*and genuine mother-love!\*\* Gentlemen! These expressions of human empathy, of true unfeigned sympathy, witnesses dare to criticize, these sounds of \*\*a good heart\*\*. . ." "Gentlemen of the jury! When I ask you after this present day to take with you the image of these proceedings, I also ask you to take along with you the image of a man who lived modestly but peacefully and quietly with his family and his neighbors, who up till now enjoyed the friendship of all and gave friendship to all. . who from now on must eat the bitter bread of charity, since his middle-class existence, which he had grounded in a blameless life(8) is destroyed for a long time. . .This trial is for us, who are experiencing it, and hopefully also for wider circles of our people for may years, if not for always, a comforting release from the unkind agitation which has sullied the story of the past year!" (255) Attorney \*\*Gammersbach\*\* entered the area of religion: "Gentlemen of the jury, there would be no sharper weapon against the charge of ritual-murder that that basic law: 'Thou shalt not kill!' But if we can refer to this commandment, which for us has been valid for 1800 years, the Jews are in a position to refer to this particular commandment, which for them has been in force for more than 3000 years, and to the law that prohibits the Jews from the consumption of blood. . ." -- "What has held Buschhoff up? His firm trust in God! When I said to the accused: 'Now you are coming before your judge,' he answered: 'I trust in God! God will not let me, an innocent man, be condemned!' Gentlemen of the jury! This trust in God has preserved the accused right up to this hour. . .I am convinced that we will all agree in the decision: By honor and conscience before God and man: The accused Buschhoff is \*\*not guilty!\*\*" The jury was now securely nailed in advance to \*\*one\*\* question, shrewdly formulated under a sham frame of reference; as such, this already meant a catastrophe in the tragedy of \*\*Cleves\*\*. It read: "Is Adolf Buschhoff guilty of having killed by intent the boy Johann Hegmann in Xanten on \*\*29 June 1891\*\* and of having committed this killing with deliberation?" The juror Graf \*\*Loë\*\* proposed a practical \*\*division\*\* of the issue, so that the jury could also speak to the \*\*aiding and abetting or instigation\*\* of the crime. The chairman of the court rejected this, because aiding and abetting and incitement did not come into consideration; the prosecutor did not, he said, include any such issue relating to this! "You only have the right to answer the questions put to you about murder. Should you be of the opinion that no murder took place but rather perhaps aiding and abetting or perhaps abuse with a fatal outcome, \*\*then you must acquit\*\*, because a question dealing with that has not been put to you. . ." The verdict of the jury consequently had to read "not guilty"! (256) The President: "In consideration that the accused \*\*Buschhoff\*\*, through the verdict of the jury, has been declared not guilty, on this basis it is adjudged that: The accused \*\*Buschhoff\*\* is acquitted, the order for custody is lifted, and the costs of the proceedings charged to the state treasury. The session is concluded." Buschhoff was immediately set free. Jews and free masonic comrades of Jews of all faculties had gotten together in order to point out to the little Jew entrusted to them the tiny hole through which he could slip, a tiny hole in the net which, despite their desperate countermeasures, was contracting more and more tightly around him.! This final and decisive chess move in Buschhoff's favor aroused extreme astonishment in all circles, even in judicial ones! In the Prussian house of Deputies \*\*Stoecker\*\*, referring to the scandal in Cleves, said: "Certainly there is uncommon alarm also in legal circles over the growth of the Jewish element in the judicial profession, because one fears that influences, as I have characterized them here, will continue to grow, the more the Jewish element permeates our justice system. Semitism. In the face of this smoke-screen we want to bring these matters to the agenda and, Mr. Deputy \*\*Rickert\*\*, may you be convinced, I know my folk, in our German folk three-quarters will be on our side, not on yours." (Laughter from the left, robust applause from the right.) To this let us add a small illustration from that Cleves courtroom: A Jewish paper out of Berlin which had sent in its own correspondents to Cleves, reproached -- we are sufficiently familiar with the motif -- the Xanten populace with lack of education, with fanaticism, with superstition, etc., etc. It was suggested to the court President that the press card be revoked from the Jewish rats involved, "because it isn't right that anyone who enjoys a privileged place as a \*\*guest\*\*, should use the opportunity of this trial to express such adverse and contemptuous comments about the local populace." -- What did the court chairman do? Let us allow him to say it in his own words: "I have \*\*not\*\* agreed to this proposal \*\*because I like to allow everyone his own opinion\*\*. . ." His strained arguments for the "rehabilitation" of the populace could only have a embarrassing effect upon his audience! Incidentally, among the trial correspondents, just as at Tisza-Eszlár, sat \*\*Paul Nathan\*\*. . . In conclusion we wish to establish the following for the characterization of the trial, "that bitter comedy of the last decade of the aging century" (9): - 2. from the side of the Court of Justice not one single individual acted for the innocent \*\*non-Jewish\*\* victim, the small boy \*\*Johann Hegmann!\*\* -- When the mother of the victim, fiercely crying, entered the courtroom, she was received by the President with the words: "One must yield to what is irrevocable, (258) since nothing can be changed. . ." Then began the cross-examination! The Hegmann family was delivered up defenselessly to Jewish extortions and threats. As the state's attorney \*\*Baumgardt\*\* himself had to admit in the later pending Oberwinder trial, the Hegmann family was beset by threatening letters of every sort! - \*\*3.\*\* The unanimity and consistency with which \*\*all\*\* parties cooperated in court with the single purpose of dispersing any strongly incriminating factors to the favor of the accused, seems to us, who are these days accustomed to seeing more sharply into these matters, downright uncanny. Jews -- and that, as an ancient "cultured people" the Jews were ethically too far above such a thing! And the press? At the release of Buschhoff -- insofar as it was Jewish or infected by Jews -- it broke out in frenetic jubilation and outdid itself in extreme attacks upon all who thought differently. The \*Kölner Zeitung\* \[Cologne Times\] participated in the collection of money for the "compensation" of the "innocent" Buschhoff! As the Deutsche Nachrichten \[German News\] reported on 30 September 1892, up until 28 September 1892, at one Berlin collection place alone, 51,282.45 Marks came in for the Buschhoff family! Only a few German papers, like the Kreuzzeitung and the Staatsbürgerzeitung \[Citizen Times\] agreed in essence that the Buschhoff trial had shown so many abnormalities, like no other trial in Prussia had up till then. They pleaded for the invalidity of the entire proceedings. But Buschhoff himself, "the stooping, half-deaf, white-haired Jew with the (259) gentle facial features" (Paul Nathan), led a comfortable untroubled existence as a retiree for several more years in Cologne, abundantly furnished with financial means which the Jews from all parts of the globe continually sent him as "martyr's pay," without an appeal \[against the legitimacy of the trial\] ever having been entered; the Prussian authorities had readily approved his taking another name! -- Later, Buschhoff moved to America, into the land of -- in this respect, too -- "limitless possibilities". . . As early as the beginning of the year \*\*1893\*\*, it was said that a half million Marks had been remitted to Buschhoff: According to the prophesy of his defense attorney Fleischhauer, Buschhoff could therefore "from now on eat the bitter bread of charity." In any event, the Buschhoffs must have counted on a very fundamental improvement in their economic situation for a long time already \*\*before the murder\*\*. Frau Buschhoff said one day to Mallmann -- thus to one of the witnesses who, since his evidence was incriminating, were "not approved" -- when business conditions were being discussed, that they -- the Buschhoffs -- wanted to leave Xanten soon, but that they first still had a "good piece of business" in prospect; when that had been done, they would sell their property and leave. Mallmann told this to the court and added: "That is certainly serious. Is that then not good business?" -- President \*\*Kluth\*\*: "What are you trying to say?... How do you bring this expression into connection with this case? What does this have to do with it, that the Buschhoffs wanted to do some good business?" Mallmann experienced then, as so often by this time, a thorough rebuff; the further course of events, however, gave to his evidence, which the court \*\*apparently\*\* confronted without comprehension, a wholly particular meaning! #### The Oberwinder Trial As "witnesses," among others, of all people, Chaplain Bresser from Xanten, the Head Rabbi Horwitz "including his wife" (Cleves), and the synagogue head Oster (Xanten) were summoned to this trial! State's Attorney Baumgardt didn't want to know anything about a sack -- to him that was all news! -- The viewing of the scene had to be ordered first by the Justice Minister, and it amounted to the opposite \[of what had been claimed\], despite the statement \*\*under oath\*\* by \*\*Brixius\*\*. The investigation was conducted only with reluctance. . On the \*\*24th of September\*\*, \*\*1891\*\* the first state's attorney, Baumgardt, stated publicly in Cleves that the investigation against Buschhoff had not yielded \*\*the least bit of evidence\*\*. The populace of Xanten naturally became very angered by that." The President of the Berlin Court of Justice expressed his unconcealed astonishment over the fact that no \*\*alternate charges\*\* of participation, instigation, or aiding and abetting had been given to the Cleve jurors. (262) Baumgardt, who in this trial was sitting on the witness stand, gave in response to this as the revealing main reason, that consideration for his superior, the Chief State's Attorney, had kept him from doing so! Oberwinder's defense lawyer, attorney-at-law Dr. \*\*Schwindt\*\*, stated in open court session: "From the question of Graf \*\*Loë\*\* it emerges that at least one portion of the jury was of the view that there was at least aiding and abetting. In such a case it is the \*\*duty\*\* of the state's attorney, if the President does not do it, to move for related charges \[to be included in the charge to the jury\]." In the opinion of Dr. Schwindt, in this case these alternate charges simply had to have suggested themselves to the state's attorney! Dr. Scwindt explained: "The evidence has been produced that State's Attorney Baumgardt entered upon the investigation \*\*only with reluctance\*\* and neglected the most rudimentary criminological rules. . .But it is a matter of course, that, when a murder occurs, the first state's attorney must appear \*\*himself\*\*; in any case there can be no justification for the fact that he sent an assessor who had been handed over to him for training." The further, very serious recriminations of this legal authority we shall pass over here. The assistant judge, district court councilor \*\*Curtius\*\*, likewise expressed himself very clearly: "The stated time of the \*\*proof of alibi\*\* in the Buschhoff trial seems, \*\*of course, very cute in the documents\*\*, but I consider it \*\*very risky\*\* to base the \*\*innocence\*\* of Buschhoff upon it in advance. I find it striking that a prosecutor, who indeed filed the charges and accordingly must be convinced of the \*\*guilt\*\* of the accused, before one single witness has spoken, forms such a favorable judgement in advance concerning the value of the statements of the accused, who was, after all, charged on the basis of circumstantial evidence. . but on what account, still before the statements of the witnesses, do \*\*the jurors\*\* vote \*\*in favor of the accused?\*\*" -- Baumgardt: "If it was a result of my words, then it happened unintentionally." Curtius: "So, unintentional. Thank you very much. . .But after all, you had to have been convinced of the \*\*guilt\*\* of Buschhoff at \[the time of\] his arrest. The arrest certainly could not have occurred against your will and the charges have was, when your (263) soul became convinced of the innocence of Buschhoff, between the point in time of Buschhoff's arrest and the beginning of the jury-court proceedings, how you expressed this directly for the first time, when you began to speak. You did not work on the completion of the questioning of the accused." Baumgardt: "I didn't want to confuse the picture given by Buschhoff. . ." -- Despite these scandalous methods of the Cleves jury-court proceedings, confirmed subsequently before one other court, the publisher Oberwinder was sentenced through the state attorney's office of the district court, Berlin I, to two months' imprisonment. The extent of the punishment was justified by the fact that "added to this, is the necessity to protect the authority of the court, which has been critically shaken by the accused (Oberwinder). . ." -- Therefore, it was not Baumgardt, Brixius and their comrades who had brought the worst discredit upon German jurisprudence through their servility to the Jews, but instead a man who had pointed his finger at the untenable conditions in just these same courts! At this time the \*Staatsbürgerzeitung\* had written to the German people a response from the soul: "The authority and the respect of the court are best preserved by pure neutrality, \*\*impartiality\*\*, painstaking exactitude and unshakable justice. \*\*Woe to the folk\*\* whose court would have to be protected through harsh punishment; \*\*its fate would be pitiable\*\*! advocates. (Vigorous opposition from the Left.) If you deny this, you do it against your better convictions." (Unrest and shouting from the Left.) Go to Chapter 7: Polna Back to Table of Contents # Polna 1898/99 \\\_\\\_\\\_\\\_\\\_ \\\_\\\_\\\_\\\_\\\_ #### Marie Klima A blood-murder which remained unsolved had preceded by a few years the two ritual-murders of the years 1898/99 in the same Bohemian district of Tschaslau. In 1894 a non-Jewish servant girl, Hlawin, "disappeared" from the house of the Jew Bretter in Kolin. After approximately a month her body was found on the right bank of the Elbe. She was not bloated although she allegedly was supposed to have lain in the water for four weeks; all signs indicated clearly that the body had been cast into the water in a de-blooded condition. (Report of the Deputy \*\*Schneider\*\* in the Austrian Reichstag on \*\*10 November 1899\*\*). At the \*\*end of May 1899\*\*, a farmer found a knife hidden in the moss, not far distant from the murder site, and later shreds from pieces of clothing which belonged to Marie \*\*Klima\*\* were discovered. They indicated that they'd been torn from the body of the victim. The investigations begun by a court commission ran their course without a result. On the basis of several statements by witnesses, points of suspicion were increasingly thickening (268) around one of the numerous Jewish inhabitants of the place, the Jewish vagabond \*\*Leopold Hilsner\*\*, with whose person we will have to deal more closely. But, for some incomprehensible reason, the authorities in charge in \*\*Polna\*\* and \*\*Kuttenberg\*\* did not pursue the matter further, although in the meantime a new case of murder, \*\*totally similar in form\*\*, and only a few meters in distance from the first murder site, had caused the greatest consternation and excitement in the populace. ### \*\*Leopold Hilsner\*\* !\[\](\_page\_184\_Picture\_2.jpeg) This 23 year-old, already an extremely typical representative of Eastern Jewry, was viewed in the Bohemian district of \*\*Polna\*\* as a work-shy, rotten fellow, who nevertheless was always amply supplied with money, about whose origin he could give no definite account. With his brother \*\*Itzig\*\* and his mother, he resided in the cellar rooms of the seedy Jewish school in \*\*Polna\*\*, which simultaneously served as \*\*synagogue\*\*. The "apartment" of \*\*Hilsner\*\* resembled -- according to the judicial house-search protocol of \*\*13 April 1899\*\* -- "more a cave Hilsner, it was proved, also was in Vienna. Here he possibly already established contacts with his taskmasters who, thanks to the sloppiness of the inquiries of the authorities, also remained undiscovered. When this vagabond was back home again, he mostly roamed the woods of the surrounding area and molested young girls who (269) were on their way to their work places -- the prototype of the racial profaner! As was later established before the court, he had shamelessly misused a young girl, the maidservant Anna Benesch who resided in Polna, by making the promise to marry her and to let himself be baptized. When she finally escaped from his claws, he stalked her with threatening letters, one of which was later read out in the courtroom. Various witnesses deposed that Hilsner, already as a very young man, harassed girls in public and molested them with his hands. When the inquiries concerning Marie Klima, who was murdered on 17 July 1898, remained unsuccessful for a long period of time, another young girl, Agnes Hruza, once exclaimed out of instinct in the presence of witnesses: "It's possible that Hilsner murdered her. He was always following her!" -- She couldn't know that she had already been selected as the next ritual-murder victim. ### \*\*Agnes Hruza\*\* The \*\*autopsy findings\*\* of the court physicians, Dr. \*\*Michalek\*\* and Dr. \*\*Prokeš\*\* gave, aside from supplying terrible details, the cause of death as fatal \*\*exsanguination\*\*, although as mentioned, \*\*only insignificant\*\* traces of blood were found. Therefore the blood must have been collected in a container. In the case of \*\*Marie Klima\*\*, as well as in this murder case, the knees had been acutely bent in order to let the last drops of blood run out, according to the judgement of the experts. At the trial, Dr. \*\*Michalek\*\* stated that \*\*Hruza\*\* "was \*\*as if made out of wax\*\* in the upper and the lower parts of her entire body"(stenographic report) (1). The gaping neck wound could have been produced only with a strong and long knife -- like the crime in general, it had been committed with unusual cruelty. One of the usual murder cases: sexual murder, lust murder or murder with robbery, were ruled out due to the interior and exterior findings concerning the body. -- "\*\*Hruza\*\* was \*\*slit open\*\* like a piece of cattle," was the opinion of the people! As examining judge, of all people, the \*\*baptized\*\* Catholic Jew \*\*Reichenbach\*\* was appointed, who had nothing more urgent to do than to set \*\*Hilsner\*\* free again, and did not even depose him! About one week after the discovery of the body, the Czech editor Yaromir Husek wrote to the (anti-Semitic) Deputy Schneider(2) in Vienna the following letter: "Esteemed Sir! In Polna, a 19 year-old girl, Agnes Hruza, was murdered by a Jew. When a Jewish judge(3) \[was appointed\] there, he has now already made attempts to hush up the entire story. The Jewish murderer was seen by Frau Hruza(4), the wife of the head of the congregation, and was a certain Leopold Hilsner, a 22 year-old Jew. The Jew seized the woman, and after he saw that it was not the same one he was waiting for, he let her loose and directly afterwards the single woman Agnes Hruza was murdered. The Jew was arrested due to the urging of all the people, but soon released by the Jewish judge. Please intervene directly with the Justice Minister, so that a non-partisan court commission is entrusted with the case, otherwise the Jewish judge will be in a position to erase all traces of the murderer and to help him; we already have many examples of his flagrant partisanship. I have published that in the Ceske Zaimy, but the issue was confiscated, as usual, therefore I have no other recourse than to turn to you and to request energetic intervention. There is danger in delay! #### Yaromir Husek' # The Five-day Jury-Court Trial in Kuttenberg (12-16 September 1899) First of all, \*\*Hilsner\*\* denied everything before the jury-court at Kuttenberg. He ever went so far as to claim that he had not known the murdered girl at all. The trial, which was causing a great sensation, yielded the further revealing fact that \*\*Hilsner\*\* Marie Pernicek, the woman in service with the Rabbi of Polna, stated before the court (Protocol 30 from 29 July 1899) that on the day after the murder of Hruza, a strange "bent" Jew of creepy appearance, with a longish face pockmarked by pox scars, and with a dark full beard -- he is described by this witness in a very detailed fashion which conforms to the statements of other witnesses -- (273) had eaten lunch with her employer and was very hungry. The Rabbi's wife had the girl wash off the sofa on which this "bent" Jew had sat, "so that the children would not become ill, since the stranger had had the blue pustules! \[an expression used to mean small pox lesions\]" According to another part \[of the testimony\] this witness further explained that during her six years of service with Rabbi Goldberger, she had been regularly offered wine \*\*before the Easter celebration\*\*; she then fell asleep as if passing out; on the next morning she was extremely weak and noticed numerous \*\*piercing cuts\*\* on her arms. The girl took this to mean that she had been bled! The fate of this witness further on might be taken as proof of the truth of her weighty testimony. First, she was dismissed without notice by Goldberger; poverty forced her to take a position with another Jew. As soon as a few days later, she was taken to the Deutschbroder hospital with grave symptoms of poisoning. The non-Jewish chief physician, who immediately admitted the pitiable girl, was called away across county by means of a fake phone call, while the Jewish assisting physician who was taking his place transported his victim to death in the shortest time! The forensic autopsy found an air embolism as well as destruction of the walls of the stomach by acids. The witness Marie Pernicek had become the victim of a Jewish Feme \[Femen (plural) were unofficial and secret tribunals held in 14th and 15th century Westphalia\]! The cash-book of the Jewish congregation in Polna for this day lists the following entry: "Today, 500 Fl. to a devout \[member\] for a work in the service of God." -- "The work in service to God was the elimination of the witness!" (Karl Holz). The mother of the murdered girl, the cottager Marie Hruza, further testified in court, that unknown men, supposedly from Vienna and Prague, appeared at her residence in Wieschnitz under the pretext of examining the completed dresses of her daughter \[recall that the daughter was a seamstress\]. While doing so, they stared sharply at her daughter and commented that she was big and strong -- evidence that the crime, planned for a long time, had been systematically prepared for and then, at the order of a Jewish headquarters, (274) had been carried out! In both instances \[i.e., the two murders\] they had made very clever use of the depraved vagabond Hilsner, who was constantly in need of money. -- Two days before the murder, the Rabbi of Polna had said to Hilsner's mother: "Your son is still predestined for something great!" (Statement of the witness Anna Pokorna.) On the day before the crime (\*\*28 March\*\*) witnesses noticed a long and broad so-called ritual-slaughter knife in a leather case with \*\*Hilsner\*\*. On being asked what he wanted to do with it, he answered evasively. On the evening before the crime, \*\*Hilsner\*\* met the witness Josepha \*\*Vytlacil\*\* on the \*Ringplatz\* \[a circular plaza functioning as a city square\]. To begin with he made some references to Agnes \*\*Hruza\*\* and then asked the witness whether she was afraid. Upon her replying in the negative, the Jew stated that he too was unafraid and at that, pulled a larger knife a little ways out from a leather case which he was carrying in the inner pocket of his coat. The witness explained that she saw the knife and the case clearly by the shining of the lantern. This knife was delivered to him from outside. \*\*Hilsner\*\* himself behaved with extreme impudence and arrogance, entirely sure of himself and of the general support of World Jewry during the trial in \*\*Kuttenberg\*\*. The editor of the Vienna \*Deutsches Volksblatt\*, Hanns Arnold \*\*Schwer\*\*, to whom we are indebted for essentially laying down the written record of the trial by means of stenographic recording, described \*\*Hilsner\*\* in his time as the "prototype of a wharf punk, of those impudent Jewish scoundrels whom we in \*\*Vienna\*\* have also gotten to know all too well.(5)" (275)One third of the audience consisted of press Jews, whose rude heckling was an attempt to repeatedly disturb the course of the proceedings, especially the testimony of witnesses which was inconvenient. In accord with time-tested Jewish tactics, the court was bombarded literally day and night with telephone and telegraphic inquiries, with letters and interpellations. The World Jewish press and World Jewish finance worked feverishly, sessions of the Landstag \[regional German legislative body\] were called. In order to be able to deflect the suspicion of murder from Hilsner and to be able to divert the attention of the World public from a ritual-murder even at the last minute, the Jewish defense devised the unscrupulous method, by the liberal use of bribery money, of declaring the bookbinder's assistant Janda of Polna, who was interned in a Prague mental hospital, and whose diagnosis, contained in the records over the course of \[an examination of\] ten days, revealed without question serious mental illness, -- of declaring him, on the other hand, to be normal after one night, so that in fact his arrest and following imprisonment in Kuttenberg occurred in order to convict him of the murder! But since even with the best will in the world, nothing could be done with this mentally ill person, Janda, pronounced "healthy," was immediately handed over again to the mental hospital. (From the speech of Dr. Baxa in the Bohemian Landstag at Prague of 17 May 1899.) In these goings on, the Court Chairman, President Dr. Jezek maintained his equanimity, so that these disgraceful maneuvers remained futile, at least until the pronouncement of judgement. Naturally the Jewish defense counsel Aurednicek pulled out all the stops in his talmudic repertoire to save his racial comrade. His ignorance, with which he sought to refute the expert opinion of both medical men, merely evoked merriment! After the conclusion of the presentation of the evidence, after five tumultuous days at trial, which had overwhelmingly incriminated \*\*Hilsner\*\*, the private attorney of the \*\*Hruza\*\* family, the previously mentioned Dr. \*\*Baxa\*\*, (276) proved in his sensational speech(6), which even today still can be described as fundamental and is instructive to read, that, supported by the expert medical opinion, the usual motives in murder cases were excluded as the \*\*motive\*\* in this one. The murderers had also this time, \*\*as in an entire series of preceding cases\*\*, counted upon \[the murder\] remaining undiscovered. Agnes \*\*Hruza\*\* became a martyr. The murderer did not want the life of the girl, did not want her insignificant possessions, did not want her honor \[i.e., rape\], but rather the \*\*blood\*\*, which was meticulously collected. "From the hall of the Kuttenberg circuit court, today it resounds beyond into all \*Gaue\* \[The \*Gau\* is a political district analogous to a province.\], that among human society live human beings who demand \*\*the blood\*\* of their fellow men." -- With that, this incorruptible attorney went to the \*\*core\*\* of the matter. It is the duty of the authorities and of the state \[he said\], it is the duty of all mankind in general, to discover who these criminals are, in order to reveal this terrible secret! \*\*Polna\*\* is not the end, but rather just the beginning of an investigation to bring \*\*light onto this frightful secret, so that all of non-Jewish humanity could breath a sigh of relief!\*\* How very much international Jewry had feared this concluding address may follow from the fact that shortly before, the signal had been given to accompany the speech with demonstrations of applause in order to cause a clearing of the courtroom. Thanks to the discipline of the non-Jewish portion of the audience, the attempt failed. After the disarming performance of Dr. \*\*Baxa\*\*, the defense attorney \*\*Aurednicek\*\*, paid with 15,000 Fl., confined himself to weakening the acceptance of a ritual-murder by referring to \*\*papal decrees\*\* which described these murders as improbable! All was in the best of order: The Jew \*\*Reichenbach\*\* had greedily seized upon these "discoveries." In a brutal manner he arranged a house search at the Hruza family residence, walls were scraped bare, (279) floor boards ripped up, clothing confiscated, in order to uncover traces of blood! The relatives of the murdered girl were actually arrested! After their arrest, the ritual-slaughterer of \*\*Polna\*\* broke into the property of the Hruzas, to produce "blood traces" later with a brush and \*\*cow blood\*\* (recorded witness statements!). mother assassinates her own child!" -- The mother of the unfortunate \*\*Esther Solymosi\*\* had also been accused of the homicide of her child! # The Jury-Court Trial of Pisek (25 October - 14 November 1900) The body of \*\*Hruza\*\* had been completely drained of blood; since at the scene of the crime itself there was no pool of blood, the blood had to have been collected, as is done with a slaughtered beast. But where did it go? Two (female) witnesses observed on the day of the murder (\*\*29 March 1899\*\*), how a Jew (the so-called "bent" Jew, one of the accomplices of \*\*Hilsner\*\* who remained unknown) was carrying a vessel wrapped in a waxed linen cloth out of the residence of the \*\*Polna\*\* Rabbi \*\*Goldberger\*\* in a state of extreme excitement. About one and a half months after the murder -- therefore the middle of May -- the post office confiscated a small package mailed by the Jewish \*\*cantor\*\* Moriz \*\*Kurzweil\*\* in Goltsch-Jenikau to the Rabbi \*\*Goldberger\*\* in \*\*Polna\*\*, which had been declared as a "perfume shipment." But the shipment contained a small bottle in heavily perfumed cotton padding, which was filled with small brownish-red balls that gave every appearance of being \*\*pulverized\*\* blood. In order to be certain, the district court at \*\*Polna\*\* sent the extremely suspicious contents to \*\*Prague\*\* for analysis; but the result of the (281) examination was never sent! Already at that time, at the turn of the century, the medical faculty was strongly larded with Jews. The defense counsel of the Jews, \*\*Aurednicek\*\*, had stated before several witnesses that the judgement against \*\*Hilsner\*\* would be annulled by the Cassations Court \[a court which heard appeals\] in \*\*Vienna\*\* and that a further trial against him would not occur! It should be mentioned in this connection that \*\*Aurednicek\*\*, accompanied by the Rabbi of \*\*Kuttenberg\*\*, had presented a petition to the \*Kaiser\* \[Emperor\] in \*\*Vienna\*\*. Jewry was so sure of itself in Old Austria, that it regarded even a sentence of death, pronounced against a racial comrade after a protracted trial, as not able to be implemented! Of what use, then, was a proposal formulated in an interpellation of \*\*21 October 1899\*\* by some courageous deputies, that "suitable precautions be taken that baptized and unbaptized Jews be able to practice no influence at the Cassations Court!" Upon the "nullification complaint" of the Jewish defense counsel, the Cassations Court in Vienna called in a "higher expert opinion" from the Czech medical faculty in Prague. This -- we already know all we need to know about the university expert opinions of those years, when we recall preceding trials -- had to likewise determine that the neck wound, performed with a sharp instrument, was the fatal wound, and that suicide or murder at another location was from the start excluded, since in this respect the case was so clear that a demonstration was unnecessary. The killer was standing -- we cite this verbatim! -- "at the moment when he made the cut, behind Agnes Hruza; a situation in which the cut can be produced." A noose had been thrown over the victim beforehand. In this point, the faculty expert opinion concurred fully with the expert opinion of the court physicians; but the latter were able at the scene to find only totally insignificant, strictly limited traces of blood, which more resembled blood spray (Dr. Prokeš, according to the trial stenography), while the Prague professors, although they were not at all in a position to determine this subsequently, believed that the blood found corresponded to the presumed blood loss, and the expert opinion of the court physicians was incorrect (Nußbaum, page 2). For: "there is a lack of positive knowledge and critical abilities (282) only too frequently, especially in expert opinions of local medical men. . They are often simple country doctors, who, cut off from the progress of medical knowledge, conduct a practice in coarse style and possess not even the remotest expertise necessary for difficult forensic cases, which indeed here only the specialist can lay claim to; they (the country doctors) were selected by the court because others were not obtainable. . ." (Nußbaum, page 52). We recall previous trials: "uneducated" officials, who were so coarse as to pursue tracks which indicated Jews, were as quickly replaced as "simple," "primitive," country doctors, who h The Cassations Court in Vienna annulled the Kuttenberg judgement of 16 September 1899 and referred the trial to the jury-court at Pisek after one year's time (25 October - 14 November 1900). Here in Pisek, now, "the assumption of a ritual-murder was excluded officially, consequently the ritual-slaughter knife no longer makes any sense". . . "All in all: The assumption that Hilsner could have committed a ritual-murder of Agnes Hruza, is plainly absurd. That the state's attorney admits, even if for the first time in Pisek -- before the Cassations Court no less, by the way -- explicitly and without reservation. But what \*\*motive\*\* is supposed to have impelled \*\*Hilsner\*\* to the horrible crime?" -- Nußbaum adds ingenuously (8). Even the \*\*motive\*\* of the crime seemed to have been described by the expert opinion of the faculty(9): "The motives could be various. The possibility must be taken into consideration that the murder and the handling (!) of the body. . .is the act of a person haunted by \*\*sexual perversity\*\*." The girl fell victim to the "perverse-sadistic" inclinations of some sort of debauched person -- the high-school boy \*\*Winter\*\* in \*\*Konitz\*\* in the same year was also put down as the victim of perverse company! -- This "motive" was greedily grasped in the Jewish newspapers! (283) But they had miscalculated: To be sure, the acceptance of a \*\*ritual\*\*-murder was dropped, since in \*\*Pisek\*\* the earlier expert opinion of the court doctors was totally ignored after the entry of the faculty expert opinion -- this Jewry could no doubt log as a success. But this court also heard the proof for the murder of \*\*Marie Klima\*\*. \*\*Leopold Hilsner\*\* was once again -- and indeed, because of a proven \*\*double\*\* murder -- condemned to death by the rope! Before the circuit court at \*\*Pisek\*\*, too, on \*\*14 November 1900\*\*, the day of the pronouncement of judgement, a crowd which numbered in the several hundreds had gathered. The jury was greeted with cheers. When the attorneys of the private \[parties\] concerned, \*\*Baxa\*\* and \*\*Pevny\*\*, appeared, the crowd broke through the barrier and -- according to the contemporary description of the \*\*Prague\*\* \*Bohemia\* -- prepared a celebratory reception for them; they wanted to carry the advocates to their hotels upon their shoulders! Both defense counsels of \*\*Hilsner\*\*, \*\*Aurednicek\*\* and \*\*Vodicka\*\*, were able to be saved from violence only by a police escort. On seeing them, the crowd broke out into ear-splitting cries of \*Nieder!\* \[Down with them!\]. The same thing happened to the Germans present, as previously in Kuttenberg, especially to the German correspondents -- but perhaps they also knew that correspondents and Jews were, in general, identical concepts! -- In the courtyards of both barracks, the military stood in readiness, and even in the circuit court building numerous officers appeared. The calming words of Dr. \*\*Baxa\*\* succeeded in dispersing the crowd and restoring order after a short interval. But \*\*Aurednicek\*\* was avoided in future by his Czech clients and saw himself forced to remove to \*\*Vienna\*\* with his practice! The mother of \*\*Hilsner\*\*, however, developed a new line of business for herself: with an instinct peculiar to her race, she understood the situation brought about after the sentencing of her son \*\*Leopold\*\*, who had succumbed to a "crime against justice," and conducted a flourishing begging-letter \*\*business!\*\* (This designation originates from A. \*\*Nußbaum\*\* himself!) ### ''Appeal, appeal!'' "Appeal, appeal, so the whole Jewish band and their helpers, as in the Dreyfuß trial, now screamed in the murder trial of \*\*Polna\*\*, . A creature of the Jews, Professor \*\*Masaryk\*\* in \*\*Prague\*\*, has composed a brochure full of the most lying accounts about the ritual-murder of \*\*Polna\*\*, from which the Munich organ of the \*Alliance Israélite\*, the \*Neueste Nachrichten\*, has published an excerpt. While this paper buried all information up till now about the trial, it dedicates the widest space to the shameful work of Masaryk, for the Jewish lies are supposed to be brought to the people!" (10) subsequent confiscation of this infamous pamphlet could change nothing. The \*Münchener Neueste Nachrichten\*, after the \*Berliner Tageblatt\* \[\*Berlin Daily\*\] the influential organ at that time of the AIU for Germany, printed one full page from this brochure! Theodor Fritsch wrote in his \*Handbuch der Judenfrage\* \[\*Handbook of the Jewish Question\*\]: (286) "Upon all trials in the world which concern a Jew, it (the AIU) seeks to win determining influence. Like an invisible power, it was \*\*evident everywhere\*\*. . ." As "supplement and reinforcement" of his brochure, in the year of the \*\*Pisek\*\* pronouncement of judgement \*\*Masaryk\*\*'s book, \*Die Bedeutung des Polnaer Verbrechens für den Ritual-Aberglauben\* \[\*The Meaning of the Polna Crime for the Ritual-Superstition\*\] followed. It states in conclusion: "I wanted to conclude these \*\*Polna\*\* studies with the wish that they would contribute to the \*\*rooting out\*\* of the ritual-superstition. During my work it became clearer and clearer to me: the ritual-superstition is a charge against the Bohemian people. The Jews of Bohemia and of the Bohemian lands in general belong to the \*\*elite\*\*, not only of the Austrian \[Jewry\] but of Jewry in general. -- How can one impute barbaric ritual-murder to them! And if such an educated and \*\*morally high-standing\*\* group of Jews as these of Bohemia -- if they had a ritual-murder sect in their midst -- then how barbaric would the general condition of the culture of us Christians have to be, in which such a sect could have developed and kept itself?! The more one reflects about the ritual-superstition, the more absurd and dangerous it must appear for our people. Only an energetically conducted unbiased \*\*appeal\*\* of the trial can remove the cultural, religious, medical, and judicial stain of shame from \*\*Kuttenberg\*\*!" "Three famous scholars of the Law, the criminal law instructors Professor Dr. Franz von Liszt, Confidential Justice Councilor (Berlin), Professor Dr. G. Stoß (Vienna), and the former President of the Chief District court of Vienna, His Excellency Dr. von Krall, expressed themselves for the necessity of the appeal of the trial,... the important attorney-at-law Dr. Nußbaum in Berlin and Professor G Masaryk in Prague demonstrate in weighty books the untenability of the sentence, also the Czech poet Machar stands up for Hilsner... In the house of Deputies the well-known, conscientious Reichsrat Deputy Dr. Julius Ofner -- likewise an important expert in the law -- along with his comrades, directs an interpellation simply radiant in its contents and composition to the Justice Minister, on 28 January 1907, for the reopening \[of the case\] according to § 362 StPO.; on 26 May 1907 the bold (287) advocate of the mother of Hilsner, Dr. Elbogen, gave an electrifying talk at the Verein zur Abwehr des Antisemitismus \[literally: Union for the beating back or fending off of anti-Semitism\] about this \[case\], on 18 March 1908, \[there was\] a recent \[meeting\] in the Sophie Hall in front of a large public, which was invited by a distinguished Committee appointed by the Union 'for defense,' after an appeal to the public conscience written by it in December 1907, in the form of a petition to His Majesty, had been transmitted to all readers as a supplement by the Neue Freie Presse \[New Free Press\]."(11) With this we once again see the good society of Europe presented These Jewish-free masonic powers, even if they had not arrived at full development for certain reasons during both trials, had achieved total success afterward. If we are also no longer informed today about the details, so Hilsner was actually at first pardoned to serve life-long imprisonment! Here he did not have it so bad. He, the illiterate, got assigned a so-called "intelligence-cell" and was presented with kosher food. Now and then he received visits from girls. But that an authority had at all dared to condemn the Jewish vagabond and ritual-murderer Hilsner, deeply offended the Berlin Jew Nußbaum. In concluding consideration of both "cases" of Hruza/Klima, he wrote in 1906 as follows in his "criminal-psychological examination" on the Polna ritual-murder trial, which was furnished with a "foreword" by the Franz v. Liszt already named above because of the "scientific content of the account": "On the whole, one must account the Hilsner trial as the saddest aberration of the modern administration of justice. Among ritual-murder trials, among which, despite the evasive etiquette, it belongs without question, it is the most deplorable because it alone led to the legally valid condemnation of the accused. The administration of justice at any rate did not execute the judgement -- a clear sign that it mistrusted the verdict of the jury -- but commuted the \[sentence\] of the double-murderer to life-long (288) imprisonment. Hilsner thereby kept his life. Thus he can and must be helped. . But it is not a matter here just of Hilsner. A victory of justice would remain a shining landmark far beyond the individual case: it would help save the administration of justice in the future from the same aberrations. And more than anything else: a horrible error of justice has been committed -- to atone for this is an inescapable moral duty" Nineteen years later, after the collapse of the Danube monarchy, the "Übervolk" of the Jews paid its trusted man his Judas reward: Masaryk, as a high-degree Freemason, became President of the Czech-Slovakian republic, god fathered by the Jews and Freemasons. The time was past when the Prague students were still able to demonstrate against the scandal-writings of Masaryk, so that he had to break off his lectures for some time; forgotten, too, that incident about a year after the Polna trial, when Masaryk was "coarsely insulted" in a small Bohemian city where he was recognized (Nußbaum, page 6). Masaryk followed his "moral duty" from now on: one of the first "acts" of the newly-baked President was the release of Hilsner from prison. The latter was still to enjoy a decade of freedom under the pseudonym Heller, with the best of health, and supported by ample financial means. The inscription of his "tomb of honor" in the Jewish Central Cemetary in Vienna reads: "Leopold Hilsner (Heller), died 8 January 1928 in his 51st year. As the innocent victim of the ritual-murder lie he languished 19 years in jail." Jewish Ritual-Murder: a Historical Investigation Der jüdische Ritualmord: Eine historische Untersuchung von Hellmut Schramm, Ph. D ## Konitz 1900 ----- # Page 1 (p.291) At the end of \*\*April 1900\*\* -- therefore still in the year of the \*\*Hilsner\*\* trial -- the following public notice appeared: November 1900 an "Alliance for the clearing up of the Konitz murder" was formed in Konitz, subscribed to by the Catholic and Evangelical \[i.e., Lutheran\] clergy and the city councilors of the region, as well as several \*Landstag\* and \*Reichstag\* deputies(1). In an appeal by this alliance, it says that it "appears ever more possible that the mysterious murder will find a solution and punishment." -- For the time being self-help was asked for: ". . . and since it is feared that for now the bureaucracy in Germany will be filled increasingly with Jewish and Jewishlegal viewpoints and ideas, thus \*\*self-help\*\* must be recommended. The \*\*Konitz\*\* murder puts anxiety for the well-being of our children first and foremost in our hearts. Are Christian children still safe from the slaughter? Where the power (292) of the state fails, help must be formed from out of the womb of the family. We also turn to the clergy, the teachers, and the father of the family." The following advice was given in connection with this: "Parents might want to make known to their children, at the right time for it, the fate of the high school student Winter. Our children will then, on their own, be careful not to make friendships with Jewish children and enter Jewish houses alone. The clergy and the teachers might want to warn the populace in the country, in particular young farmhands and milk maids. In the environs of Konitz, cases have still occurred in the last decades, where serving girls who were in service with Jewish families suddenly vanished without a trace. At the close of business, when entering Jewish houses is unavoidable, a man should take a companion with him. ." "Should a murder similar to those in Konitz and Xanten happen, the Christian inhabitants of the place should immediately meet in a union for legal protection, which entirely openly works toward the prosecution of the murderers, collects money, and if possible prevents \[the outcome\] that 'again, nothing comes out of it \[the investigation\].' The union for legal protection has both to keep in touch with the press as well as to warn the populace of the area urgently against banding together \[i.e., vigilantism\] and committing violence; the latter is if use only to the murderers and their accomplices." The power of the Jew was complete: the judicial authorities fail to act, the press clearly serves Jewish interests or at least behaves with indifference -- so courageous men with a sense of responsibility got together, issued a summons, and had to ask for private financial support in order to bring about proceedings against Jewish murderers -- German men knew no other way to help themselves, other than to resort to self-help! #### Ernst Winter The murdered boy, the eighteen year-old high school student Ernst Winter (born on 27 September 1881 in the Church city of Prechlau near Konitz, west Prussia) was attending the gymnasium \[= high school\] at Konitz since 1894 and lived here as a lodger. His father was a building contractor in Prechlau. Ernst Winter was popular everywhere and of a clean, life-loving disposition and was very imposing and powerfully built. He was considered the best gymnast of the high school and also had maintained a very good record in the sciences. In the dance class Ernst Winter had become acquainted with the daughters of the Jews Tuchler and Caspary in Konitz. These appear to have had the task of holding the high schooler Winter in Konitz. Moreover, the circumstance that Winter did not come from the city himself made him especially suitable as a victim, since the inquiries about a non-native student who disappeared were expected to first begin two or three days afterward, as in fact actually occurred. In any case, Winter was shadowed for a long time, according to plan, \[as he went about\] his daily routines. On \*\*Sunday, 11 March 1900\*\*, the day of the murder, \*\*Winter\*\* attended church in the morning. From there, he made his way to the cigar store of \*\*Fischer\*\*; (294) for some time he chatted with the proprietor, then he strolled along the market toward his apartment at the house of the master baker \*\*Lange\*\* for lunch. For about an hour he went to his room, which he shared with two other high school students; he casually mentioned to them that in the afternoon he was invited to a birthday celebration. An hour later he left the house, never to return. Witnesses saw him for the last time still in front of the house of the Jewish merchant \*\*Caspary\*\* -- since then he has not been seen alive again. In the afternoon of \*\*Monday, 12 March\*\*, the builder \*\*Winter\*\* in \*\*Prechlau\*\* received the news that his son \*\*Ernst\*\* was missing since Sunday afternoon. He immediately went to \*\*Konitz\*\* and reported to the head mayor \*\*Deditius\*\* as the police chief in charge. \*\*However, the police took no action. Therefore, the father had to himself\*\* proceed to search for his son, vanished without a trace! With the support of the master baker Lange, even the shores of the \*Mönchsee\* \[= Monk Lake\], which bordered the city, were searched. On the afternoon of \*\*13 March\*\* the searchers noticed that the ice covering the city basin, in whose direct vicinity the \*\*synagogue\*\* stood, was conspicuously smashed in one place. A stick was poked under the ice and a large parcel tied up with brown paper was produced. After removal of the paper, an object carefully sewed in with canvas was found. The seams were undone, and into sight came the torso of a young man, without head and neck, without arms, only the upper body down to the end of the ribs, and the spine was sawed through. The father \*\*Winter\*\* recognized the upper body of his son by certain features. Finally the police cordoned off the area. As the first \[on the scene\], the court physician, the medical advisor Dr. \*\*Müller\*\*, state's attorney \*\*Settegast\*\*, and mayor \*\*Deditius\*\* examined the gruesome discovery. Witnesses noticed that a Jew had been closely observing the incident the whole time from the synagogue lying directly across the way, and disappeared just when attention was directed toward him. The interest of the police became more lively from now on -- after two valuable days had passed! They even fished both of the lower parts of the upper body from out of the lake. The body parts were (295) delivered to the city hospital. On \*\*Thursday, 15 March\*\* -- therefore four days after the murder -- the right arm was discovered on the gate of the Evangelical churchyard. Some private individuals offered the police their good hunting dogs to search for the parts of the body which were still missing. Police chief \*\*Deditius\*\* declined. The gentlemen thereupon took up the search alone with their dogs. In fact, in another section of the \*Mönchsee\* the right thigh, from which the lower leg had been \*\*skillfully detached\*\* at the knee, was found in this way. Excitement in the city was growing -- from the known facts of the case, people At the end of March, \*\*two and a half weeks\*\* after the crime, the Police Commissar \*\*Wehn\*\* appeared from Berlin, to put the \*\*Konitz\*\* police on the right track. He had brought along the conviction that the murderers \*\*in no way\*\* were to be sought \*\*among the Jews.\*\* He \*\*questioned witnesses for months\*\*, in order to be able to convict a \*\*non-Jewish\*\* resident of the murder. Witnesses who said anything against Jews were badly treated without exception -- one need recall only \*\*Xanten\*\* and \*\*Skurz\*\* -- were rudely spoken to, and cross-examined until \*\*Wehn\*\* believed that they had been caught in contradictions; with that, the "case" involved was then dismissed! The non-Jewish population of the region summarized their personal opinion about the activity of this Commissar, by saying that this official considered every non-Jew to be \*a priori\* extremely untrustworthy, while on the other hand he held every Jew to be a truth-loving and reasonably thinking man! Consequently, his procedures aroused enormous animosity in the populace. At their first conference, Commissar \*\*Wehn\*\* asked a Konitz resident who was a former policeman, (296) and who was still was consulted due to his great experience in criminal investigations -- for this \[incident\] the witness concerned was available --: "Herr Colleague, what do you think about this affair?" When the latter responded to this by speaking of leads which pointed to \*\*the Jews\*\*, Wehn declared: "You believe that the Jews could be the murderers? Then we cannot work together." The police officer was, in fact, no longer consulted! The following course of a witness interrogation of this Commissar may be put forward as being typical: A Frau \*\*Borchardt\*\* wanted to make a statement before \*\*Wehn\*\* about a conversation she heard of the Jewish family \*\*Meyer\*\* of \*\*Konitz\*\*, which concerned the young Winter. At the end of the protocol, \*\*Wehn\*\* wrote in his own hand that the witness finally retracted her entire statement which she had just made. But this witness was heard again later, in the jury-court proceedings against the worker \*\*Masloff(2)\*\*. She declared with great astonishment that it had not occurred to her at all at that time to retract her statement. Herr \*\*Wehn\*\*, she said, merely asked her whether she was able to tell him exactly \*\*the day\*\* of the overheard conversation. This she answered in the negative, but immediately wished to add "I cannot give \[you\] the day." But already, at the word "no," Herr \*\*Wehn\*\* (she said) jumped up and screamed at her: "Then if you know nothing, see to it that you leave." -- In spite of these practices, he didn't get anywhere; \*\*Wehn\*\* wanted to achieve \*\*something\*\* positive -- for the exoneration of the Konitz Jews. Thus he suddenly came around to the opinion that only homosexuals could have committed the murder. Cunningly, the Jews knew how to steer suspicion onto a young master tailor whose father, having died a year previously, had been the single open anti-Semite in \*\*Konitz\*\* -- reason enough to impute all sorts of shameful things to his son now. Thus wrote the Jew \*\*Klausner\*\* in his paper, the \*Israelitische Wochenschrift\* \[Israelite Weekly Letter\] (Nr. 27, 1900) explicitly: "In \*\*Konitz\*\* things are even worse for the anti-Semites. Here the suspicion is legitimate that the murder was planned in advance and was performed with the intention of putting the blame for it on the Jews. The entire behavior of the anti-Semitic spokesmen and of the (297) anti-Semitic press compels \[us\] to accept this. . .anti-Semitism and criminality are identical concepts, insofar as there may well be criminals who are not anti-Semites But the young tailor soon dealt with his visible and invisible opponents. He was able to prove that he had made a pleasure trip out of the area with several gentlemen on the day of the murder until the nighttime. By his proposal, all these witnesses were questioned under oath by the investigating magistrate of the district court at \*\*Konitz\*\*, and he was left in peace from further defamation. The burial of the murdered gymnasium student took place during the period of activity of this extremely unusual Criminal Commissar. On 22 May, the State Attorney's Office had released the body parts which had been found. On \*\*Sunday, 27 May 1900\*\*, an aroused crowd of people numbering many thousands accompanied the remains to the grave at the Evangelical cemetery at \*\*Konitz\*\*. The burial of \*\*Winter\*\* was described by the Jews as an "animal show"! (According to the \*Germania\*, Nr. 127, 6 June 1900.) At around this time appeared the police Inspector \*\*Braun\*\*, likewise from Berlin, for the further support of the police forces. He shared with \*\*Wehn\*\* the view of excluding the Jews as perpetrators, but exceeded by far the ruthlessness of his Berlin colleague. For his part, Braun wrote: "I refrain \*\*as a matter of course\*\* from \[considering\] as the motive, the blood-accusation of ritual-murder, raised during the investigations by fanatics or the ignorant, which shames all of Christendom --since such \[an accusation\] can originate only from malice or dark superstition." -- In line with this principle, he conducted his activities, which belong to the most wretched of Jew-friendly maneuvers. After a zealous study of the documents, Braun put together a formal bill of indictment against the \*\*German\*\* head master butcher and \*\*Konitz\*\* town councilman \*\*Hoffmann\*\* and his fourteen-year-old (!) daughter, and handed them over to the State Attorney's Office in \*\*Konitz\*\*. The (298) Chief State's Attorney \*\*Settegast\*\* proposed the opening of the preliminary investigation against \*\*Hoffmann\*\* and his arrest! The investigating judge, Dr. \*\*Zimmerman\*\*, opened the preliminary investigation, after the previously long-standing examining judge, Councilor \*\*Schulze\*\*, apparently deemed not entirely "reliable," had suddenly been sent to Danzig. Inspector \*\*Braun\*\* declared that he would very soon bring the master butcher \*\*Hoffmann\*\* and his daughter to confess the murder, and there began the shameful doings against an old established and respected citizen and councilor of \*\*Konitz\*\*, which evoked the greatest outrage in all of Germany. In his defense statement(3), \*\*Hoffmann\*\* described in detail how the Jews and their helpers wanted to stamp him as a murderer by means of artificial agitation. The Braun indictment was also, of course, actually only an expression of that which the Jews had already contrived and been disseminating against the \*\*Hoffmann\*\* family long before: that \*\*Hoffmann\*\* had threatened Winter with killing him! The basis for this claim was the following insignificant incident: On an evening of the winter of 1899/1900, his daughter \*\*Anna\*\* was standing with two young people in front of the door of her father's place of business, which was located in the busiest part of the city. This did not please \*\*Hoffmann\*\*, and he called his daughter inside. Both young men were supposed to have been called louts by \*\*Hoffmann\*\* -- in any event they immediately removed themselves -- one of them was \*\*supposed\*\* to have been the young \*\*Winter\*\*. A teacher of \*\*Winter's\*\*, a gymnasium professor, stated that on the evening of the \*\*11th of March\*\*, thus on the day of the murder, he had heard the frightful scream of a human being \*\*from the synagogue\*\* toward half past seven. From this \*\*Braun\*\* drew the following astute conclusions: Next to the synagogue was located the wagon shed of Hoffmann; in this shed, between seven and eight o'clock in the evening, Winter and the fourteen-year-old \*\*Anna Hoffmann\*\* had immoral relations, her father, \*\*Hoffmann\*\* had surprised them, drawn a large butcher knife and had cut off \*\*Winter's\*\* head! (299) Now the meticulous \*\*Hoffmann\*\* had no reason at all to search for his daughter, since at the time in question she was to be found in the \*\*parental\*\* apartment! In any case, the \*\*German sector\*\* of the populace, for their part, came to the conviction that "the non-Jews in Prussia are still regarded only as second-class citizens" (Liebermann von Sonnenberg). The great animosity against the authorities, which finally took on riotous form, was explainable in no small part by the fact that nearly all statements made by non-Jews were looked upon as not credible, while Jewish statements were constantly viewed as flawless and as a consequence made use of! But how did the arrest of \*\*Hoffmann\*\* occur? The daughter, still a child, was supposed to be pressed into \[making\] an untrue accusation of her own father! In reality, the goings-on were much more scandalous yet: In the meantime, the populace of \*\*Konitz\*\* had banded together at the market in front of the police office and assumed a threatening attitude. Under these circumstances, it seemed advisable to Inspector Braun to no longer keep up the arrest, and he released father and daughter. Concerning the further course of the day, which signified a disgrace for imperial justice, \*\*Hoffmann\*\* wrote in his quoted letter: "On the evening of the same day, the Jews and friends of the Jews spread throughout the whole population \[the rumor\] that I was supposed to be arrested in the night. It was clear to me and my friends that it was desired to intentionally provoke unrest in the night thereby, (301) which they succeeded in doing. Up until then, only a few immature fellows had been calling out "Hepp, Hepp" in the streets in the darkness till ten o'clock, and now and then furtively broken a window pane. At the news of my arrest, however, several thousand adult and mostly married men assembled on their own in order to prevent the blow intended against all Christians by means of the arrest of my person. Each one of the thousands of serious men who filled the streets and squares, was aware that he, \*\*just as well as I today\*\*, could be \*\*made to appear as a murderer tomorrow before Herr Braun\*\*. They called out openly to the \*gendarmes\*: 'The Jews slaughter our children, the Jews profane our graves, and now even more Christians are supposed to be killed!' The married men placed themselves in front of the \*gendarmes\* and invited them to strike out at them. Only a people which has the profoundest conviction of my innocence, and which deeply feels the monstrosity of my being made to appear as a murderer, can behave in such a way." the \*\*Konitz\*\* court should be rendered in their essential points due to their importance: The \*\*Hoffmann\*\* episode in the \*\*Winter\*\* murder tragedy had reached its end. The \*\*actual\*\* victors here were also the Jews: if they did not succeed, as in the year \*\*1884\*\* in \*\*Skurz\*\*, in bringing a likewise innocent, non-Jewish butcher to the dock, they could still say: the judicial investigation due to the murder of \*\*Winter\*\* was not opened against any "of our people," but against a non-Jew, the authorities must think, therefore, the perpetrator or perpetrators are to be found only among non-Jews. And the actual Jewish and Jewish-slave papers and weeklies wrote in this vein -- but more than anything else, Jewry had achieved one \*\*essential result\*\*: suspicion had been diverted from the \*\*actual\*\* murderers for a sufficiently long time, to be able to thoroughly erase the traces of a blood-murder! #### The Murderers The \*\*murderers\*\* arrived in \*\*Konitz\*\* from every direction. One Jew came from out of Russia across \*\*Strasburg\*\* (West Prussia). The itinerary of several other Russian-Polish Jews was no longer able to be determined. In addition, a number of Jewish \*\*ritual-slaughterers\*\* or \*\*religious officials\*\* arrived from \*\*various\*\* parts of West Prussia and Posen. The Russian-Polish Jews were likewise \*\*ritual-slaughterers\*\* or \*\*religious officials\*\*. In particular, one man was conspicuous, who limped and had smallpox scars on his face(4). According to the honor accorded to him by other Jews, he seemed to be a "light of Israel." Already from Saturday evening on, some of the murderers arrived inconspicuously through both of the entrances in the Levy house and lay in wait for the appearance of the victim. Three young non-Jews did not walk into the trap; only the harmless and unsuspecting \*\*Winter\*\*, who already was long since enmeshed, entered the \*\*Levy\*\* premises on Sunday at about six in the evening and was overpowered! He was kept in a gagged condition up until the \*\*ritual\*\* slaughtering, carried out at a somewhat later time, and at which \*\*all\*\* the murderers appeared when darkness fell. With a knife the \*schächter\* cut through the neck and the neck vessels directly to the trunk. After the blood had run completely out of the body, the corpse was properly dismembered. The conformity of Winter's murder with the ritual-murder of the boy \*\*Cybulla\*\* in \*\*Skurz\*\* which occurred in the year \*\*1884\*\* is striking: at both murders the disarticulation of the thighs was performed with the greatest skill, and the opening of the abdominal cavity was also carried out with the most exact concordance, and in particular in both cases with one cut which passed along the right side of the navel; also, the absence of individual parts of the body is characteristic -- these conformities, extending to individual details, allow the presumption that \*\*both victims\*\* were dismembered by \*\*one and the same person\*\*, who possessed great expertise and experience in the proper dismemberment of the human body! At the request of the prosecutor's office, the Berlin physicians Drs. \*\*Mittenzweig\*\* and \*\*Störmer\*\* undertook in \*\*Konitz\*\* the \*\*post-autopsy examination\*\* of Winter's body parts; both doctors totally agreed with the \*\*Konitz\*\* physicians, but expanded upon their expert opinion in the most essential point: that the body parts were \*\*completely empty of blood!\*\* The Berlin physicians determined: - that the killing of Winter took place by means of cutting into the neck and cutting through the large vessels of the neck, - \*\*2.\*\* that Winter met his death through \*\*external bleeding\*\* from the incised neck vessels. - \*\*3.\*\* that the cutting up of the body was effected by means of knife and saw \*\*by an expert hand\*\* and - \*\*4.\*\* that the \*\*complete exsanguination\*\* of the parts of the body was already done when the parts were wrapped up and sunk in the lake. #### The Witnesses - 1. the farmer H. In January, the Jewish merchant C. said to the unmarried farmer H., a young man in the prime of health, after first inquiring as to whether H. truly was in complete health: "You have good blood, you are good for it. .."; after H. asked what that was supposed to mean, C. replied: "The blood is costly this year, it's costing us a half million Marks" (6); - 3. the case of the worker Laskowski of Frankenhagen; Eight days before the murder of Winter, Moritz Levy had purchased a cow from the farmer Grabowicz in Frankenhagen and thereupon demanded especially forcefully, that a young and strapping farmhand, Tucchinski, should deliver the cow in Konitz on the Sunday. 11 March. On (306) the forenoon of the day of the murder, the 11th of March, when Winter still had not been lured into the trap, both young Levys drove to farmer Grabowicz and heard that not Tucchinski, but rather the worker Laskowski was given the task of getting the cow to Konitz. The Levys then made the utmost effort to bring about a modification of this arrangement, which was, however, no longer possible. Moritz Levy instructed the worker to tie the animal preferably in the inn and then pick up his fee for driving \[the cow\]. But he was supposed to come through the rear courtyard door. Since Laskowski was not familiar with the location, he entered the Levy property through the front door by mistake, and thus escaped the fate which a few hours later was intended for the gymnasium student \*\*Winter\*\*. The worker \*\*Laskowski\*\* declared in his statement before the court: "...I had a great feeling of anxiety at the time, it seemed so \*\*eerie\*\* to me, the entire bearing of \*\*Levy\*\* imbued me with a \*\*horror\*\*, as if they wished to do me evil. In the room (behind the store) I heard old man Levy murmuring in a conversation with the rest of them. I heard the words: 'Is the matter arranged?...tie the legs...Monk Lake!' When I heard these words, a mortal terror came over me. I was now asked whether I was married. I said yes, I have five children. I then heard, still in the room there, the words: 'Catch hold soon...wouldn't like to take long..." -- That he got to the street again alive, \*\*Laskowski\*\* owed only to the circumstance that a customer suddenly came in and so the Jews were kept from their attack! In \*\*October 1899\*\*, the raft master \*\*Steincke\*\* from \*\*Prechlau\*\*, the birthplace of Winter, had a memorable conversation there with the Jewish ritual-slaughterer \*\*Eisenstädt\*\*. He was buying meat at this butcher's place and came to speak of the Winter family. When he offered the opinion that the gymnasium student \*\*Winter\*\* was a nice fellow, Eisenstädt said: "Yes, he's good for slaughtering!" \*\*Steincke\*\*, laughing, replied to this: "Now, he's too young for that, he has hardly any meat!" to which this \*\*Eisenstädt\*\* responded: "That doesn't matter, for he's got \*\*blood\*\* to give! In (307) itself, one could regard this expression merely as a bad joke; an entirely different aspect is put on it, however, if one considers that \*\*Winter\*\* was in fact ritually slaughtered some months later, and that \*\*Eisenstädt\*\*, on the day of the slaughter, the \*\*11th of March 1900\*\*, himself appeared in \*\*Konitz\*\* and returned to \*\*Prechlau\*\* just on the Monday. He was bringing along a little box with very nastysmelling contents, a box which disappeared immediately when strangers began to take notice of it! - 1. the brother of the \*\*Prechlau Eisenstädt\*\*, the \*\*Schlochau Eisenstädt\*\*, left the Catholic hospital (Borromäus-Stift) at \*\*Konitz\*\* on the evening of 11 March, and remained away the entire night, from the 11th to the 12th of March, as could be proved on the basis of the entries in the institution's books! Some days later, he demanded a certification from the sisters of the institution that he had spent the night in question in the hospital (sworn statement of the sisters of the order who were involved); - 2. the \*schächter\* \[ritual-slaughterer\] \*\*Hamburger\*\* from \*\*Schlochau\*\* arrived in \*\*Konitz\*\* at noon of \*\*11 March\*\*, returned to \*\*Schlochau\*\* at \*\*8:40 P.M.\*\* in the evening on train 212, took a wagon there, drove back to \*\*Konitz\*\* again, and at his return on \*\*12 March\*\* had loaded a box, which he dragged into the forest in the vicinity of the Schlochau Lake. After some time, he came back without this box and climbed into his wagon \[which moved off\] in the direction of Schlochau; - 4. the schächter from Czersk likewise arrived in Konitz on 11 March \*\*5.\*\* the \*schächter\* from R. (The place name was not written out!). This man had a full beard, but returned without the beard, and with a large bruise on his face; The station assistant from \*\*Konitz\*\* said later, likewise under oath, that \*\*not ever before\*\* had \*\*so many Jews\*\* come into the place as on the day of the murder! In addition, the conversations of other Jews were heard, which allowed the conclusion to be made \[that there was\] \*\*far-reaching complicity and knowledge\*\* \[of the crime\]! As already mentioned, the right arm of the murder victim was discovered on 15 March at the Evangelical churchyard, and the head on 15 April in the meadow at the city woods. Now the Jewish merchant Israelski was seen: as, on the morning of 15 March, toward six fifteen, he was walking to the said churchyard with a sack in which there was a longish object after the manner of \[a loaf of\] bread, (309) and as he returned, around six forty-five, with the empty sack rolled up. -- On Good Friday, the 13th of April, the same Jew was seen, as he was walking in the direction of the city woods with a sack in which a round object -- like a head of cabbage, perhaps -- was lying, and as, after some time \[had passed\], he returned with dirty boots and the empty sack under his arm. But the chief witness, the worker \*\*Masloff\*\*, found himself located at the hour of the crime at the murder-cellar, and was able to observe the actions of the murderers outside of the cellar from his own vantage point. His incriminating statements given on 8 June 1900 before the examining judge at the district court in \*\*Konitz\*\*, Dr. \*\*Zimmermann\*\*, should be reproduced exactly. \*\*Masloff\*\* stated the following to the record: "On \*\*Sunday\*\*, the \*\*11th of March\*\*, toward ten o'clock in the evening, I was walking home alone from the residence of my brother-in-law \*\*Berg\*\*. In Danzig Street, I lost the stopper of my snuff glass. I stooped down, it was right in front of a cellar window (of the Levy premises); I heard several voices in the cellar but was able to understand nothing, or even see into the cellar, because it was totally dark and the window appeared to me to be covered. I went to the next window of the same house, this was uncovered. A weak glow of light penetrated through this. The conversation was being carried on in the cellar; I thought perhaps to be able hear more from the street in the rear and went there. I turned into the Mauerstraße at \*\*Hoffmann\*\*'s(7) and eavesdropped at the individual gate wings. There, where I was hearing voices behind the gate wing, I knelt down on the ground and listened. I heard the voices of many people, and in between (310) also a \*\*gasping\*\* sound. In any case, it was a \*\*gurgling\*\* sound. After approximately five minutes a door was opened in the interior of the courtyard, and out of the door opening a man stepped into the yard. I clearly recognized this man as that person whom I later got to know as the old \*\*Levy\*\*. \*\*Levy\*\* remained standing in the yard with his head stretched forward, in a listening posture. When \*\*Levy\*\* had been standing there for about five minutes, two other men came through the door. While old \*\*Levy\*\* and both of the others were standing there in the yard, there was still further speaking from other people behind them. Also, I now was still hearing the \*\*gurgling noise\*\*. . ." Go to Konitz/Page 2 or Back to Table of Contents # Konitz 1900 ----- ----- Page 2 In \*\*Polzin\*\* (Pomerania) lived a relative of the \*\*Konitz Levys\*\*. As was proved, he was present in \*\*Konitz\*\* with them on \*\*11 March\*\*. On his return, he brought along a \*\*little flask of blood\*\*. He was not arrested! In \*\*Prechlau\*\*, on \*\*11 June 1900\*\*, the father of the victim received a letter whose handwriting pointed to a "leading" \*\*Konitz Jew\*\* -- but this Jew, too, was not bothered \[by the authorities\]! The letter, whose \*\*photocopy\*\* is still preserved, has the following text (after removal of numerous mistakes in spelling): #### "To Herr \*\*Winter\*\* in \*\*Prechlau\*\* On the basis of these prominently demonstrated facts, which represent only a \*\*fraction\*\* of the events mostly already investigated in the court documents, the father of the murdered boy made application at the State Attorney's office at \*\*Konitz\*\* in \*\*November 1900\*\* to initiate \*\*criminal proceedings\*\* against the Jewish \*schächter\* \*\*Levy\*\* and his son Moritz for \*\*aiding and abetting at the murder of his son\*\*. #### (312) The Law Court The procedure of the examining judge, Dr. \*\*Zimmermann\*\*, against the master butcher \*\*Hoffmann\*\*, has already been treated in detail; as we recall, at the end of May the proceedings against \*\*Hoffmann\*\* as the presumptive perpetrator reached a critical point, in that the formal preliminary investigation was opened against this victim of Jewish diversionary tactics! But after the proceedings had had to be stayed, the investigation was carried on under the designation "Winter murder case." Since all tracks clearly pointed, \*\*totally\*\* independently from one another, at the house of the Jewish \*schächter\* Adolf \*\*Levy\*\*, the judicial investigation, with every \[attempt for the\] sparing of Jewry, had to finally concern itself with the \*\*Levy\*\* family. To the greatest shock of town and country, the examining judge, Dr. \*\*Zimmermann\*\*, adopted a course which ran directly counter to public sentiment. Thus -- to set out \*\*only a few\*\* especially characteristic examples of these corrupt "investigative" proceedings -- several witnesses were arrested in the most ruthless manner, and indeed, witnesses who had affirmed under oath facts strongly incriminating the \*\*Levy\*\* family. #### a) The Speisiger trial a two-hour recess during which \*\*Speisiger\*\* was locked in the court building! In the course of this entire day he received no nourishment and was finally arrested at night by the order of Dr. \*\*Zimmermann\*\*! On \*\*6 October\*\* -- Speisiger had meanwhile sat in custody for a full quarter year -- the Speisiger trial was heard before the criminal court of the \*\*Konitz\*\* district court; \*\*Speisiger\*\* was fully exonerated in the course of the trial! Moritz \*\*Levy\*\*, questioned as a "witness," was arrested while still in the courtroom, for intentional perjury! (313) -- At the least, he had succeeded in damaging a young innocent person in the worst way, who was soon supposed to take on a public office. Moreover, this victim was not financially compensated in any way! #### \*\*b)\*\* The \*\*Masloff\*\* trial. The extremely important observations of the worker \*\*Masloff\*\* should have sufficed by themselves alone for the arrest of the \*\*Levys\*\*. Consequently, \*\*Masloff\*\* had to be silenced, since \[attempts at\] bribery had had no success! Zimmermann now tried to wear down the prosecution witnesses by his own methods, in hours-long, continuously repeated interrogations. Even here the witness was arrested, again because of perjury! In order to intimidate further witnesses who had willingly placed themselves at the disposal \[of the court\], every effort was made. The family members of the main prosecution witnesses were likewise arrested! The chief state's attorney, \*\*Settegast\*\*, filed charges of perjury against: \*\*1.\*\* the worker \*\*Masloff\*\*, \*\*2.\*\* Frau \*\*Masloff\*\*, \*\*3.\*\* the sister of Frau \*\*Masloff\*\* and \*\*4.\*\* the mother-in-law of Masloff. The court sessions, one summoned during the day and one at night, amounted to this, that the observations stated by \*\*Masloff\*\* were quite possible -- the decision given by the jurors was obscured and \*\*falsified\*\* by the Jewish press, so that the defense counsel of the \*\*Masloff\*\* family saw themselves forced to bring to the attention of the general public, in a \*\*message\*\* sent to the \*Konitzer Tageblatt\*, (314) the depositions of the \*\*Masloff\*\* couple, which were true according to the deliberation by the jury. (8) the very least perjury proceedings would be contrived against him -- if not worse still, as in the \*\*Hoffmann\*\* case! The examining judge \*\*Zimmerman\*\* emerged as a veritable bogey man; in hourslong sessions, witnesses whom he got into his grasp were questioned until they were totally exhausted and intimidated, became tangled into supposed contradictions and stood on the verge of prison! Next to the Chief State's Attorney \*\*Settegast\*\* was the Attorney General \*\*Lautsch\*\* of the West Prussian highland district of Marienwerder as the representative of the prosecution authorities. For him, as well, the valid theorem was: non-Jews are suspect, Jews, on the contrary, are credible and honorable witnesses! In the \*\*Masloff\*\* trial, he did his part at a decisive point \[of the trial\] of designating \*\*the entire Levy family\*\* as worthy of belief, although not three weeks previously, at the occasion of the \*\*Speisiger\*\* trial, a member of this bunch, \*\*Moritz Levy\*\*, the so-called \*\*"Pince-nez Levy"\*\*, had been taken into custody from the courtroom due to intentional perjury! And the appearance of this representative of "German" justice profoundly aroused the non-Jewish segment of the population! And the result of these judicial efforts? It did not succeed in saddling a non-Jew with the bestial crime, although the infamous tactics of the entire Jewish-inspired proceedings aimed at doing so -- but also, a preliminary investigation against \*\*no Jew\*\* whatsoever for the murder of \*\*Winter\*\* was opened, (315) and that was the decisive thing, the actual triumph of Jewish influence and lobbying! It makes one's face redden still today, that "German" judges, who came from the folk and who had been trained at German schools of higher education for service to these very folk, had, devoid of any healthy sentiment and understanding, succumbed to the Jewish spirit: \*\*Xanten\*\*, \*\*Skurz, Polna\*\*, and \*\*Konitz\*\* signify \*\*historic\*\* as well as \*\*judicial\*\* facts, which cannot be contested! Why did nothing come of \[the events of\] \*\*Konitz\*\*, either? -- We can formulate the answer in one sentence: \*\*because at that time nothing was supposed to come of it!\*\* Besides the Criminal Commissars mentioned, in the course of those memorable months a series of higher -- very much higher -- officials and very learned and secret gentlemen surfaced in \*\*Konitz\*\*, to "discuss" the case in long, very long conferences, which took place behind locked and guarded doors! What was being said privately among the essentially illiterate and less secret, honest Konitz citizens, was that the gentlemen: Ministerial Director \*\*Lucas\*\*, Privy Supreme Justice Councillor \*\*Przewlocka\*\*, Privy Councillor \*\*Maubach\*\*, -- naturally, all from Berlin --, the Senate President \*\*Hasenstein\*\* (see!) and the Attorney General \*\*Wulff\*\* from Marienwerder (West Prussia), tacitly joined in the opinion of the gentlemen: \*\*Deditius, Wehn, Braun, Zimmermann,\*\* and \*\*Settegast\*\* -- to wit, that only the completely "uneducated folk" could accept the "medieval fairy-tale" of blood-murder as their opinion, while legal people were freeing themselves of this prejudice, which, again, means that they had rejected in advance a Jewish perpetration \[of the murder\]! #### Deditius It's necessary in this connection to bring closer attention to the person and behavior of the Mayor of \*\*Konitz\*\*, in order to uncover his unwholesome influence, also, on the course of the proceedings. \*\*Deditius\*\*, earlier Mayor of the Silesian city of \*\*Strehlen\*\*, had made himself unbearable there by his all too openly displayed Jewish-friendly attitude, and he preferred to favor \[with his presence\] the West Prussian city of \*\*Konitz\*\*, as its head. The fate of the investigation lay to a great -- if not decisive -- extent, in the hands of this man, who, in his capacity as head of the city, also functioned simultaneously as \*\*Chief of Police\*\*, for the initiative of the discovery of crime was incumbent upon the \*\*local\*\* police authorities, who were authorized to act independently. The next step, the \*\*house searches\*\*, were -- as far as \*\*Jewish\*\* property was concerned -- conducted sloppily and superficially! After it was unavoidable that the (317) \*\*Levy\*\* premises, the den of murderers, be inspected, the Jewess \*\*Levy\*\*, who allegedly was not feeling well, was allowed to remain lying peacefully in bed, although this circumstance had to have been highly suspicious, indeed this Jewess was able to conceal extremely incriminating evidence! At house searches arranged later, naturally even less was discovered, for one can characterize the first, cursory "visits" as plain warning signals! As we recall, some Konitz gentlemen offered their good hunting dogs to assist the searches, especially for finding the body parts of the murder victim: \*\*Deditius declined\*\* with the suggestion that the gentlemen could go in the houses themselves and search with their dogs, if they absolutely wanted to do that! -- one was supposed to believe that the decisions about domestic law were still currently the mayor's! But the same \*\*Deditius\*\* personally beat with a whip young people who had given unequivocal public expression to their opinion on the occasion of \*\*Hoffmann\*\*'s arrest, in the police building, after they had first been rendered defenseless! The same \*\*Deditius\*\*, without being rebuked, entered extremely subjective comments into the protocol records in his own hand instead of leaving this judgement to the \*\*judicial\*\* authorities! For rounding out this portrait the case of a \*\*witness interrogation\*\* should still be briefly touched upon, which can be described as typical. -- A respected and honorable \*\*Konitz\*\* citizen made \*\*very important observations\*\* on the day of the murder and on the day after, which related to the presence of \*\*Polish Jews, ritual-slaughterers\*\*, and \*\*rabbis\*\* in the city of \*\*Konitz\*\*, as a \*\*collusion\*\* of several \*\*Konitz\*\* Jews. He was relating his observations at a table of his friends, and a listener reported what he'd heard to the court. The citizen concerned was summoned as a witness. In the between-time of only a few days, the secret Jewish intelligence service, which pursued every witness with the greatest attention and so then attempted to deal with him accordingly, had learned of this. The Jews threatened him with economic ruin; various orders which the witness had received from Jews were cancelled with innuendos which were not to be misunderstood, everything was tried in order to bring injury to the man. At the police bureau, he was (318) questioned by \*\*Deditius\*\* and the notorious Commissar \*\*Wehn\*\* jointly; the Mayor sought to make clear to him -- this time in an adroitly jovial manner, that his observations could have been based upon mere \*\*delusions\*\*, without the witness even being heard to the end \[of his statement\]! This cosy treatment of the matter did not soothe the conscience of this Konitz citizen, and he spoke on. But now \*\*Wehn\*\* brought out the heavy artillery, without hesitation declared the witness to be biased, his statements to be contradictory, and by no means credible! The witness hardly noted what was written down and merely went home with the conviction that statements against the Jews would \*\*not\*\* find the expected appreciation from the authorities and moreover, would be \*\*very dangerous\*\*. \\\_\\\_\\\_\\\_\\\_ In \*\*September 1901\*\* the proceedings against the \*\*Levys\*\* were stayed; in \*\*June 1902\*\* the complaint of the father of \*\*Winter\*\* was finally rejected by the \*Oberlandesgericht\* \[upper regional court\] of Marienwerder "and thereby also the blood accusation against the Jews" (\*Jüdisches Lexicon III\* \[Jewish Lexicon III\]), and in \*\*October 1903\*\*, in conclusion, \*\*Moritz Levy\*\*, arrested in the \*\*Speisiger\*\* trial on account of intentional perjury and sentenced in \*\*1901\*\* to four years incarceration, was "pardoned"! The Jewish dictionary (\*III\*, 842/843) finally notes: "The \*\*truth\*\* about the murdering of Winter has, despite a reward of 20,000 Marks offered by the state attorney's office, remained unsolved. As a result of the arousal of \*\*the anti-Semitic mood\*\* in \*\*Konitz\*\* in connection with this murder case, many Jews abandoned the city." -- That is correct, for up till the year \*\*1903\*\*, not fewer than 130 Jews emigrated from Konitz. . . But a Jewess had better knowledge of the fate of Winter (322) than those "in charge of" the "Konitz case": Under the headline "Ritual murder solved after 38 years," the Dresden Freiheitskampf \[Freedom Struggle\] reported in its Nr. 349 issue of 1938: "Dirschau, 18 December 1938. -- The murder of the high school student Ernst Winter in Konitz, which aroused enormous excitement and set loose a wave of outrage in Germany and in the entire world around the turn of the century due to the mysterious circumstances which accompanied the crime, has now, after 38 years, been surprisingly cleared up. At the clearing out of the ground level of a house which was in Jewish possession since 1900, the letter of an accessory to the crime was discovered, from which it emerges without a doubt that Ernst Winter fell victim to a Jewish ritual-murder." -- The Jew Hartwig had bought this property in Konitz around the turn of the century. The letter, which was found by a fortunate accident when the ground floor of the house was being cleared out, reads: "Ernst Winter has been sacrificed in Konitz, and woe unto Israel, three times woe, if it does not abandon the blood-sacrifice. We will remain pariahs as long as it remains. It is indeed murder!... A Jewess and accessory, but an unhappy one. M 1900." Or is it supposed to be only an accident that, after the Jewish 'successes' in \*\*Skurz\*\* and \*\*Xanten\*\*, three ritual-murders occurred within three years? to entirely definite instructions from a secret Jewish headquarters, at the highest level! From Polna the threads run across Prague to Vienna, from Konitz, as a result of its particular location, directly toward Poland -- to the ghetto of this infernal pestilence! It cannot be subject to any doubt at all, that the limping and smallpox-scarred Jewish monster of the Polna (323) trial is one and the same person with the limping, ape-like Jew, who was conspicuous in Konitz as much because of his especial ugliness as because of the deference of honor shown to him. This Jew, whom the tailor Josef Strnad from Polna described very graphically in his recorded witness statement(11): ". . .at once I noticed a strange Jew was approaching us on the street, and when I was able to recognize his face, I stepped toward Cink and said: 'he has a face like an ape'. . . This Jew had a longer, light-colored coat, black hat and dark pants. In stature he was rather tall, his face had a dark expression, his black full beard was of middle length, he dragged his right foot behind him. . . " is a high Jewish religious official who was the contact man! Had the authorities in Polna or Konitz quickly seized their opportunity, then this reptile, who made certain of the proper performance of, and provided support for, respectively, the ritual slaughtering of the victim, could have been arrested on the spot and delivered up to closer examination, and they would have been able to find the key to the mystery! But of course we have gotten to know the \*\*system\*\* of public regulations -- for here, too, it's a matter of a system, of a plan inspired even down to its details! Let us think only of \*\*Skurz\*\* and \*\*Konitz\*\*: At the scene of the crime appears, after much precious time has gone by, a police official from \*\*Berlin\*\*, who takes away the steps of the investigation from the \*\*local\*\* authorities. The constitutional authorities, as state's attorney, court, and regional police, have a further function, to be sure: but actually, the whole center of gravity of the investigation shifts and arrives at the hands of the Berlin Commissars. \*\*Skurz\*\* had its \*\*Höft\*\* and \*\*Konitz\*\* its \*\*Wehn\*\* and \*\*Braun\*\*. Regarded objectively and factually, the activity of these gentlemen, particularly in the all-important time after the discovery of the body parts was \*\*first\*\* made, represents a \*\*protective wall\*\*, behind which the Jewish murderers and their assistants found time and the possibility of concealing the tracks of their culpability! And \*\*Polna\*\* as well! On his own initiative, the chief of the guards Josef \*\*Klenovec\*\* arrested the murderer \*\*Hilsner\*\* -- (324) but the Jew \*\*Reichenbach\*\*, set \*\*Hilsner\*\*, his racial comrade, at liberty once again. . . In \*\*Skurz\*\* and \*\*Konitz\*\* German butchers were accused of the horrific crime and placed in custody under unbelievable circumstances. In \*\*Skurz\*\*, the butcher \*\*Behrendt\*\*, who was not well off financially, sat in investigative custody innocent for a full year and was economically ruined thereby, the butcher \*\*Hoffmann\*\*, together with his daughter, was subjected to a shameful interrogation and was supposed to be at least injured socially -- but the opposite happened! The \*\*Jew\*\*, on the other hand, as member of the ruling caste and protected by it, remained \*\*untouchable\*\* In old Rome, the philosopher \*\*Seneca\*\* lamented: "The customs of this most vile people have already become so strong, that they have spread themselves in all nations; \*\*the conquered have impressed their laws upon the conquerors\*\*"(12) The same thing was repeated in the 20th century after Christ: \*\*the Aryan man had\*\* #### become a sacrificial animal! Yet hopeful beginnings of a reaction were already manifesting themselves. We recall the bold speech of the attorney Dr. Baxa in the Polna trial, which for the first time sought out the motives of the terrible crime. Even before the judicial investigative proceedings, the populace spontaneously boycotted Jewish businesses. But Konitz had a decisive effect, for the arousal of the people had reached its zenith. Is is not to be understood as a warning, when the then Jewishedited Dresdener Neuesten Nachrichten \[Dresden Most Up-to-date News\] on 13 November 1900 wrote: "... the presence of the military, however, held in check the tendency (!) to riot; on the other hand, in place of the noisy excitement (!) a quiet but for all that not less intensive frustration has entered the picture; it is still fermenting with utter forcefulness in the country, as all who know West Prussian attitudes confirm." But the Reichstag Deputy Liebermann von Sonnenberg became the advocate for the German cause. In December 1900, he wrote: "The conscience of the German people is not permitted to find peace!" (325) On 7 February 1901, he broached the subject of the Konitz blood-murder in the Reichstag(13). The "Vereinigung zur Aufklärung des Konitzer Mordes" (14) \[Union for the Solution of the Konitz Murder\] was created in Konitz by German city councillors, pastors, Landtag and Reichstag deputies, and the first practical measure, the "Self-help for the protection of our children," was propagated strictly within the bounds of the law. Occasionally there were stirrings in the German press, too: The articles of the Germania and of the Deutsches Volksblatt were already cited. Willi Buch, in his notes which have already been cited above, gives the following vivid picture out of the times around the turn of the century: "The ritual-murder of Konitz had caused fierce reactions. . .The anti-Semitic movement had become a genuine people's movement, with all its merits and weaknesses. The Jewish Question was the subject of conversations and kept emotions stirred up. There was no meeting which wasn't filled up, even to the last seat. . .Things were very lively, for the most part, due to the almost never absent opponents. . ." And in another passage: "It is very much typical that there was no reform movement since around 1900, which didn't have some sort of relationship to anti-Semitism." --It was the time when Edouard Drumont's Verjudetes Frankreich \[Judaized France\] appeared in the 142nd edition, after the attempt was made in vain to remove the author in a duel, and Henri Desportes published his Geheimnis des Blutes bei den Juden aller Zeiten \[Mystery of the Blood of the Jews in all Times\] in Paris! (326) also could be found, is not out of the question for anyone who has recognized this Jewish fanaticism as \*\*historic fact\*\*(15). Thus the \*Hammer\* of Theodor Fritsch reported, under the headlines: "Puzzling Murders and Disappearances of Persons" over and over again about the cases whose solution and further pursuit never was undertaken. From the notes of the \*Hammer\*, we shall select only those which at least allow the strong \*\*suspicion of a ritual crime\*\* to arise. 1910 On December 29, Helene Brix, who was in service with the Jewish riding equipment proprietor Salomons in Nassenheide near Stettin, vanished without a trace on the day before the final day of her service there. On 22 January 1913, therefore only after more than three years, her mutilated corpse was discovered in the bog at the Neuendorfer Lake. Head and arms of the body were missing; the father of the girl, who recognized the body as that of his daughter after the examination, (327) asserted that the underclothes were missing, although the parents still knew with certainty that their daughter had been wearing them. Subsequently, the circumstance was recalled that on the day after the disappearance of his daughter, the father Brix wanted to arrange a search with a police dog, but was prevented since Salomons assured him that a telegram had arrived according to which Helene was in Altdamm. This statement, whose verification demanded much precious time, subsequently proved to be untrue. Salomons sold his business soon after this event and went to ground in Berlin(16). 1911 The farmer's daughter Olga Hagel from Radolin was a servant of the Jewish factory owner Hirsekorn in Schönlanke. At the beginning of September of this year, she visited her parents and complained in bitter words about the behavior of the Jew toward her. She asked her mother to have her taken away again from this position. Her mother thought it proper that her daughter at least hold out until the end of the year; with this answer, the girl returned -- a few days later she "vanished" without her parents being informed! On 8 September the Jew finally brought himself to inform the police; on 12 September the body of the servant girl was pulled by an owner out of the Breitensteiner Lake, lying 18 kilometers distant. Her skirts were rolled over her head, on the left temple a finger-long wound gaped. The forensic autopsy took place only on the seventh day after the discovery of the body. The body contained not one drop of blood, the medical expert opinion found in the negative for suicide. Nevertheless, the state attorney's office of Schneidemühl presumed -- despite the finger-long wound -- despite the skirts rolled up and despite the body being empty of blood -- suicide and did not pursue the "matter" further ready-made clothing Jew Max \*\*Hirsch\*\* in \*\*Posen\*\*. The Posen Jewish paper, the \*Posener Neuesten Nachrichten\* filed the following scandalous report about his disappearance: That the young apprentice had received over 500 Marks from his master on the day before Pentecost, in order to make a payment. That \*\*Musial\*\* had presumably (!) had a good time with the money and had then fallen into the hands of a prostitute and had been slaughtered with the help of a pimp! -- Only a Jewish hack could actually spatter out that sort of garbage! The inquiries immediately initiated showed that the murdered youth had not received a penny from his superior, the Jew \*\*Hirsch\*\*, but on the contrary merely got handed a letter with the instructions to bring it to \*\*Wilda\*\*, a suburb of Posen. After our experiences to this point, we are hardly allowed to go wrong with the assumption that the victim was sent into a prepared trap in the observance of his task! In fact, in connection with this, the Jewish couple \*\*Szafranski\*\* was gravely accused and taken into investigative custody. The prosecution soon released the couple again, however, since "the investigation has yielded nothing incriminating." 45-year-old Jewish dealer lured a six-year-old girl, \*\*Agnes Kador\*\*, to himself and vanished with her. On \*\*22 April\*\* the \*\*body\*\*, \*\*emptied of blood\*\*, \*\*with the neck cut through\*\*, was found in the meadows near \*\*Lobsens\*\*. The populace which was present, in the state of greatest excitement, spoke openly of a new blood-murder. On the day of the kidnapping, numerous foreign, mostly Polish-speaking Jews had been noticed in the near vicinity of the place. The newspapers were cautious in their suggestions, any traces for the presumption of a crime were lacking. . . They explained that there could be no question of a blood-murder, since no serious wounds had been found on the body (in spite of the cut neck!). The authorities took no steps to clear up the incident. The first public announcement of the state attorney's office of (330) Schneidemühl concerning the disappearance of the child first ensued \*\*fourteen days\*\* after the incident(18). A "letter to the editor" relating to the \*\*Lobsens\*\* case (\*Hammer\*, Nr. 264, page 335) told that at the beginning of the eighties, on the \*Stubbenwiese\* at Ascherbude on the \*Ostbahn\*, between Filehne and In the first half of \*\*April\*\* (!) \*\*1913\*\* the servant Luise Schmidt of Hanover, the boy Waßmann of Elze (Hildesheim) and the worker Julius Schiefelbein of Niederfinow disappeared. The body of the latter was recovered in the Finow Canal at Eberswalde. The medical examination determined that there were not less than fifteen knife cuts. The affair became all the more mysterious when four masked men made an attempt to steal the body of Schiefelbein, in order, perhaps, to remove the traces of the crime. Also in this case nothing became known about the further results of the investigation! These few cases allow us to recognize sufficiently that up until the most recent times sinister powers were at work, which could make bold to still demand, as before, a blood-toll from non-Jewish humanity without they themselves ever having been called to account. Jewry had so far "emancipated" itself, that it placed itself outside of valid law by virtue of its own secret laws and in this officially recognized exceptional position understood how to evade the workings of universal law; consciousness of law and State were thereby certainly afflicted in their vital nerves! But once all accompanying circumstances were so positioned that the Jewish murder pestilence absolutely had to be understood in order to avoid people taking steps for self-help, then all those machinations repeated themselves in concentrated form, as we have gotten to know them in the preceding ritual-murder trials. Go to Chapter 9: Kiev Back to Table of Contents # Kiev 1911 ----- ----- Page 1 ### Andrei Yustschinsky The \*Kievskaya Mysl\* (\*Kiev Thought\*) gave the following report at the time about the discovery of the body: "When the body of the unfortunate boy was carried out of the pit, the crowd shuddered, and sobbing could be heard. The aspect of the slain victim was terrible. His face was dark blue and covered with blood, and a several windings of a strong cord, which cut into the skin, were wrapped around the arms. There were three wounds on the head, which all came from some kind of piercing tool. The same wounds were also on the face and on both sides of the neck. When the boy's shirt was lifted up, the chest, back, and abdomen showed the same piercing wounds. There were two stab wounds in the region of the heart, three on the body and several on the sides. The entire body showed approximately twenty wounds. All of the wounds were apparently inflicted upon the naked body, since the shirt showed no tears. \*\*The exposure of these wounds excited the greatest outrage among the crowd\*\*." The physicians rendering their expert opinions, the University professor, lecturer for forensic Medicine, \*\*Obolonski\*\* and the prosector at the same professorship, \*\*Tufanov\*\*, reached the following conclusions: - \*\*2.\*\* Likewise, the hands of the boy were bound and the mouth kept closed while he was living. - \*\*4.\*\* A stabbing or piercing object served as the instrument which made the wounds. A portion of the wounds were executed by means of an instrument in the form of an awl or of a stiletto of flat, rectangular shape with an edge of two sides sharpened like a chisel. All other wounds could also have been produced by the same instrument. The first piercing wounds were inflicted upon the boy in the head and neck, and the final ones were inflicted in the heart. With one of the heart-stabs, the blade penetrated the body up to the grip, which left behind an impression on the skin - 5. There had to have been \*\*several\*\* persons who participated in this crime. - \*\*6.\*\* The type of the instrument and the multiplicity of the wounds suggest that one of the goals of the murderers was to cause \*\*as much agonizing pain to Yustschinsky\*\* as possible.(337) - 7. There was not more than 1/3 of the entire amount of blood which remained in the body itself; \*\*the greatest portion of the blood\*\* escaped through the veins of the brain, the arteries at the left temple, and the neck veins. - \*\*8.\*\* The \*\*absence\*\* of traces of blood in the ditch where the body was discovered, its situation at the place of discovery, and other circumstances suggest that \*\*Yustschinsky\*\* was slain \*\*at another location\*\* and only afterwards dragged into the pit in a condition of \*rigor mortis\* and leaned up against its wall, and that therefore the place of discovery is \*\*not\*\* the scene of the crime. -- (We are reminded of \*\*Xanten\*\*, \*\*Skurz\*\*, \*\*Konitz\*\*, etc.) Sikorski, distinguished three peculiarities which preceded the murder: the gradual withdrawal of blood, the causing of special torments, and last of all the murder by a stab to the heart. The latter followed after the victim had served \[his purpose\] for the first two goals (withdrawal of blood, as an object for torturing) and when the nearness of death was recognized by the murderers. -- By the circumstance that all wounds were cold-bloodedly produced by a sure and calm hand, by a hand which was accustomed to the slaughtering of animals, Professor Sikorski saw in the technique of this murder an indication that the possibility of such an exact, emotionless and unhurried work was secured for the murderers in corresponding manner, and he came to the conclusion that the slaying of \*\*Yustschinsky\*\* represented an act which was carefully prepared and which was carried out according to plan under cautious supervision! The murder excited the public attention of all of Russia -- all the more, when similar events were known from the past, which showed a striking conformity with the existing case. On 13 May 1911, the Russian Duma was forced to occupy itself with an interpellation which concerned this murder of a boy and which contained the question as to whether the existence of a 'sect' which employed human blood was known to the government, and what it (338) was considering doing to suppress this 'sect.' The interpellations had enclosed a detailed autopsy report in the matter of the murder of the boy Emelyanov which occurred in 1893, from which it clearly emerged that this victim had been murdered according to every rule of ritual-slaughter. -- The reply of the Duma has not become known. At the last Russian trial concerning the attempted murder of the boy Vinzens Grudsinskoi, which had been committed on the night of 2 March (!) 1900, the Ministry of Justice had ordained that questions of ritual-murder were not to be raised! The people, in any case, were convinced that this most recent murder was also a link in the chain of crimes which were all carried out according to a definite system and for a particular purpose. !\[\](\_page\_226\_Picture\_2.jpeg) since not the slightest suspicion for her guilt had resulted. Then again, suspicion was directed upon the step-father, who was supposed to have committed the murder in order to free himself from his obligation to support \[the child\], and then finally, upon other relatives of the murdered boy. This all happened at the instigation of the press-Jew \*\*Borchevsky\*\*, who had a compliant instrument in the corrupted police chief \*\*Mischtschuk\*\*. As then later emerged from the speech of the prosecutor, "\*\*Mischtschuk had been ordered to believe\*\*, and he did believe; he believed that the mother (339) inflicted 47 stab wounds on her child and got rid of him in a sack(2). . . down! As official of the investigation "a new power" appeared "from outside" -the method is sufficiently familiar \[to us\]! -- the Commissar \*\*Kunzevitch\*\*; he preferred to stay in the Grand hotel of \*\*Kiev\*\* and to place his name merely among \*\*press reports\*\*. He too was bought! Then the "secret policeman" \*\*Krazovski\*\* entered the picture, "an able person, who not only was capable of exposing the crime, but also certainly did actually expose it, \*\*yet found advantage for himself in keeping to himself his knowledge of the decisive pieces \[of evidence\]"(3)\*\*. . . With that, judgement is expressed concerning these kind of 'investigations,' which merely pursued the goal, in alliance with the Jewish press, of drawing away from the tracks of the \*\*actual\*\* murderers, of gaining time and hopelessly confusing the entire affair, so that even non-Jewish newspapers finally produced completely distorted reports. But they had not reckoned with the \*\*youth\*\* of \*\*Kiev\*\*, "who, stirred within by the crime, held it to be his duty to help with the solution of the case. I am proud to name \*\*Golubov\*\*. He distinguished himself from the other parties by the fact that he \*\*really honorably, unselfishly\*\* dedicated himself to the mission, and had to put up with the mockery and the laughter, indeed, the \*\*danger to his life\*\* from the Jews.\\\_ (4)" Although the property could have been cordoned off and searched very easily without a large police team immediately after the discovery of the body in the clay pit, nothing of the sort happened. It was striking that on the day of the murder, the \*\*12th of March\*\*, \*\*no\*\* work was performed in the brickyard. The property there was deserted. Work was taken up again just afterwards. The inner walls of a shed of the brickyard were suddenly given a new coat of whitewash. . . The people knew for a long time where the murderers were to be found -- in spite of the tactics of confusion of the Jewish press. Quite striking, if not to say incriminating, was the behavior of the \*\*baptized\*\* Jew \*\*Breitmann\*\*, the publisher of the Jewish paper \*Poslyednich novostyey\*, which sought to divert the ever thickening suspicion from the brickyard, to gypsies who were travelling nearby. In his nervous activity, one mistake slipped by him: he accused the gypsies of the \*\*blood-\*\* \*\*superstition!\*\* The populace had a sharp ear and asked ironically -- according to the words of the prosecutor -- "How can you believe in the use of blood by the Jews, while a \*\*former\*\* Jew points at the gypsies, among whom a blood-superstition is supposed to exist? Let one note: no Russian is pointing at them, but a baptized Jew!" (343) According to the information of Theodor Fritsch, a Salomon Schneerson was condemned to death in 1797 due to a blood-murder proven in all details, brought in chains to Petersburg, but here freed thanks to his influential tribal comrade Petretz. A grandson of Salomon Schneerson, Mendel Schneerson, was involved in a blood-murder trial in 1852 in Saratov. In December 1852, the boy Chestobitov, and in January 1853 likewise a youth, Masslov, both from the poorest classes of Russia, had been kidnapped in the government capital city of Saratov. Their bodies, with countless wounds, were later washed up on the banks of the Volga; both showed signs of circumcision. After proceedings had been tried, the trial had to be postponed for years, just in 1860 -- therefore after eight years (respectively, seven years), of four strongly incriminated Jews, among them Mendel Schneerson, three were supposed to be sent into exile to Siberia, from which their allegedly poor condition of health was spared, however. According to information in the Jewish Lexicon, the Alliance Israélite Universelle intervened with the Russian envoy in Paris in favor of the "unjustly condemned Jews"(9). The chief accused left prison already in 1867 at the instigation of the all too well known Crémieux, the specialist for that kind of trial, since merely "superstitious motives" were accepted! A son of this Mendel, Shalom-Bähr, was held to be a Hassidic 'prophet' to whom the Jews made pilgrimages, his brother Bunya filled the office of ritual-slaughterer. His nephew, finally, was that Faivel who, as was proven, stayed with Mendel Beilis, then mysteriously disappeared, but immediately surfaced again when the danger seemed eliminated for himself personally -- in order to present himself as a witness! "One (344) is allowed to assume that he knew more of the murder than all of those who escaped with their lives know in totality. But it is pure irony to question the man as a witness in this trial, instead of placing charges against him. His statements will m ". . .Like all those witnesses who escaped with their lives" -- what does this mean? We prod our memory, so poor in such matters, and find that in the Trent trial in the year \*\*1475\*\*, poison played a large role, and then, for example, in the great \*\*Hilsner\*\* trial in Kuttenberg in Bohemia (\*\*1899\*\*) a witness (Marie Pernicek), who had given very essential evidence under oath to the protocol, perished a short time later under the most tortured symptoms of having been poisoned and thus had been rendered 'harmless' forever! In \*\*Kiev\*\* these things were repeated, only with the difference that international Jewish criminality went to work still more thoroughly. Next, a tribal comrade was gathered to his patriarchs -- a not entirely rare phenomenon (Moses Abu-el-Afieh, Damascus; Samuel Rosenthal from Kamin), how interesting and rewarding a task it would be for a criminalist to collect all those cases for once, in which Jews who were held to be not completely 'reliable,' were 'liquidated' by other Jews for reasons of caution! -- The old Jew \*\*Tartakovski\*\*, living as a sub-tenant with other Jews in the vicinity of the brickyard, is supposed to have loved \*\*Andrusha\*\* very much -- possibly (certain later statements indicate this) he warned the child, when the \*schächter\* Schneerson was staying with \*\*Mendel Beilis\*\*, which \*\*Tartakovski\*\* believed must be a sign of impending disaster; in any case, directly after the death of \*\*Andrusha\*\*, this Jew began to make confused speeches and very soon was found strangled! The \*\*Cheberyakov\*\* family belonged to the few non-Jews who lived in the vicinity of this miserable property: the (345) husband, by trade a telegraph official, industrious, of unblemished reputation, as husband a pitiful figure -- his wife all the more resolute and dubious -- who also maintained close relations with the Jews. She invited her Jewish friends to small household entertainments, at which her husband was made drunk for the enjoyment of those present -- so much for this family Idyll! In any case, in their press, the Jews called this remarkable woman a "Lady MacBeth" but treated her otherwise very considerately, in conspicuous contrast to the other non-Jewish witnesses. One got the impression as if they were not entirely certain whether it might not finally occur to Mrs. \*\*Cheberyakov\*\* to say what she knew. This woman was the mother of three children, a young boy (Zhenya) and two girls (Valya and Ludmilla); early on the day of the murder, these three were awakened in the absence of their mother by \*\*Andrusha\*\*; they should go play with him in the clay pit. Having arrived there, they were approached from behind by the attendant \*\*Mendel Beilis\*\*. He seized the small \*\*Zhenya\*\*, who was able to tear himself loose, however, and \*\*Andrusha\*\*. Meanwhile, two more Jews, among them the young \*\*Beilis\*\*, were added to the group -- they had been stalking the children according to a plan! The little \*\*Valya\*\* still saw how \*\*Andrusha\*\* was dragged to the brickyard. This happened on the day of the murder, the \*\*20th of March\*\*. These statements of the children leaked out, although press and commissars had made an effort to take no notice of this! The student \*\*Golubov\*\* had then questioned the children once again and recorded their statements. On \*\*22 July\*\* (old calendar) \*\*Beilis\*\* was finally arrested together with Mrs. \*\*Cheberkov\*\*; her children were from that time on for the most part entrusted to the care of strange people. After one week the little ones fell critically ill with \*\*symptoms of poisoning\*\*, after the "secret commissar" \*\*Krasovski\*\* had "visited" them and brought them "pies"! Two children, \*\*Zhenya\*\* and \*\*Valya\*\*, died in quick succession, while \*\*Ludmilla\*\* slowly recovered only after many weeks - according to reports by the press, the children died of "dysentery"! Now the mother could be set free again -- the most important witnesses had been eliminated, the surviving child, (346) not able to be questioned for a long time, was besides under the influence of the dubious subject \*\*Krasovski\*\*. cautiously retreated(11) -- she was royally received by a "distinguished" society -naturally \*\*exclusively\*\* Jewish -- in the chief hotel of the city; one can thoroughly\\nimagine that they expressed their "profound sympathy" to the mother, only to become more clear then: The Jew \*\*Margolin\*\*, the later defense counsel of \*\*Mendel Beilis\*\* -- he had omitted for reasons of caution to properly register himself in \*\*Kharkov\*\* -- introduced himself (according to the prosecutor) to \*\*Cheberyakova\*\* as "Member of the \*Reichsrat\*" \[Council of the \*Reich\*\] and offered her the round sum of 40,000 Rubles, so that she might voluntarily \*\*accept the guilt herself for the murder of Andrusha\*\*. In front of the court, \*\*Margolin\*\* later in no way denied this monstrous proposal, but cynically explained that "every job must be paid for"! Cheberyakova therefore returned to Kiev and immediately had to watch her step, although, as mentioned, she was treated with a certain respect. Characteristically, (347) she broke off from her earlier Jewish dealings, she seemed at last cured by the terrible events! Shortly after the death of both of Cheberyakova's children, a stop was put to the plans of investigation official Mischtschuk, who had conducted the trial five months long in entirely the wrong direction. After his dismissal, he joined -- this may be taken as the conclusive assessment of his person -- that circle of press-Jews who had made a well-planned and expert investigation impossible from the beginning onwards. Mischtschuk now declared publicly that there could no longer be ritual-murder in the 20th century(!). He appeared before the court with new 'research,' from which the perfect innocence of the Jews was supposed to follow; nonetheless, it soon emerged that the former Commissar wished to lead the court astray with the most crude distortions. It succeeded in making short work of him and his accomplices in Kharkov. But only Mischtschuk himself was put in prison; with him, one exponent of Jewry had left the stage! #### The Beilis 'Trial' and the 'Intelligentsia of Europe' At the beginning of \*\*1912\*\*, charges were finally filed against \*\*Beilis\*\*. According to the \*Nordlivländischen Zeitung\* \[\*North Livonian Times\*\], in the documents charging Belis it reads: "\*\*Beilis\*\* is accused, according to arrangement with other \*\*still not\*\* discovered persons, \*\*with forethought\*\*, \*\*on the basis of religious superstition for ritual purposes\*\*, of having seized the boy \*\*Yustschinsky\*\*, who was playing with other children, and of having dragged him into a factory building. Here his accomplices bound \*\*Yustschinsky\*\*'s hands and stuffed his mouth and killed him by 47 stab wounds in the head, neck, and body. These woundings caused \*\*long and severe suffering\*\* and brought about \*\*a complete exsanguination\*\*." These maneuvers literally cost Jewry massive sums. Naturally, the German intelligentsia was also mobilized -- when had it not been misused! -- On 23 March 1912 there appeared a "Declaration" in the notorious \\\*Berliner Tageblatt \[Berlin Daily\] -- in the parlance of the people called "Jerusalemer Straßenblatt" \[Jerusalem Street Sheet\], signed by perhaps 200 personalities completely unfit to render an expert opinion on the question of ritual-murder, in which a sharply-worded position was taken "against an insane belief, which attributes to the Jews the use of human blood for ritual purposes." At the beginning, it sounds at first almost completely rational: "Whether this Jew (Mendel Beilis) is the murderer, concerning that we cannot judge. It would be illegitimate to anticipate a legal proceeding still pending, and besides that, one pending in a foreign state." In taking up the murder of Andrei Yustschinsky, however, it continues on then with the well-known tirade: "The agitation of the streets (13) has greedily snatched at this event and brazenly claimed that the boy Yustschinsky was slaughtered by Jews, in order to tap off his blood and to use this blood for ritual purposes, in accordance with an allegedly Jewish religious law. This madness, carried unscrupulously to the people, has again and again called forth terrible consequences from the Middle Ages right down to the most recent times. It has seduced the uneducated mass of the people \[into committing\] gruesome massacres of the Jews, and crowds, led astray by this madness, have (349) befouled themselves with the innocent blood of their fellow-man. And yet never has the mere shadow of a proof for the justification of this insane belief been produced. The most respected Christians knowledgeable about Jewish scripture have shown absolutely, that at no time were the Jews ever incited to the murder of their fellow-man by their religion. This article could just as well have had a \*\*Paul Nathan\*\* or a "famous writer" of the same race, as clerical authors -- but it was signed by, besides a half-hundred \*\*Christian\*\* theologians of all ranks, privy councillors, etc., among others by Prince \*\*Heinrich\*\* of Schönaich-Carolath, Count \*\*Posadovsky\*\*, the Reichstag President (351)The "living together rife with blessings for all segments \[of the populace\]" was experienced in the following decades not by the representatives of \*\*this\*\* intellectual direction, but by the \*\*non-Jewish\*\* corpus of the people in probably the most horrible way, in their own bodies(14). The Christian Theology Professor and Privy Church Councillor Dr. D. Rudolf Kittel in Leipzig, Rosenthalgasse 13, likewise one of the subscribers, in his letter originating in these years, Judenfeindschaft oder Gotteslästerung \[Hostility to the Jews or Blasphemy\] (Leipzig, 1914), in which he took a position as exponent of Judaism with extreme severity against Theodor Fritsch, expressed, like Sombart, his "gratitude for that which we owe Israel." -- "This gratitude will be powerful enough in any friend of the truth, to protect him from this danger (i.e., of 'throwing a stone upon Israel')." In his concluding remarks, Kittel blubbers on that "for their part, the German Jews are also happily prepared to offer that upon the altar of the Fatherland, which Germany demands from each of its citizens, and that the German Jews have rallied to the flag in great numbers. . ." -- So it seemed in the head of that German intelligentsia, who believed that they had to jump into the breach even for the "Russian Jews"! It was signed by -- to mention only a few more names -- furthermore, the actor Albert \*\*Bassermann\*\*, Richard \*\*Dehmel\*\*, Rudolf \*\*Eucken\*\*, Jena, writer Herbert \*\*Eulenberg\*\*, Berlin, Gerhart \*\*Hauptmann\*\*, Agnetendorf, \*\*Thomas Mann\*\*, Munich, Hermann \*\*Sudermann\*\*, Berlin -- he had formerly been tutor in Jewish families and journalistic colleague of the "estimable General of the Jewish Colonial Troops," \*\*Rickert\*\*, (see Sudermann's \*Bilderbuch meiner Jugend\* \[\*Picture Book of My Youth\*\], 1922), Ludwig \*\*Thoma\*\*, Munich, authoress Clara \*\*Viebig\*\*, and last but not least -- the "Christian" \*Talmud\* translator and senior master at a girls' school, Professor Dr. August \*\*Wünsche\*\* of Dresden, who on the occasion of the Tisza-Eszlár ritual-murder trial of \*\*1882\*\* (352) had once already given testimony(15) against the "\*\*bloodaccusation\*\* of the Jews," just as the Privy Councillor Friedrich \*\*Delitzsche\*\*, University professor, Berlin, whose father \*\*Franz Delitzsche\*\* (1890) had likewise rendered an 'expert opinion' against the blood-accusation!(16) The stereotypical phrases contained in this "Declaration" of a Jewish loaf-about, like "Medieval madness," "leading astray," "craziness," "insane belief," "moral progress," "persecution of the Jews," "innocent Jewish blood," "most respected scholars," "Christian scholars," "cultural world," and so forth, have become wearisome for us -- nevertheless, their longevity seems to be boundless, for the same old chestnuts, only a little up-dated, still adorn today, in well-paid reanimation, the part of the world controlled by Jews -- and that is not inconsiderable! "Christians knowledgeable about the Jewish scriptures. . ." -- this is naturally first and foremost meant to suggest August \*\*Wünsche\*\* and both \*\*Delitzsches\*\*; but we already have gotten to know, among the 'experts' in Tisza-Eszlár, still one other 'authority,' the Berlin University Professor Dr. Hermann \*\*Strack!\*\* This man now added a "scientific expert opinion" concerning the ritual-murder question to that declaration published in the \*Berlin Tageblatt\*, and then also sent to the Russian authorities. -- In \*\*1893\*\*, already \*\*Strack\*\*, who conducted a "Jewish mission" as a specialty and from upon this sloping platform had already sunk to the level of masterly advocate of Judaism, although \*\*allegedly\*\* Gentile himself, had published a brochure: \*Die Juden, dürfen sie Verbrecher von Religions wegen genannt werden?\* \[\*The Jews, are they to be called criminals because of religion?\*\]; this letter is an exposition -- collected with highly suspicious zeal -- of those kinds of petitions with which \*\*Strack\*\* had showered the courts with the goal of making the blood- accusations raised against the Jews impossible in the future by means of judicial decision, \*\*on account of insult to the Jewish religious community\*\* -- which did not succeed, however! In \*\*1900\*\*, the treatise \*Das Blut im Glauben und Aberglauben der Menschheit\*(17) \[Blood in the Faith and Superstition of Humanity\] followed, in a reworking of a letter in defense of his beloved Judaism which had appeared in \*\*1891\*\*.(17) (353)The composition of the title already betrays the direction in which the case is to be steered. "When the horrible human butcherings of \*\*Skurz\*\*, \*\*Xanten\*\*, \*\*Polna\*\* and \*\*Konitz\*\* cried ever louder to Heaven, and no one whose eyes were open was able any longer to doubt where the guilty were to be sought, there \*\*Strack\*\* wrote a book \*\*to order\*\*, which was supposed to prove to the world the innocence of the Jews in respect to \*\*all\*\* blood-murders."(18) Small wonder, that such a commissioned Christian Theology professor was then able to act in times to follow as "expert witness" of the "Central Union of German Citizens of the Jewish Faith" in numerous criminal trials against brave German men, who had attempted to expose the teachings of the \*Talmud\* and thereby suggest to the German people the inference to be drawn from these monstrosities, as to the \*\*true\*\* character of the people belonging to it \[i.e., the religion of the \*Talmud\*\]. Small wonder, also, that \*\*Strack\*\* then received his alloted place in the "Hall of Honor" of the Jewish \*Philo-Lexikon\* (\*Handbuch des jüdischen Wissens\* \[\*Handbook of Jewish Knowledge\*\], still in the year 1935 (!), as the "scientific defender of Judaism"! The court in \*\*Kiev\*\* was also supposed to be forced by Jewry to accept Professor Strack as "expert witness," without an application for this having been made at all by the Russian authorities! (354) The \*Hammer\* wrote this prophetic sentence in response to these machinations(20): "Yet should the Russian court allow itself to be \*\*coerced\*\* into accepting these expert witnesses, it will be \*\*very ill-advised!\*\*" In the summer of \*\*1912\*\*, the Jewish intrigues in Russia had reached an unbearable pitch, so that the Minister of Justice saw himself forced to take sharp measures in order to put an end to the cunning subversions which were staged for the benefit of the accused The \*Gouverneur\* of \*\*Kiev\*\* summoned to him some editors of "progressive" papers and urgently suggested to them that they refrain from their attempts at provocation. The authorities \[he said\] would not allow themselves to be diverted by anything. The Prosecutor \*\*Chaplinsky\*\* was ordered to \*\*Petersburg\*\* to make a detailed report to the Minister of Justice ----- Page 2 (p. 354) The final attempt of Jewry to have \*\*Beilis\*\* declared ill and to get him out of investigative custody, misfired because the physicians had determined that \*\*Beilis\*\* #### The Main Trial Jewry thereupon undertook a new "offensive," to hinder jurisdiction. In the Allgemeine Zeitung des Judentums, \[General Times of Jewry\](24) the Rabbi Ziegler in Karlsbad issued the following "flaming appeal": "On the day of the opening of the Beilis trial in Kiev, protest meetings should be held by the most respected Jews and Christians in all cities and all communities of the world, to lodge a protest against the affront which was done to Jewry, to the truth, and to justice with this trial. Jews of all states, of all nations, get ready to protest! Let no city, let no town be absent! Gather your best \[people\] around me, ask noble, truthloving Christians, theologians (!) as well as laity, to stand beside you; this concerns the honor of that religion which Jesus, too, loved with every fiber of his heart (!). The entire cultural world is united to wash the shame of the Beilis trial from itself!" -- Who does not recall the "appeal" of the chief Rabbi Güdemann in Vienna on the occasion of the Hilsner trial in Kuttenberg in 1899, which likewise beseeched the non-Jews "in the names of Christ and the Virgin Mary," to help an "honest, innocent" little Jew; an appeal which was framed in total similarity in its content, and equally scornful. (357) Judah always knew how to begin -- some representatives of the "mobilized cultural world" we have already introduced by their signatures \[i.e., those mentioned on p. 353\]! Rabbi \*\*Ziegler\*\* knew where things were going, he became noticeably nervous: "Given that the State's Attorney makes the claim that Jews require the blood of Christians only against a dark, hidden sect of Jews -- must not the State do all that it can to discover this sect, in order to root it out, branch and trunk? Not a third \[of the Jewish population\] remains in Russia. It \[the State\] either declares, with the condemnation of the accused, that the Jewish religion requires Christian blood, -- then it must proceed with every power against the adherents of this religion -- or the Russian government desires to take measures against only some secret sect or other of the Jews -- then it must seek to find the latter, to seize \[its members\]. In both cases the Jews of Russia are standing \*\*on the verge of a catastrophe without peer\*\*. . . We declare ourselves to be in unreserved solidarity in this matter with our Russian brothers in the faith." (25) perhaps, numerous Russian Jews let themselves be \*\*baptized\*\*. The Lutheran pastor \*\*Pir\*\* in \*\*Helsingfors\*\* conducted a land office business, by making out a baptismal certificate for anyone for a fee. The Russian government saw itself forced to warn the police officials (358) against admission of these "\*Geschwindigkeitschristen\*" \["speeded-up Christians"\] -- as the \*Hammer\* (27) named them -- into forbidden areas! The \*Hammer\*, as the single German paper, was able to publish fragments from reliable Russian sources at the end of the year 1913; the outbreak of the World War prevented a detailed account of the trial from the protocols and stenographic records, and after the war Judah 'liquidated' documents and witnesses which had become dangerous for it. The Jewish terror during the trial in \*\*Kiev\*\* is supposed to have overshadowed everything prior to it -- even the events in \*\*Nyiregyháza\*\* in Hungary! Thus, witness testimony which was unfavorable to the Jews was simply made unintelligible by means of continuous noise from the galleries; it appeared that the court President did not work up the courage to have these young Jews thrown out. When one of the chief witnesses, the student \*\*Golubov\*\*, wanted to communicate to the court the statements made to him by the little \*\*Zhenya Cheberyakov\*\*, who later succumbed to the murderous attack by poison, at first a hushed silence prevailed in the hall; but when the expositions of \*\*Golubov\*\* took an incriminating shape, they were soon drowned out by the galleries of the \*\*correspondents\*\* by means of riotous noise, moving around, the overturning of seats, the dumping out of coins, knocking with canes, and so forth, so that (359) the the presiding judge finally decided to send up bailiffs, to make continuation of the trial possible! As we recall, \*\*Golubov\*\* had been been made to look like a true scoundrel in the Jewish press, while a non-Jewish voice (\*Novoya Vremya\*) described his appearance before the court in the following manner: "A hushed silence descended upon the courtroom when the witness \*\*Golubov\*\* appeared on the witness stand in his white student smock, a tall, gaunt figure with a youthfully fresh and peaceful, almost child-like facial expression, a youngster whom the leftist (read: Jewish!) press had described as an agitator, almost as a footpad \[archaic term for a mugger\], whereas he presented a thoroughly sympathetic appearance. \*\*Golubov\*\* delivered his testimony with great unbiased calmness and clarity. . ." was a type of unofficial, secret tribunal held in Westphalia during the 14th and 15th centuries, and the analogy is a fitting one, although rabbinical courts -- particularly the Hassidic variety -- were and are potentially far more sinister.\]. She was the single witness who was able to tell about something \[she had\] observed about the disappearance of her companion at play, \*\*Andrusha\*\*. Her testimony shall be reproduced here \*verbatim\*: "Tell me, my child" -- so inquired the presiding judge \*\*Baldgrov\*\* -- "what you know of the case!" And the girl related in the hushed courtroom: "Mama went out up to the market. We were sleeping, \*\*Zhenya\*\* was sleeping, I was sleeping, and \*\*Valya\*\* was sleeping. Then we heard someone call from the street: '\*\*Zhenya\*\*, \*\*Zhenya\*\*!' It was \*\*Andrusha\*\*, he was calling \*\*Zhenya\*\*, \[telling him that\] he should go with him. \*\*Zhenya\*\* wanted to go and said I was supposed to look after the room, but I said \[that\] \*\*Valya\*\* would cry. Then we all got dressed, locked the room, and went playing on the \*\*broken clay\*\*. There were still other children there. Then \*\*Mendel Beilis\*\* came running up behind us; we ran away from \[him\]. \*\*Mendel\*\* caught \*\*Zhenya\*\* and \*\*Andrusha\*\*; \*\*Zhenya\*\* tore and tore, and tore himself loose, but \*\*Andrusha\*\* didn't; \*\*Mendel\*\* and one other \*\*Jew\*\* held him by the hands. Also, the young \*\*Mendel\*\* was there. \*\*Valya\*\* was scared and didn't run with us, but toward the other side; she saw how they were dragging \*\*Andrusha\*\* to the kiln. I didn't see that, I saw how they were dragging him off; that they were dragging him to the kiln, \*\*Valya\*\* told me that." (360)The Prosecutor: "Do you remember how \*\*Andrusha\*\* was found?" -- "I remember." Prosecutor: "Why didn't you tell right away, what you are saying now?" -- "I was at my grandma's, and later on they didn't ask me." Prosecutor: "How did you get into the quarry?" -- "There was a hole in the fence." -- Prosecutor: "Were you chased away from there sometimes?" -- "They chased us away because we did damage; sometimes we ran through the bricks." Prosecutor: "Was \*\*Andrusha\*\* always along?" -- "May God keep him, \*\*but this time\*\* he did come along." Prosecutor: "And where was your father?" -- "He had to work." Prosecutor: "Were you \[children\] in the habit of sometimes going to \*\*Beilis\*\*? " -- "We went with \*\*Zhenya\*\* after milk. There were Jews there who were praying, or were doing some such thing -- I don't know." The defense counsel for \*\*Beilis\*\*, \*\*Grusenberg\*\*, asked: "When Mama returned, did you tell her what had happened?" -- "Yes, I told her." -- \*\*Karabatschevski\*\* asked: "Did somebody give you a pie?" -- "Yes!" -- "And did you become sick from it?" -- "We all became sick." -- "When did \*\*Valya\*\* die?" -- "One week after my brother." \*\*Ludmilla\*\* screwed her face up, tears were in her eyes. The presiding judge: "Why are you crying?" -- "\*\*I'm scared\*\*," replied the girl! The representative of the civil plaintiff: "Who brought you the pies?" -- "Vygranov and Krasovski." -- "Do you know them both?" -- "I know them." -- "Who threatened you?" -- Poleschtschuk."(28) -- "And what did Krasnovski say?" -- "He said that I was supposed to say only two or three words!" -- "Turn around and say whether you don't see Poleschtschuk?" -- "Yes, Poleschtschuk is here!" -- "Point him out to me!" -- The girl walks up to Poleschtschuk, points at him, he gazes at her threateningly, and she begins to cry. "Why are you crying?" asks the presiding judge, "no one will do anything to harm you here!" The girl cannot calm down and replies: "I'm afraid, I'm scared...They threatened, (361) if we would testify, then the same thing would happen to us as with Yustschinsky..." According to the exposition of the State's Attorney, \*\*Fischer\*\*, a \*\*few days\*\* before his death, the youngster had received a \*\*shotgun\*\* as a gift from the Jew \*\*Arendar\*\*, who lived in the vicinity of the \*\*Cheberyakov\*\* family, and who had taken in the Jew \*\*Tartakovski\*\*, who died suddenly under mysterious circumstances; beaming with happiness, he had shown it to his siblings -- all that was missing was the gunpowder, and that was the cleverly laid snare! A day before his death, \*\*Andrusha\*\* told his mother that "good people" would buy him the gunpowder, on the next day, he forgot about going to school because of it, in order to go to these "good people". . . A Jew with fox-red hair, who has remained unidentified, had observed every step of the boy in his final hours; after the murder, he vanished without a trace; the page in the list of houses where he would have had to be entered, was torn out! Just as \*\*numerous foreign Jews\*\*, who -- according to the inquiries of the State's Attorney -- had stopped \*\*on the day before\*\* the crime at the estate of \*\*Zaitsev\*\*, were "as if blown away" again. The shed which had conspicuously been suddenly whitewashed, was burned down three days \*\*before\*\* its appointed judicial inspection! \*\*Fischer\*\* remarked at this: "\*\*This fire is one of the many Jewish advantages\*\* we are up against in this trial; \*\*it is of help to them\*\*. . ." The expert Dr. Sikorski once again threw light upon the murder from all sides and came to the conclusion that religious insanity was as work here. He stated that the murder of Yustschinsky was distinguished by numerous characteristic signs, that it appears as a striking crime of definite type and evokes by its (362) accompanying circumstances a terrifying impression. \[That\] its interpretation is not based upon prejudice or fantasy, it is a matter of a genuine event of the 20th century. \[He stated that\] murders, tied in with the drawing off of blood, have been committed by fanatics, but persons who are healthy and act with deliberation. \[That\] such murders occur everywhere where Jews and Christians live together, yet Jewish children are never victims of such murders; sometimes, the victims are circumcised beforehand, as the Zaratov trial has shown. The suspicion is confirmed by the Jews themselves, who immediately take in hand defensive measures at the discovery \[of such a crime\]. -- Repeatedly, stormy scenes resulted during the questioning of this expert, who participated in the judicial proceedings in spite of a serious heart condition; he was persistently interrupted by the attorneys of the Jewish party in a shameless manner, and his giving of evidence made more difficult in every way. Thus, the defender of the Jews Zarudny thought it necessary to take away his notes and pages from the expert witness, so that Sikorski was obliged to give oral testimony! "How much filth this man was pelted with. . .Other scholars whom we have heard, have been more cautious; one of the memories of the Romanov family as symbolic of the Old Russia which Jewish Bolshevism had murdered along with the Tsar and his family.\] The Elders of Zion had already decided upon this -- according to the excerpted press citations -- in \*\*1913\*\*, in the year of the \*\*Beilis trial\*\*! Another Jewish paper called upon the Jews of all nations to boycott the Russian state bonds on all the stock exchanges, to depress the currency, in order to intimidate in this way the Russian government!(33) In Berlin, the Jew Oppenheim, by profession a college teacher in the capital city of the \*Reich\*, raged that Mendelssohn must stop all credit for Russia. . .It's unnecessary to go into the role of the Rothschilds again! It would still be, at best, a curious circumstance, to relate that the London Rothschild (Lionel Walter, a 'Lord') turned to the then State Secretary of the Pope, Merry del Val, with the "very humble request for merciful protection for my persecuted comrade in the faith, for the defense of the truth and justice." In his humble petition, he enclosed a certified copy of the papal brief of Innocent IV which dealt with protection of the Jews!(34) It is known by far too few that the "Miracle Monk," Rasputin, this demonic instrument in Jewish hands, also took a direct influence upon the course and outcome of this trial. According to the words of his Jewish "secretary," Aron Simanovitch, Rasputin declared categorically to the Justice Minister Cheglovitov: "You will surely lose the trial. Nothing will come of it!" -- Even before the trial, Rasputin had prophesied the acquittal of the Jew, but Cheglovitov was "dismissed"!(35) #### \*\*Beilis\*\* was \*\*acquitted!\*\* !\[\](\_page\_243\_Picture\_4.jpeg) this news in the December issue (1913) of the \*Hammer\* as follows: "After all the peculiarities which distinguished this amazing trial, nothing other than this was to be expected. This time, also, much has occurred which was able to contribute to the finding of \*\*not\*\* guilty, just as in the trials of \*\*Skurz, Xanten, Konitz!\*\*Throughout five months the investigation was led in a false direction \*\*in accordance with a plan\*\*; two examining judges, one after the other, proved to have been \*\*bribed\*\*, had to be relieved of their office and charged. When the third finally took up the sure trail and proceeded to the arrest of \*\*Beilis\*\*, remarkable \*\*things\*\* happened: two chief witnesses against \*\*Beilis\*\* (both the children of \*\*Cheberyakova\*\*) died a sudden (366) death, and when the examining judge was on the verge of inspecting a shed in the brick yard of \*\*Zaitsev\*\*, in which according to all probability the murder of the boy took place, this shed suddenly burned down. . In the trial it has been shown that several witnesses, \*\*intimidated by threats\*\*, did not dare to directly testify; with others, \*\*the ringing of gold\*\* demonstrably played its role. Thus a mysterious power has so strangely led by the nose the Russian court of justice, whose honest intentions are otherwise by no means to be doubted, that one hole remained for the caught fox through which he could slip away. Should the consequences of a sentence of condemnation really have been feared?" In his analysis of the motives of the crime, State's Attorney Fischer arrived at the conviction, similar to that of the Czech attorney Dr. Baxa (37) in the Hilsner trial at Kuttenberg, that Jewry had imposed once again a blood toll upon non-Jewish humanity -- the Jews have not forgotten it! Fischer explained: "... People call the Beilis case an outrageous case; we have experienced days of revolution, in which officials (367) were killed, bombs were thrown at the representatives of power, the people were shot at...but even out of this bloody past the murder of Andrusha Yustschinsky stands out by its terrifying character! On a bright day they slay an innocent boy, who never did anyone harm, whom everyone loved; they murder him under unbelievable tortures, they loot his blood...But this atrocity becomes a world event, because judgement is supposed to be passed on a \[certain\] Beilis, because we possessed the impertinence to put a Jew on the dock! If only we had been trying a case concerning Russians, ... then we would have seen at the defense table neither the cream of the legal profession, nor famous scholars as expert witnesses...Who had need of his blood? You have heard the definitive remarks of the expert witnesses, that the crime could not have been committed by madmen or psychopaths...what interest had they in the murder? Who are the murderers? One of them sits in the dock...With what \[crime\] is the accused charged? It is determined that two thirds of the boy's blood was removed, that he was tortured...Are there sects which use blood? There is an entire series of trials which indicate this: One of these trials has taken place in Austria in the case of Polna...These trials extend back through all times...In all cases, the Jews have made the greatest efforts to shelter their fanatics...They are unusual human beings, these Jews...The Bible speaks of bloody sacrifices...From the Talmud, one could infer what one wishes. We have the Zohar. The Hassidim appear on the scene, at their head the famous (read: notorious! current of religious superstition. \*\*The use of the blood of Christians\*\* by the Jews is \*\*beyond any question. Jewry feels the burden of the blood secret\*\*, but does not dare lay it aside. . ." -- "We will remain pariahs, as long as it remains," a Jewess had written in \*\*1900\*\*, who was complicit in the blood-murder of \*\*Konitz\*\*. . . Beilis had been acquitted on \[the strength of\] Jewish-international pressure -- not, however, by the Russian people! "Believe us, (368) o child, the Russian Mother Earth will open itself and spit from out its depths the miserable wretch who has shed your innocent blood. 'Twelve unenlightened peasants' -- may this conscience of the Russian people stand as surety for you."(38) The files concerning the "Beilis case" had thereby concluded. The outbreak of the World War prevented their systematic revision, and after the collapse of Russia they were likewise disposed of like those in Paris which concerned the "Damascus case" after the take-over of the Ministry of Justice by the "attorney" Crémieux-Smeerkopp in 1870! ### Epilogue \*\*Beilis\*\* was "compensated" in princely fashion. The "Israelite Committee" in New York had arranged a collection of about 400,000 Gold Marks, in order to be able to offer their "innocent, persecuted" racial comrade a large farm as a present upon his arrival in the Land of Freedom, after a large number of Jews had already emigrated to America already, \*\*during the trial\*\* -- in a similar manner, of course, the ritual-slaughterer and "martyr" \*\*Buschhoff\*\* in Xanten had also been "compensated." Nevertheless, \*\*Beilis\*\* seemed to have developed no inclination toward agriculture. According to a report in the \*Hammer\* of \*\*May 1914\*\*(39), \*\*Beilis\*\* surfaced suddenly in the land of his patriarchs. In \*\*Alexandria\*\* he was received like a king at his disembarkation, especially for this purpose a "reception committee" had been formed, at whose head stood a certain \*\*Isaac Piccioto\*\*. -- This name also seems known to us: Two Jews of the same name had, if we rightly recall, played a role in the ritual-murder trial of \*\*Damascus\*\* in \*\*1840\*\* -- just as it is a striking phenomenon in general, that at Jewish blood-murder trials names surface over and over again which have been previously mentioned for the same reason (Schneerson!). Orient and Occident reached out their hands to each other once again: the circle was closed! In Palestine \*\*Beilis\*\* was able to await in peace the coming ruin (369) of the State over which the death sentence had already been pronounced by Jewry, in order to return there, if needed, as an expert in the slaughtering of human beings. . . So \[it was for\] Professor \*\*Kossorotov\*\*; he had belonged to the scientific experts in \*\*Kiev\*\*, after the sudden demise -- which remained unsolved -- murder by poison was spoken of here, too -- of the University Professor \*\*Obolonski\*\*. He had presented his opinion before the court to the best of his knowledge, in full scientific agreement with the other experts, which did not at all please the Jews! A terrible campaign ensued against him in the following period, which continued to his lecture hall in Petersburg University, without his having been protected from these Jewish impertinences by his authority. There were tumultuous scenes in his college. He even wrote about it in the \*Novoye vremya\*: "If I had been told earlier about student nonsense, I would not have believed it; but on 23 October (1913), I had to change my opinion. I saw human beings who behaved \*\*like beasts\*\*, made ear-splitting noise, and were not receptive to a single rational word. I had to believe in that which had formerly seemed incompatible with the concept of \[what\] a student \[is\]. . ."(40) Unfortunately, it isn't clear from the report, whether \*\*Kossorotov\*\* had clearly recognized the \*\*racial\*\* membership of his audience who were "behaving like beasts"! The \*\*Beilis\*\* trial also lapsed into oblivion; but in the same measure as the memory of non-Jewish humanity failed, Jewish memory retained its liveliness! In 1917, armed with enormous financial resources, \*\*Trotsky\*\* was ordered to Russia, in order to create a \*terra deserta\*, a desert, out of this land. In a (370) bloodshed which was unprecedented in history up until then, next to which even the bloody slaughters of the Old Testament pale, he fulfilled his instructions to the fullest satisfaction of his secret Jewish task-masters. "The Jewish people is unconquerable -- at stake is the fate of the Russian State," thus was World Jewry able to cry out already, in 1913, in the certainty of its imminent victory! After the collapse of Russia, there began a genuine round-up against, first and foremost, those persons who somehow or other stood suspected of harboring anti-Jewish tendencies; it is now very instructive to discover that nearly all accusers, witnesses and expert witnesses, who during the \*\*Beilis\*\* trial in \*\*Kiev\*\* had spoken out \*\*against\*\* Jewry, fell as victims to the Jewish-Bolshevist Terror. Thus, in \*\*1919\*\*, the Professor of Psychiatry, J. \*\*Sikorski\*\*, was shot under martial law in \*\*Kiev\*\*, together with a series of nationally-minded professors, while one of his chief opponents in the \*\*Kiev\*\* trial, \*\*Bechterev\*\*, who appeared at the request of the defense in the trial with a \*\*denial\*\* of the possibility of ritual-murder, received a leading scientific administrative post, thanks to Jewish protection.(41) Naturally, the \*\*Kiev\*\* judges also bled to death under their Jewish executioners; but even the Russian Justice Minister \*\*Cheglovitov\*\*, who remained completely indifferent during the trial, whose single "crime" had consisted of having finally, after a period of a year (in the middle of 1912), taken the trial -- which was threatening to become disastrously entangled in Jewish snares, away from the authority of corrupt local officials and getting it underway. . .even he went the same way \[as the judges, etc.\]. . . "The murder of the boy \*\*Yustschinsky\*\* provided the occasion for the Minister \*\*Cheglovitov\*\* and other enemies of the Jews, to initiate the famous ritual-murder trial against \*\*Beilis\*\*. But this trial did not have the expected result, its ramifications were, rather, \*\*very unpleasant for its originators\*\*," confirmed a knowing Jew. . .(42) (371)"Thus has Jewry decided, and thus had it happened!" But in one of the \*Hammer\* issues of \*\*1913\*\* (Nr. 275) there are also these prophetic words: "...Once The final monstrous victory of Jewry was the Jewish-Bolshevist massacre and the sacrifice of racially flawless, and for that reason consciously or unconsciously anti-Jewish classes of the people in numerous nations of the Old World. It was the last victory. Aryan humanity attained consciousness. It won its way to the conviction that it has a common enemy: the Jews Recognizing the enemy, however, means: taking up the struggle. A new world order is in the process of arising, after unspeakably difficult birth pangs, an order in which the Jew has nothing more to seek and -- to murder! Go to Chapter 10: Summary Back to Table of Contents # Summary ----- ----- Page 1 However, one should not be allowed to forget that for centuries, Jewry itself has taken care to work to "clear things up." Already, in printings of the \*Talmud\* of the 15th century, various printers had "left white, empty spots in many passages, in order to avoid as much as possible the chance of attack by non-Jews."(2) Thus the Amsterdam edition of the \*Talmud\* appears as "revised" in \*\*1644\*\*, and the editions following in the next two centuries have also been still more thoroughly "checked." In \*\*Damascus\*\*, the former Rabbi Moses \*\*Abu-el-Afieh\*\*, having converted to Islam, spoke about this on the occasion of the ritual-murder trial in \*\*1840\*\* and said that in the editions of the \*Talmud\* which were intended for Europe, "empty places" were left in the books. At the inquiry of the Court's Chairman, as to what purpose these empty places served, Moses gave the diplomatic response: "In order to fill these up with the names of those (non-Jewish) peoples, and everything that concerns them.(3) In the course of time the "castrated" \*Talmud\* arose, of which Rohling speaks in his writings to the court at Cleves on the occasion of the ritual-murder of \*\*Xanten\*\*. The omitted passages were immediately handed on orally with utmost care or collected in the \*\*private\*\* notes of the rabbis. "Jewry earlier \*\*omitted\*\* passages hostile to Christ or to Christians out of (justified) fear of severe unpleasantness, or substituted harmless- sounding ones, but they \*\*orally\*\* filled in the omissions (clearly indicated in part by sentence gaps in the printing); or they likewise \*\*orally\*\* replaced the falsifications in the text with the proper versions again, collected in \*\*special writings\*\* -- but they \*\*never\*\* held those alterations to be correct, while \*\*Christians\*\* have constructed entire doctrinal structures upon the Jewish additions to the text and similar falsifications in the New Testament. Jewry \*\*knew and knows\*\* that those textual alterations are \*\*false\*\* and \*\*doesn't give a thought to believing in them\*\*. . ."\\\_ The Jew Horodezky, by the estimation of Bischoff "a meritorious Jewish scholar," and thus a man who had to know, wrote in his book which appeared in Bern in 1920, Religiöse (!) Strömungen im Judentum \[Religious Currents in Judaism\] (6): "Besides the written literature, they (Hassidic Jews) keep a handed-down oral teaching, into which they do not allow a stranger access. This is passed from the father to the eldest son and has been kept so secret up to the very present, that nothing of it has penetrated into the public \[awareness\]" Horodezky himself uses the designation "secret teaching" for this oral tradition! In another passage of his book, Horodezky cites the statement of the Rabbi Abraham (377) Abu-laffia (1240): "The traditional teachings are for the fools," said this Rabbi, "the secret teachings are for the clever ones. . ." Furthermore, the former Rabbi Neophyte (Noe Weinjung) speaks in the year 1803 of a secret blood-ritual, knowledge of which is permitted to be passed only from the father to his son. In the Kurzgefaßten Religions- und Sittenlehre für die israelitische Jugend \[Abridged Religious and Moral Teachings for Israelite Youth\], revised by Dr. G. Wolf (8th improved edition, Vienna, 1892, Alfred Hölder, "royal and imperial court printing house"), the following portentious sentence is found (p. 15, §6): "Aside from the commandments and laws which the Holy Scripture contains, religion prescribes for us still \[other\] commandments, which have been passed down from tradition." On page 83 of the Israelitische Glaubens- und Pflichtenlehre, Leitfaden beim Religionsunterricht der israelitischen Jugend \[Israelite Teachings of the Faith and Duty, Manual for Religious Instruction of Israelite Youth\] of Leopold Bräuer (5th edition, 1876 -- both books of instruction were registered by the authorities as safe!), it says: "Judaism recognizes, apart from the written law, an oral transmission, still originating from Moses, or tradition, which explains the written law and states the further conditions for these practices. . .All lawful regulations and prescriptions issuing from the Sanhedrin (High Council) were propagated until toward the end of the second century after the beginning of the common chronology \[i.e., A.D. or C.E. = Common Era\] by practice and oral tradition in the schools, from generation to generation. The writing down of the same was even forbidden, as contrary to law." How very much has Jewry always feared a serious non-Jewish scientific occupation with its literature of Law (\*Talmud\*, \*Schulchan aruch\*, etc.), is shown especially graphically by the case of the German scholar \*\*Eisenmenger\*\*. This Orientalist, who died in \*\*1704\*\* as a University professor in Heidelberg, had studied Judaism and its literature most thoroughly in Amsterdam -- according to the information of Theodor Fritsch(7) he had gone to the Rabbis under the pretext of desiring to convert to Judaism, "since \[he said\] his studies in the Jewish writings had so much (378) attracted him," asked for instruction in the Jewish religious books, and was actually instructed for several years in the key writings of the Hebrew texts. In 1700, Eisenmenger published -- or rather attempted to publish -- what he had written down of his nearly twenty years of studies conducted with such immense industry, in the two volumes of his Endecktes Judentum \[Judaism Discovered\]. But hardly had it become known that such a work was being published, when the Notary of the Jewish community at Frankfurt-am-Main, Simon, reported on 22 May 1700, on behalf of the Jewish President of the Community, to the regional Rabbi of Vienna and Chief Imperial Court Factor (!) Simson Wertheimer about this event: "As is being said, a book is supposed to be printed in High German, by the name of Endecktes Judentum, in which without a doubt many slanders (!) to Judaism were allowed into print. Now it is known how easily we Jews can fall into quarrelling, because we Jews have so many enemies at any time. In particular, because the book is supposed to be printed in High German, it's to be feared that great disaster could come out of this. Whether it would be useful that the gentleman in Vienna wanted to present this suitably to reliable friends, in order to prevent this evil. . ." The first edition of the year \*\*1700\*\*, of 2050 copies, which Eisenmenger had printed \*\*at his own expense\*\* by Joh. Philipp Andrea in Frankfurt a. M., was actually confiscated already on \*\*21 July 1700\*\* by the \*Kaiser\* at the behest of the Frankfurt Jews and deposited in the Frankfurt poorhouse, after the author had rejected a Jewish offer of 10,000 Taler \*\*for stopping the printing \[of the book\]\*\*. For a payment of 12,000 Ducats, the jews received the "right" of confiscating the "dangerous" book even in private homes, should they find it there! However, after Eisenmenger had died a"a sudden death" in total impoverishment during the trial proceedings with the imperial authorities, King Friedrich I of Prussia let the book be printed anew at his expense in \*\*1711\*\* in Königsberg, where the \*Kaiser\* had nothing to say about it; afterwards, this new edition which had come into existence thanks to the generosity of a Prussian king, disappeared but for a few copies, in the well-known mysterious fashion, attained the status of a rarity, and then fell to oblivion(8) -- we recall (379) that these events always repeat themselves when Jewry feels itself struck in its innermost being by publications! In the mythology of all people with a culture, the sun enjoys divine reverence; but it is extremely distinctive that the Jews themselves regard themselves as expressly "moon people." The University Professor S. Passarge, Hamburg, writes as follows in his highly interesting introduction to the \*Buch vom Kahal\* \[\[Book of the Kahal\] (9) in relation to the lunar nature of the ghetto Jew: "Just as the moon constantly turns toward men only one side and conceals the other from his gaze, just so many people and organizations have a front side turned to the outer world . . .but the back, on the other hand, corresponds to the true nature of the entity concerned. Such 'moon natures' make the greatest effort (380) to hide their reverse side. On this point they are extremely sensitive and feel themselves threatened in their existence by its revelation. That is easily understandable, for criminals and members of secret societies possess the 'moon nature.' -- "The deeds of the Jews and their morals are not known to the world. People believe they know them, because they've seen their beards. But they have seen nothing other than these beards. Besides, they are still now, as in the Middle Ages, a wandering mystery" wrote Heinrich Heine! . Twelve "moons" determine the Jewish year: "You have made the moon, to divide the year according to it" (\*Psalm\* 104, 19), and the Jewish festival calendar is also based upon the course of the moon: "according to the moon man reckons his festivals; it is a light that wanes and waxes again" (\*Sirach\* 43, 6 etc.). the name \*Kapporah\* (10). In the \*Haggah\* (appendix) to the \*Schulchan aruch\* (11) (\*Orach Chaiyim\* § 605) Moses \*\*Isserles\*\*, whose prescriptions still possess normative authority today, according to \*\*Bischoff\*\*, says the following: "Today the custom is in use in all nations. No one is allowed to change it, for it is has become firmly incorporated. One takes a rooster for every male and a hen for every female person. For a pregnant woman, one takes a hen and a rooster. . ." After being subjected to the \*Kapporah\* swing-around three times , the animal is ritually slaughtered following satanic tortures. "It is customary to throw the entrails upon the roof, so that the birds eat them" (Sheftelowitz, p. 34, etc.). -- "One throws the entrails upon the roofs or in the yard, from where the birds are able to bear them away" (Moses Isserles). The \*\*ritual-slaughtering\*\* forms the core purpose of the ceremony, and therefore the pouring out of the \*\*blood of the victim!\*\* According to the testimony of the Syrian Jewess Ben-Noud, in the Jewish families of her native country the \*Kapporah\*-hen was tormented with the wings nailed down and in a thousand ways before the ritual-slaughter by long needles, nails, and the like, under horrid curses. Ben-Noud says further: "If they (382) could crucify a non-Jew instead of a rooster, their joy would be all the greater. . .the most timid Jews display \*\*the wildest fanaticism\*\* on this occasion." (12) Antonius \*\*Margaritha\*\*, the son of the Chief Rabbi Margoles of \*\*Regensburg\*\*, in his book \*Der gantz Jüdisch glaub\* \[\*The Complete Jewish Faith\*\], published in \*\*1530\*\*, says of this (p. 35), that in the opinion "of old Hassidim," a still more effective sacrifice is made possible if an ape is taken for such a sacrifice, "for the same is most like a human being"; the most effective victim, however -- is the non-Jew himself. We know that by Jewish notions, \*\*every\*\* non-Jew -- thus not only every Christian -- is the equivalent of cattle, for according to strict rabbinical concept only the Jew is to be defined as a human being: "The Israelites are more pleasing to God than the angels." -- "The seed of a non-Jew is like that of cattle." -- "Whoever dines with an Uncircumcised man does as if he were eating with a \*\*dog\*\*; just as the dog is uncircumcised, so also the Foreskinned One (non-Jew)." -- The non-Jews, whose souls come from the unclean spirit, are called \*\*swine\*\*." -- "One is not permitted to send meat to a non-Jew, rather it is better that it be thrown in front of dogs, because the dog is better than the non-Jew. . ." -- "A strange woman that is not a daughter of Israel, is a piece of cow." Yesaya \*\*Hurwitz\*\* writes in his work, \*Die zwei Gesetzestafeln\* \[\*The Two Tablets of the Law\*\] (Wilmersdorf, \*\*1686\*\*, page 250b, cited by E. Bischoff): "Although the non-Jews have the same corporeal structure as the Jews, they resemble them only \*\*like an ape does a human being\*\*. . ." The curses of the \*Purim\* festival stretch out in monotonous repetition to the start of the Jewish Easter (\*Pessach\*) \[Passover\] "festival" on 15 \*Nisan\* (about 28 March), which lasts a full eight days and signifies the downright satanic heightening of Jewish hatred in commemoration of the affliction of Egypt. -- \*\*Neophyte\*\*, former Rabbi, in his work which appeared under the title: \*Il sangue cristiano nei riti ebraici delle moderna Sinagoga\* \[\*Christian Blood in Hebrew Rites of Modern Synagogues\*\] in \*\*1883\*\* at \*\*Prato\*\*, said: "The Jews are most satisfied when they are able to kill \*\*children\*\*, for children are virginal and innocent. . .they \*\*ritually slaughter\*\* them in the days of Passover. . ." Actually, the overwhelming majority of victims, as we have been able to determine, are children! Hatred unto death -- it is that hatred, according to the Jewish idea, as it has been trumpeted forth to the Jews down from Sinai against all non-Jews, it is the "quietly smoldering hatred imbibed with mother's milk, which is taught and nourished in the ghetto and the synagogues" (Neophyte-Weinjung, cited by Athanasius Fern, page 17) and has been precipitated out not only as an essential component of perhaps a minority within Judaism! But all the hate-songs of the Jewish festivals belong, in the final analysis, to that "great Jewish hatred" which Cheskel \*\*Zwi-Klötzel\*\* adorned in the following classic words in the \*Janus\*(14): ". . . Just as we Jews know of any non-Jew, that he somewhere in a corner of his heart is an anti-Semite and \*\*must be\*\* (384) one, so is every Jew, in the deepest foundation of his being, a hater of every non-Jew. I well prevent myself from saying 'anti-Christian,' or something similar, for perhaps our hatred is \*\*mildest\*\* toward Christianity, because in the Christianity \*\*of today\*\* we need not see a foe(15). Whoever among us is not spiritually and intellectually castrated, whoever isn't too impotent to hate, he shares this hatred! Let it be gladly admitted that it goes against the grain of many a man, but that is only a proof for the vital potency of this hatred! I am not authorized to speak in the name of Judaism; perhaps I have never exchanged a word with Jews over just these things; but this custody \[of words\] is of purely legalistic form, in reality there is nothing as alive in me as the conviction of this, that if there is anything at all \*\*which unifies all Jews of the World, it is this great sublime hatred\*\*. I believe I must do without tracing out any sort of scientific basis, perhaps of an historical or psychological nature. I \*\*feel this hatred, this hatred\*\* against something impersonal, intangible, as a portion of my nature that has ripened in me, for whose growth and for whose development I must call a \*\*natural law\*\* responsible. And for that reason it seems shameless to be ashamed of this hatred, \*\*as a part of nature\*\*, and base and mean, to hide it. . . (385) described as cowardly as they are comical. And as doubly deceitful as cowardly and comical! The reproach was made to the Jews of the Middle Ages, that they drew all gold to themselves and did not give it back out again. Of course one could help oneself easily -- with violence. The Jews of the present are doing exactly the same thing with spiritual gold, we shall see whether it is possible for Germany to take it away from them. Whether we have the power or not, that is the single question which interests us, and for that reason we must strive to be and to remain a power. . . Now one must beware of positing hatred as the sole foundation of ritual-murder. We are thoroughly aware that it may require the research labor of entire generations to find an unambiguous, satisfying solution. To a much stronger degree than till now, for example, Jewish philosophy must be taken into account; Johann von \*\*Leers\*\* has performed the service of having made the research of ritual-murder aware of this path, in that he points to the work of the Jew Oskar \*\*Goldberg\*\*(16). Yet before we accept these attempts at interpretation, which perhaps will assist in guiding \[us to\] the solution of the whole problem, it is necessary once again to summarize, step by step, the results attained up to now under definite perspectives. As has emerged from the collected historical evidence, the Jewish blood-laws find their application first and foremost during the \*Purim\* and \*Pessach\* revenge-festivals, without our wishing to say thereby that they were not applied at other times of the year! At the ritual-crime of \*\*Lincoln\*\* of the year \*\*1255\*\*, a ramified \*\*murder-organization\*\* is already recognizable; the strands extend to London -- a generation later all the Jews of England had to be arrested due to other crimes! In more recent days these connections allow themselves to be more acutely recognized. On the evening before the Jewish "Atonement" holiday of \*\*1875\*\*, numerous foreign Jews, among them a ritual-slaughterer, had arrived in \*\*Zboró\*\* (Hungary) in order to seize the already decided-upon victim; in \*\*1877\*\*, on the occasion of the double ritual-murder of \*\*Szalacs\*\* (Hungary), according to the statement of a coachman not fewer than 40 Jews from abroad arrived, and in \*\*Tisza-Eszlár\*\*, whose Jewish population already consisted of perhaps a seventh of the total, the crowd of foreign Jews was nevertheless conspicuous when Esther \*\*Solymosi\*\* had disappeared. Likewise, in \*\*1895\*\* in Hungary, a girl, the small \*\*Juliska\*\*, was ritually-slaughtered; on this day (\*\*6 September\*\*) three wagon loads of Jews, among them a \*schächter\*, arrived! On the evening after the vanishment of the boy \*\*Cybulla\*\* in \*\*Skurz\*\*, on \*\*21 January 1884\*\*, numerous foreign Jews assembled in the presence of the manager, where then the whole night through a striking level of goings-on prevailed. In \*\*Polna\*\* the murder gang found a hiding place with the Rabbi and in the Jewish school -- already there was reference to the role of the "limping" Jew! \*\*Konitz\*\* was teeming with Jews when Ernst \*\*Winter\*\* was ritually-slaughtered. Six foreign \*schächter\* had arrived, but in front of the house of a Jewish resident, ten foreign Jews, probably cult officials, were noticed, and the station assistant of \*\*Konitz\*\* later stated under oath that there had never been so many Jews to arrive in the place, as around the time of the murder of \*\*Winter\*\*. -- A conversation of the Rabbi \*\*Kellermann\*\* had been overheard: "...that so many devils are crawling around here?" -- "...that of course nothing will get out..." At the time of the fair of \*\*Lobsen\*\*, on \*\*31 March\*\* (!) \*\*1913\*\*, when the small \*\*Kador\*\* disappeared, a large number of mostly Polish-speaking Jews had turned up in the near vicinity, and in (387) \*\*Kiev\*\*, the remote property of the \*\*Zaitsev\*\* brickyard, which was occupied only by a few families, offered a simply ideal place of concealment. In almost all cases, the victim is surveiled and selected in accordance with a plan. In Tisza-Eszlár they thought to have especially free rein when the "lot" was tossed upon the child of a widow living in the most penurious conditions. In Corfu the foster child of the Jew Chaim Sarda, the little Maria Desylla, had never been entered into the Register, and if her kidnapping had not been noticed, she could have been eliminated without attracting much attention. In the same year in Xanten, a stunningly beautiful boy, Johann Hegmann, fell into the net -- he was lured into a Jewish store! In Polna the vagabond Hilsner chased after both his victims for a long time in pursuit of the instructions of his taskmasters in Prague or Vienna; Agnes Hruza, moreover, was visited and "given the once over" in her living quarters in Wieschnitz shortly before her death by unknown Jews. Ernst Winter was surveiled by his Jewish dance class acquaintances in Konitz; this victim therefore also seemed particularly suitable, since the parents lived outside the area and could not immediately order inquiries made. Young people working as servants, who no longer were able to live with their parents were in especial danger -- we recall the victims about whom Géza v. Ónody and Theodor Fritsch reported! The "lot" finally fell to the little Andrusha in Kiev, who in order to procure the still missing powder for the gun presented to him by Jews, ran into the clutches of his slaughterers. The ritual-slaughter act, performed according to an exactly defined rite, is supposed to occur -- as the act of sacrifice -- before the eyes of all Jews "invited" to it, according to Rohling(17); thus, according to the testimony of the young Scharf, during the ritual-slaughtering of Esther Solymosi, the Tisza-Eszlár synagogue was nearly filled up with foreign Jews, when the girl was led to sacrifice by the beggar-Jew Wollner ("and when she refused, he seized her by the (388) hand and led her out of our apartment")! In Konitz the worker Masloff heard the din of voices of numerous people and in between a gurgling sound at the murder-cellar of the Levy property during the slaughtering of the gymnasium student; in the building of the Jewish Zaitsev brickyard in Kiev, numerous Jews were already living there already days before the blood-murder, among them the representative of the schächter-dynasty and Zaddik ("holy man") Faivel Schneerson, "at the naming of whom the accused Beilis wiped the sweat from his brow." The slaughter was in all probability carried out in the shed, which then later suddenly went up in flames during the machinery of investigation, which was put into suspiciously slow operation. Father Thomas and his servant bled to death within view of the heads-of-family who had come together in Damascus for the celebration of the Purim festival -- there were seven, but the number seven has a "holy" character for the Jews! At the horrific, in its details scarcely to be described torture and slaughter of the three-year-old \*\*Ivanov\*\* in \*\*Welish\*\* (\*\*1883\*\*), a half-hundred Polish Jews were present. At the house of the Head Rabbi \*\*Copinus\*\* in \*\*Lincoln\*\*, the executioners of the eight-year-old victim formed a "Justice Court" in \*\*1255\*\* and gloated over the inhuman tortures. The small Andreas \*\*Oxner\*\*, "Anderl von Rinn," was likewise layed upon a sacrifice-stone and bled to death in the presence of the Jews who stood around him. In \*\*1529\*\* at \*\*Bösing\*\*, the Jews were "invited" to be present at the ritual-slaughter of a nine-year-old child -- "and then each one of the Jews stabbed the little child for a while". . . in \*\*1540\*\* Jewish dealers stood around the boy Michael \*\*Pisenharter\*\* from \*\*Sappenfeld\*\* who had been bound to a pillar and flayed. In \*\*1598\*\* a four-year-old child was ritually slaughtered in a \*\*Podolia\*\* village, at which the "leading" Jews of the region were present. . . During the horrible "sacrifice" of little \*\*Simon of Trent\*\* in the house of the Rabbi \*\*Samuel\*\*, according to the Jew \*\*Angelus\*\* ("Angel") "all the Jews stood around the child, who was stretched out upon a board placed above a small container." The society of the sacrificers is supposed to consist only of \*\*reliable\*\* people, who see \*\*something sacred\*\* in the act (389) and -- can keep their mouths shut! For this reason, women, youths, and children are not supposed to be drawn into the actual act of slaughter. In the year \*\*1452\*\* the adolescent son of a Jewish physician had been present at the slaughter of a two-year-old child and had even enjoyed some of the fruits which had been dipped in the blood of the victim: "and for him it was as if his intestines wanted to be heaved out of him. . ." Throughout the years this picture of horror pursued him, until he made a complete confession and converted to Christianity (18). In Easter time of \*\*1540\*\* a Jewish child reported about the torture of little \*\*Michael\*\*: "This dog howled for three days long. . ." The five-year-old son of the Jew \*\*Abraham\*\* blabbed out to a shocked court about the death of Andreas \*\*Takáls\*\*. The offspring of the temple servant \*\*Scharf\*\* in \*\*Tisza-Eszlár\*\* threw the Jewish stage- direction into confusion! Through the keyhole of the synagogue, Moritz \*\*Scharf\*\* had seen and was so stunned by the sight, that he broke down and before the examining judge \*\*Bary\*\*, gave to the protocol a comprehensive report, and a \*\*Konitz\*\* Jewess wrote that letter in which, in contrast to her racial comrades, she maintained that this indeed was murder! "And your death shall be with a blocking of your mouth \*\*like a beast, that dies\*\* and has not voice or speech." Gruesome tortures precede the actual slaughtering. In the \*\*Trent\*\* ritual-murder trial of \*\*1475\*\*, the Rabbi \*\*Samuel\*\* testified that it is necessary that the victim \*\*give up the ghost while being tortured\*\*; otherwise the blood is no good! (\*Est necesse, quod ille puer moriatur in tormentis; aliter ille sanguis non est bonus.\*) \[It is necessary that that boy should expire in torment; else that blood is not good.\] In this case the victim, "\*ille puer\*," the boy \*\*Simon\*\*, was stabbed with needles and portions of his flesh were ripped away with tongs while he was fully conscious, at which \[events\] they spoke and sang in Hebrew: "So may all the enemies of Israel be destroyed. . ." The victims have often been \*\*sexually abused\*\*, such as Ludwig van \*\*Bruck\*\*, in \*\*1429\*\*; \*\*Szydlov\*\* in \*\*1597\*\*; Andreas \*\*Takáls\*\* in \*\*1791\*\*; even this is to be understood as a symbolic act. In most cases, as for example in \*\*Damascus\*\* (\*\*1840\*\*), the act of slaughter occurs approximately at sundown; it is the time for which (\*Exodus\* 12: 6) the slaughtering of the "Paschal lambs" is prescribed. . . In \*\*Kiev\*\* Faivel \*\*Schneerson\*\* surfaced, and in \*\*Polna Hilsner\*\* himself performed the slaughter in both ritual-murders after the ritual-slaughter knife had been delivered to him from outside the area; the so-called "crooked" Jew, that Galician monster who then surfaced again a year later in \*\*Konitz\*\*, would probably not have been one of the lower cult officials, such as a precentor (cantor), \*schächter\* (\*schochet\*) \[ritual-slaughterer; the second term, \*schochet\*, is Hebrew\], or circumciser (\*mohel\*), but rather, to judge by the fearful anxiety with which \[making\] further statements about his person was avoided, and the deference shown to him, a very highly-placed "personality" who had been sent for the \*\*supervision of the ritual\*\* and who possibly was in contact with those Hassidic "holy men" to which group the \*\*Schneersons\*\* also belonged. -- The witness Marie \*\*Pernicek\*\*, who had given her evidence concerning these Jews to the protocol, (391) was poisoned (20). In \*\*Damascus\*\*, the Rabbi Moses Abu-el-Afieh had been present at both ritual killings, and the \*\*Károlyer\*\* Rabbi was consulted for the nocturnal ritual-slaughter of Andreas Takáls in \*\*1791\*\*. The Jews retreating through the Inn Valley in \*\*1462\*\* had brought along a rabbi, and the ritual slaying of Simon of \*\*Trent\*\* in \*\*1475\*\* and of \*\*Hugh of Lincoln\*\* in \*\*1255\*\* were performed in the houses of rabbis. Even these few examples suffice to show that at all times the \*\*ritual\*\* act of slaughter was and is most carefully supervised. Often, the \*schächter\* of the surrounding area arrive at the place of slaughter together; in \*\*Konitz\*\*, for example, it was proven that not fewer than six outside ritual-slaughterers appeared at the time of the blood-murder of \*\*Winter\*\*; in the case of \*\*Damascus\*\*, where apparently a \*schächter\* was not immediately reachable, the Jewish barber was sent for! In \*\*Tisza-Eszlár\*\*, an eyewitness, the young \*\*Scharf\*\*, likewise discovered several \*schächter\* had appeared from the surrounding area. A man who, in his native \*\*Hungary\*\*, had come to know this murder pestilence in all its manifestations, the Knight Georg von \*\*Marcziányi\*\*, wrote the following about the Jewish ritual-slaughterers: "Despite all of the enlightenment and all the humanitarianism-pap of the 19th century, which has become a very effective slogan for a millennium of superstition and fanatic religious hatred, so that it has darkened the progressive spirit of the times with its kosher prejudice, like spider The circular cut of ritual-slaughter carves the tissues of the neck down to the cervical vertebrae and simultaneously the large neck vessels which lead to the brain, exactly in the same way that the Jewish ritual-slaughterers of cattle still to this day slaughter the (392) unstunned beast. The non-Jew, too, is of course merely an animal, which receives its ritual consecration only through the fact that it is offered to Yahweh as a pleasing sacrifice! "In order to execute the act of ritual-slaughter," says the Jewish medical officer \*\*Dammann\*\* in his \*Gutachten über das jüdische Schlachtverfahren\* \[Expert Opinion Concerning the Jewish Procedure of Ritual-Slaughter\] (Hanover, 1886), "the schächter stretches the skin of the neck with his left hand and quickly makes a cut somewhat below the larynx, through the tissues of the neck with the razor-sharp knife held in his right hand -- so deeply, that he penetrates to the vertebral bones. By the same (cut), the skin, the windpipe, the esophagus (gullet), the veins and arteries, as well as the nerve trunks which accompany these large vessels, are completely severed. In the beginning, the blood streams out massively from the opened vessels, then gradually more sparsely. . ." Dr. Steiner, as an example, who as the chief doctor saw the body of little Hegmann in Xanten on the evening of 29 June 1891, was convinced "that was a very sharp, large instrument with which the crime must have been done," since all parts of the neck down to the cervical vertebrae had been cut through. In the \*\*Polna\*\* ritual-murder trial of \*\*1899\*\*, according to the existing protocols, the court physician Dr. \*\*Prokes\*\* in Kuttenberg determined that the ritual-slaughter cut could have been performed only by an expert hand and only with a long, sturdy, and very sharp instrument which left behind completely smooth wound edges and thrust down to the cervical spine. The second forensic expert witness, Dr. \*\*Michalek\*\*, reached the same conclusion. This method of killing makes possible a \*\*complete running out\*\* of the blood from all blood vessels, since the heart still continues to keep the blood moving even after the neck is cut: the blood is, so to speak, pumped out of the body through the opened arteries until death by exsanguination intervenes. While the autopsy of those who died \[as victims\] in the usual types of murder cases yield the finding that the blood in the blood vessels is still present aside from that which ran out directly through the fatal wounds, the bodies and/or body parts of the victims who bled to death under the ritual-slaughter knife show themselves to be \*\*absolutely empty of blood!\*\* As we have seen, this evidence, confirmed by plentiful, strictly objective medical expert opinions in many centuries, stands unshakably firm (393) and can in no way be impaired or reduced in its significance: to the murderers, what matters is gaining the blood of their victims, without, insofar as it is possible, leaving any behind. The blood flowing out is caught as carefully as possible; thus, at the scene of the slaughter of Agnes \*\*Hruza\*\* in the Brezina Woods at \*\*Polna\*\*, only the most insignificant traces of blood -- spatters -- were to be discovered, according to official findings. The traces of blood in the barn at \*\*Xanten\*\* proved to be merely traces of secondary blood from the child's body having been dragged there. The blood of Esther \*\*Solymosi\*\*, according to the testimony of the young \*\*Scharf\*\*, flowed at first into an earthenware plate (more probably a bowl), which then was emptied into a saucepan; the blood of Father \*\*Thomas\*\* was caught in a large bowl "without there having been a drop lost" (protocol statement of the barber \*\*Soliman\*\*). The blood of the servant, \*\*Ibrahim Amara\*\*, was poured into a large white bottle from out of a copper bowl by means of a tin funnel (testimony of Murad-el-Fattal). The blood of the small \*\*Simon\*\* of Trent filled "one and a half pots" (\*unam scutellam cum dimidio\*). In the year \*\*1235\*\*, on Christmas Day, Jews of \*\*Fulda\*\* collected the blood of the five (!) children of a miller in prepared pouches; in \*\*1267\*\* the ritual-slaughter victim, a little girl, was layed upon linen which had been folded over several times and, according to the same collection of documents, her blood was caught up by the bedding (Aronius). In \*\*1452\*\* the blood of a two-year-old child killed at \*\*Savona\*\* flowed into \*\*ritual\*\* containers, like the blood of the ritually-slaughtered "Anderl of Rinn" in \*\*1462\*\*. The blood of the nine-year-old \*\*Maißlinger\*\*, tortured to death in \*\*Bösing\*\* on Ascension Day of \*\*1529\*\*, was sucked out from the body by means of quills and small "\*Röhrle\*" \[tubes\] and collected into bottles. Likewise collected in bottles was the blood of the three-and-a-half-year-old Russian nobleman's son, who had bled to death on Good Friday \*\*1753\*\* in the vicinity of \*\*Kiev\*\* under \[the knife of\] his \*schächter\*. . . The Jewess \*\*Ben-Noud\*\* found a large brass vase in the house of relatives, "which the Arabs call a \*laghen\*," totally filled with blood after she had noticed a short time before the bodies of two ritually killed boys hanging on the roof! -- And these few examples can be multiplied. According to \*\*Lyutostansky\*\*, (\*Die Juden in Rußland\* \[\*The Jews in Russia\*\]), the Polish Jews also employed so-called rolling barrels in order to obtain the blood of their (394) victims. This will always have been the case when no \*Schächter\* was available. The victims, mostly children, were tied up and then rolled back and forth for a long time in barrels which were densely outfitted with nails, knives, and other sharp objects, until the completely cut and pierced body had given all its blood. This procedure was also generally known in the Orient and was never requited! It has to be striking that the Jewish murderers, who otherwise acted so shrewdly, did not, in one single case in all these centuries, get rid of or hide the bodies of their ritually-slaughtered victims so that there were no remains, be it by burying or burning, so as to erase the traces of the crime, but on the contrary, disregarding any precautionary measures, they did not trouble themselves further, and indeed, actually put them on public display! At most, they sunk the bodies in swamps, canals, lakes, or in the sea. Thus a stabbed and cut child's body was discovered in 1244 at the cemetary of St. Benedict in London, and in 1247 the cut-to-pieces body, empty of blood, of the two-year-old Meilla was thrown into the city ditch of Valréas. The abused body of the schoolboy Conrad was found in a Thuringia vineyard in 1303; in 1503, D. Johann Eck saw near Freiburg the child's body which had been discovered "in the woods"; a peasant woman found the little Maißlinger among thorn hedges in 1529, and in 1590 and 1592 ritually-slaughtered children's bodies were come upon, lying in the open, in the small town of Szydlow and in Vilna; in 1744, a father found his abused and ritually-slaughtered child lying on a tree trunk in the Kaltener forest at Eppan (Tyrol). In Go to Summary/Page 2 Back to Table of Contents # Summary ----- ----- Page 2 In his day, a Masaryk believed that the circumstance that the body of Agnes Hruza, for example, was only superficially concealed, (396) had to be interpreted as proof of Jewish innocence. In the year 1900 he wrote as a representative of the European Intelligentsia as follows about this: "And finally, it must be once again and urgently emphasized: the body of Agnes Hruza was not in the least concealed, on the contrary, it was downright obtrusively, so to speak, put on display. Secret ritual-murderers could never have dealt with their victim in this way; I repeat, the place where the body was discovered was clearly so selected with the intention that the murder could be ascribed to perpetrators from Polna. The covering of the body with four flimsy spruce branches originated quite obviously more from the need of a certain piety, than the aim of hiding the body . . .(24) But Theodor Fritsch correctly assumed in this connection that here, too, ritual-symbolic motives were at work. Actually, in the year 1598 -- which could not have been known to Fritsch -- in a Polish ritual-murder trial on the occasion of the blood-murder of Woznik in the Podolia province, to which a four-year-old child of a peasant from Smirzanóv fell victim, a Rabbi explained at his interrogation that Jews are not allowed in any instance to bury one of the goyim, because they would thereby pollute themselves by this act and burden themselves with a deadly sin(25). The final and most important question, which concerns the \*\*use of the blood\*\*, has often been answered in a totally distorted and superficial manner. According to our findings up to this point, \*\*to begin with\*\*, a symbolic act of sacrifice will also have to be the basis for the ritual use of the blood. blood a sacrifice, so to speak (quasi sacrificium), and that they would be obligated to send some of the blood to other Jews, and that the child actually was supposed to have been crucified on Good Friday, but they had not been able to keep it hidden that long and because of this they killed it during the night on Wednesday. The words that appear in the interrogation protocol, quasi sacrificium, Lucius explained by the additional statement that the Jews were not able to produce a real sacrifice, because they no longer had a temple. According to Lucius, the symbolic sacrifice of a non-Jew = cattle, enters the picture, whose blood is "sent on" to others, i.e., to Jews not living in the region, so as to allow these to participate directly, so to speak, in the sacrifice! "For, though Yahweh took our temple away from us, he nevertheless has left us a substitute for it, which enlightens the soul still more, namely the shedding of the blood of the goyim onto a dry stone before the face of Yahweh." (27) Thomas Cantipratanus (named from the cloister Cantimpré at Cambrai, died around 1263), living around the same time, answered the question of why the Jews have to shed Christian blood each year, as follows (28): "It is, you see, quite certain, that they cast lots each year in every province, as to which community or city is supposed to furnish the other communities with Christian blood. . ." It is obvious, that H. L. Strack had himself a very delicate task in devaluating this and further historical evidence to the favor of the Jews. Athanasius \*\*Fern\*\*(29) describes this ceremony as follows: "The \*Paterfamilias\* pours some drops of the fresh, or a substance of powdered, blood into a glass, dips the finger of his left hand in and besprinkles ('blesses') everything that is on the table with it: 'therefore, we ask Yahweh, that he might send the ten plagues to all enemies of the Jewish faith.' At this, they dine, and the father of the family intones at the end of the meal: 'Therefore (like the child, whose blood the bread and wine contain) may all \*goyim\* go down to destruction!'" \*Purim\* and Easter wine are especially valuable when they contain the blood of non-Jews: Thus, as these are consumed, Yahweh might consume, exterminate, "devour" all that is non-Jewish! "You shall devour all the peoples, whom the Lord your God gives unto you, and let not thine eye look upon them with mercy" (\*Deuteronomy\* 7: 16). . . "For we shall devour them like bread" (\*Numbers\* 14: 9). The \*\*Trent\*\* ritual-murderers were -- as is known -- questioned \*\*separately\*\*. Israel, the son of the Rabbi \*\*Samuel\*\*, in whose house the synagogue was located, confessed as chief witness that various Jews had complained that this time they were not able to bake any Easter bread (sacrificial meal), since none of them had blood from non-Jews in stock. In answer to the question as to for what the blood was necessary, \*\*Israel\*\* replied: "that their faith teaches them that they would smell bad if they did not include Christian blood in the Easter bread." This "bad smell" is, in this case -- and, to be sure, only in this case -- to be taken figuratively, since, according to Israel, "the Rabbis want to express by this, that the Jew who does not use Christian blood \*\*offends against the Law\*\*". . . To the question, what meaning inheres in the enjoyment of this blood, and why the Jews eat it in Easter bread, \*\*Israel\*\* relied: "that this symbolizes a commemoration of that blood, of which Yahweh spoke to Moses, when he commanded him, during the time when the Jews were in the captivity of Pharaoh, to sprinkle the thresholds of their houses with blood. . ." The remaining accused confirmed and/or supplemented this exposition. The Jew Angelus knew that non-Jewish blood also was employed for staunching the bleeding at circumcision. The Master Joseph, \[he said\] who lives in Riva and has circumcised his sons, has constantly been supplied with non-Jewish blood. But once he did not have any, so as a "substitute" a dark red, liquid tree resin, which has the name "dragon blood" (sanguis draconis) was used. H.L. Strack also heard a rumor of the use of this "dragon blood," which he determined on further inquiry to be resin from a kind of palm tree native to Farther India, and, with relief, grasped at the existence of this (note well!) substitute remedy in his "expert opinion" given for the release of the ritual-murderers at the ritual-murder trial of Tisza-Eszlár, in which he writes: "Also, ignorance of the dragon blood used for the healing of the wound of circumcision, has given rise to the formation of the erroneous opinion that the Jews need Christian blood." (30) In such a way were "expert opinions" rendered, although Strack was very well acquainted with the Trent evidence! The old \*\*Samuel\*\*, the proprietor of the murder-house, determines the age of a ritual-slaughter victim as follows: "...it is better if the child to be slaughtered is not more than seven years old...a girl-child is only suitable for sacrifice if she is a virgin..." The forensic medical autopsy of Agnes Hruza had yielded the fact that the victim had remained unmolested... Samuel: "Concerning these things, no written laws exist, but the rabbis and the scholars teach us, and this teaching is transmitted by means of tradition, from generation to generation" Paul Nathan, in his book about Tisza-Eszlár, is not at a loss for an "explanation," even in the face of this evidentiary material; he brazenly and cheekily claims that the statements of their unfortunate co-religionists in Trent "tortured out" of them at the time, were "suggested" to the "accused" Jews in Damascus by the (401) "devilish" methods of the French Consul -- but the Jewish hack leaves it up to his European Intelligentsia to explain, how, of all people, a Consul sitting in Damascus could have knowledge of the then still-missing court documents, composed in the judicial Latin of the Middle Ages! The Jewish barber Soliman, answered the question of the French Consul Ratti-Menton, what was done with the blood of the murdered Father: "It was needed for the festival of the unleavened bread." The Pasha put the same question to Isaak Harari; this man replied after various evasions: "We have slain him in order to get his blood, and indeed, out of reasons of religion, for we had need of the blood for the fulfillment of a religious duty...We put it in the unleavened bread!" -- Aaron Harari confirmed this! The Rabbi Moses Abu-el-Afieh stated to the protocol: "The blood is for the unleavened bread; on the day, where they are baked, the Great Rabbi (in this case Jacob Antabli) stays standing in front of the baking oven. The Pious Ones (=Jews) send him meal out of which he makes bread, which he himself kneads and works in the blood. . Then he sends the bread to the Pious Ones. . ." These breads were then sent on to Baghdad! Rabbi Moses further reported: "They were all at the slaughtering and were joyful, since it was a matter of performing a religious act. . .It is a secret of the Great Rabbi, which ones are entrusted with the how and what of using the blood." But one member of the panel, the Greek merchant \*\*Chebeli\*\*, was not yet satisfied with the explanations of this Rabbi, he had discovered an obvious contradiction and put the following additional question: "You say that human blood serves for the celebration of the festival of the unleavened bread, yet it is known that Now the Rabbi Samuel, to whom these statements were read out, resigned himself to \[making the\] confession that perhaps four years ago he had bought "for a costly sum" a bottle, about a hand's breadth long, from a Jew of the name of Bär (Ursus), who had come from Saxony, (403) and who had had a certificate of verification with him by which it was certified that Bär was conducting his business (!) legally, and that the goods that he was carrying with him were genuine. In this certificate of verification (\*literas legalitalis\*) it was written in Hebrew that what he had with him was proper! It was signed by "Moses de Saxonia, Head Rabbi of the Jews." Bär carried the blood, present in pulverized condition, in an interior, tin-plated vessel sealed with white wax. In the layer of wax the Hebrew words were incised: "Moses, Head Rabbi of the Jews." Samuel, as he added to it, then set his name under it: "Samuel of Trent," to make known that he, for his part, joined the attested record concerning the reliability of the dealer. One other Jew, Engel (Angelus), confessed in Trent that he had bought the dry blood of a non-Jewish boy in the size of a bean more than four years ago, for four Lire of good coins from a certain Isaak from the Netherlands, out of the bishopric of Cologne; Isaak had carried with him the container of blood wrapped in a cloth, the blood itself had been clotted and in the form of a dust. Isaak then moved father on, from Trent to Venice. Before he came to \*\*Trent\*\*, \*\*Engel\*\* himself had lived with his Uncle \*\*Lazzari\*\* (Lazarus) for seven years in \*\*Castel Gaverdi\*\* in the region of \*\*Brescia\*\*. The latter was in correspondence with the Jew \*\*Rizardo of Brixen\*\* concerning blood; \*\*Rizardo\*\* had reported that he was selling blood and offered it. The Jew \*\*Tobias\*\*, described in the \*\*Trent\*\* documents as a surgeon or physician (\*artis chirurgiae peritus\*) -- he also occasionally "transacted" usury business -- admitted after initial denials that years before, he had already bought \*\*dried\*\* blood, perhaps as much as a nut, from a Jewish merchant \*\*Abraham\*\* for a Rheinish Gulden. \*\*Samuel\*\* had certified the genuineness of the blood for him. \*\*Abraham\*\* carried the clotted blood in small pieces in a red container, presumably he had moved on to \*\*Feltro\*\* or \*\*Bassano\*\*. Finally, \*\*Tobias\*\* testified concerning a mysterious "distinguished" Jew from the island of \*\*Crete\*\*, who about six or seven years ago had stopped in \*\*Venice\*\* (404), around the same time that the \*Kaiser\* Friedrich III, followed by a great swarm of Jews, had arrived at \*\*Venice\*\*; these Jews had attached themselves to the imperial progress, in order to be able to procure for themselves untaxed wares which then, stowed away on the imperial wagons, had been smuggled across the border(32). All these Jews were also supplied with blood, with which a "powerful" Jew, who constantly went about with "a large quantity of Christian blood," had furnished them. For the rest, the man dealt in sugar, and was called "Sugar-Jew" on account of this. This Jew from Crete had worn a black robe, which, in the Greek fashion, reached down to his feet; the universally well-known Jew \*\*Hossar\*\* of \*\*Cologne\*\* with residence in \*\*Venice\*\* in particular had had much traffic with this Sugar-Jew. The \*\*Trent\*\* documents therefore unveil, besides the details of a crime committed with unimaginable cruelty, further monstrous facts: \*\*organized\*\* to the last detail, just as there has been for ages a Jewish slave trade and drug trade. (405) \*\*2.\*\* There are \*\*dealers in blood\*\*, equipped with rabbinical certificates of verification In the \*\*Trent\*\* trial, not fewer than seven Jewish blood dealers appeared \[in the record\]: \*\*Bär\*\* (probably from Saxony), \*\*Isaak\*\* (from the region of \*\*Cologne\*\*), \*\*Rizardo\*\* (Brixen), \*\*Abraham\*\*, \*\*Rotpoch\*\* (Alsace), \*\*Sveschint\*\* (Cologne), and that frightful Jew from \*\*Crete\*\*, who can be described frankly as a wholesale dealer in blood. Beyond this, we can fix the \*\*route\*\* of this blood trade on the basis of the tria reports. In that 15th century, \*\*Venice\*\* was blossoming into a commercial city of the very first rank as trade center between Orient and Occident; in the judgement of \*\*Petrarch\*\*, it was arising as the "\*emporium orbis\*" (world city of commerce), which the contemporary voice of \*\*Fabri\*\* lauded as "the most wonderful and most remarkable in the entire world" and a Jakob \*\*Burkhardt\*\* praised as "the jewel box of the world in its day," and a fabulous wealth was emerging, of industrious, bold traders and seafarers, who stood in striking contrast to the debt economy of the slothful \*doges\* -- good use of the latter circumstance was made by those vultures who are to be found everywhere where there is already a whiff of decay despite a high economic bloom: the Jews. In no sense is it coincidental that just exactly the Venetian region of that time was a true Dorado of Jewish blood-murder -- in the year \*\*1480\*\* alone -- therefore, as soon as five years after an example had been made in \*\*Trent\*\* -- in this area not fewer than three (!) children were tortured most cruelly and ritually-slaughtered(33) while he attempted to interfere in the course of the proper hearing by means of declaring in a decree the \*\*Trent\*\* blood-murder to be a malicious rumor, took the Jews under his protection, and arranged that they should live unhindered in his land. This Jewish-protective decree, however, later had to be rescinded. "In this 15th century, Man stood at the eve of the Renaissance, he invented printing, he discovered America; the arts and the sciences took an unsuspected upswing. Yet Europe was teeming with all sorts like Enselin (Lazarus), Rizard, Samuel, Moses, Isaak of Cologne, the Bear from Saxony, who their whole life long bought, sold, and used Christian blood. . ." (H. Desportes, p. 328). The trade of \*\*Venice\*\* with the shores of the Near East made use of for its bases the ideal island bridges provided by Nature: \*\*Corfu\*\* -- \*\*Zante\*\* -- \*\*Crete\*\* -- \*\*Rhodes\*\* -- \*\*Cyprus\*\*. Upon all these islands, in a proportion which was increasing from century to century, Oriental Jews were encysted who, in constant contact with their racial comrades sitting on the crossroads of Asia Minor, Syria and Egypt, had brought the booming trade -- at least as middlemen -- into dependency upon Jewish parasites and were able to pocket fabulous profits. In the Orient, where human life in itself is already of little value, the trade in the blood of slaughtered non-Jews appears to be just another line of business; especially the harbor cities like \*\*Alexandria\*\*, \*\*Beirut\*\*, \*\*Smyrna\*\*, \*\*Constantinople\*\*, with the Quarters of Balata, Galata and Pera show blood-murders in great number, as we were able to determine, but even these can be only a miniscule fraction of those \[ritual\] crimes actually committed. "A very highly-placed man said to me, that of the Oriental diplomats, not one doubted that in the \*\*East\*\*, where these cases of murders of Christians \*\*are very easily concealed\*\* because there is no public opinion there, \*\*they are much more frequent than we think...\*\*"(35) One year before the trial of \*\*Damascus\*\*, in \*\*1839\*\*, at the customs office of \*\*Damascus\*\*, in a box intended for the Jew Aaron \*\*Stambuli\*\* -- thus the blood-murderer and blood dealer of Damascus -- a bottle with blood was discovered and confiscated; this was not given back, despite an offer of 10,000 Piasters from the protesting Jews. At his interrogation, the Jew in his consternation gave the confused statement that it was a custom with them to preserve(36) the blood of their great men(408). Concerning the further prosecution of the affair nothing more was known, according to Achille \*\*Laurent\*\*, the most that was known was that the head of Customs of Damascus died a sudden death! The former Rabbi Noe \*\*Weinjung\*\*, born about \*\*1765\*\* in \*\*Kitchenev\*\* as the son of a That a blood trade has existed on German soil until the most recent times, can be inferred from the events in \*\*Xanten\*\*, \*\*Polna\*\*, and \*\*Konitz\*\*. The foreign Jew, who appeared with a black leather bag around the time of the murder of little Jean in Xanten (29 June 1891) and just as suddenly vanished again, might have had the same function as that "crooked Jew" who on the day of the murder of the \*\*Hruza\*\* girl (409)(29 March 1899) was hurrying out of the apartment of the \*\*Polna\*\* Rabbi clutching a container of approximately six liters capacity packed in waxed canvas. Already in 1529, after the ritual-crime of \*\*Tyrnau\*\*, the blood was first hidden in the synagogue -- "on that account there was great rejoicing" -- before it was handed over to various Jewish middlemen for further distribution. But even \*\*blood-dealing\*\* and \*\*blood-dealers\*\* are finally merely components of a \*\*System\*\* for which \*\*all of Jewry\*\* itself alone is to be made answerable before history: the extermination, conducted intentionally and consciously, of all that is non-Jewish. That an important role of \*\*blood-doctrine\*\* and \*\*blood-practice\*\* belongs to the \*\*local center\*\* in this struggle for destruction, the \*\*synagogue\*\*, "the very own daughter of the Pharisaic school" (\*\*Rohling\*\*), does not need to be further proven after the expositions up to now. The "President of the Court of Appeals of the Free City of Frankfurt and Envoy of the four Free Cities of Germany at the Bundestag, Dr. of Theology and Jurisprudence, J. F. \*\*Meyer\*\*, the learned and founding trustee," believed himself able to dismiss these things with the following witty remark: "But as concerns the alleged blood-thirst, this would have been been able to be amply satisfied for many centuries now without killing, in any bath or barber's room; but not even one Jew has been found to \*\*buy blood\*\* there. No one has ever seen a Jew \*\*sampling\*\* blood."(38) In 1693, a woman at a cattle market offered for sale to some Jewish cattle dealers a bowl of blood, "because she knew that the Jews like to have blood from Christian children. . ." The Jews, however, were craftier than this efficient business woman, they indignantly raised an alarm, called the city patrol and had the woman taken away. Before the magistrate, she confessed that she had been trading out of poverty in order to get a few Groschen; "it truly is human blood, but not of (410) a child, but from a couple of soldiers who opened a vein for the sake of their health and were supposed to let the blood be carried away by flowing water. . ."Now because But \*\*Moses Abu-el-Afieh\*\* spoke in \*\*Damascus\*\* of two kinds of blood that are pleasing to Yahweh, of which one is \*\*the blood of ritual-slaughter\*\*. There is no contradiction in the fact that, for example, in the \*Old Testament\* the consumption of animal blood is forbidden by religious law under threat of "divine" punishment, which, as such, is grasped at by theologians over and over again for the "refutation" of the blood-accusation -- while the consumption of human blood is found to be forbidden \*\*nowhere\*\*, to say nothing of the rabbinical blood-doctrine. The Jews have the firm and subtle belief that social intercourse with other peoples, even the mere (411) gaze of an \*Akum\* (40), \*\*materially\*\* pollutes their blood! Their sharp and ruthless rabbinical intelligence found an equally subtle means millennia ago, by which they believed to be able to purify themselves and which was, for later centuries, transmitted \*\*orally\*\* for the sake of caution. Olden Asiatic physicians already were familiar with that natural law which says that like is to be healed by like \[i.e., sympathetic magic\]. In the mechanical world, one knows that like poles repel each other. This general law, adopted into Medicine, is followed exactly in homeopathic practice by use of small, refined, counter-doses: when one feels infected by a sickness, one partakes of the same substance thought to be causing the sickness, and indeed, a dose in a specific and \*\*absolute purity\*\* and in minute amounts. The most modern Medicine proves satisfactorily the profound law of Nature, that like is healed by like, and indeed what is more striking, the \*\*smaller\*\* the dose is, the better the \*\*results\*\*. In the most refined dosing, non-Jewish blood, for example, enters into the Easter baking of the Jews, the matzos. Regarding the meal \[i.e., in the sense of the grain from which bread is baked\] of sacrifice, the Rabbi \*\*Samuel of Trent\*\* stated in \*\*1475\*\* that the Jewish father of the family would mingle some portion of the blood from a \*\*non\*\*-Jewish child into the dough at the preparation of the matzos; the size of a lentil seed would suffice! The Head Rabbi of \*\*Damascus\*\* personally baked the Easter breads intermingled with the non-Jewish sacrificial blood and sent them for "purification" in all direction to his co-religionists. But this blood is especially \*\*effective\*\*, according to Jewish teaching, if it has been obtained under circumstances of unimaginably sadistic tortures and sufferings for the non-Jewish victim! "The matzos are prepared as they must be," said \*\*Samuel\*\* at their distribution in \*\*Trent\*\*, and those present understood \*\*what\*\* was meant by that. . Lazarus \*\*Goldschmidt\*\* cites a passage of the \*Talmud\* tract of the \*Schabbath\*, where an "emperor" asks the Rabbi Joshua ben Chananya why the Jewish Sabbath meal has such a pleasant aroma. The Rabbi answers: "Because we (412) have a spice by the name of \*\*Sabbath\*\* that we put in!" The "emperor" also wants to have some of it, but the Rabbi says: "It \*\*is only proper for them who observe the Sabbath\*\*. Since you do not do this, it would do you no good." What kind of \*\*special\*\* spice is this, this "spice named Sabbath," which "\*\*is of use to" only the Jews\*\*?? Under the date 19 January 1882, in the \*Archives Israélites\*, there is offered \*vin cascher\* ("kosher wine") with the express certificate of the Head Rabbi -- we are reminded of the "certificates" of the Trent blood-dealers!; on 2 March, again, "kosher wine" (\*vin cascher\*) for the Easter feast. On 16 March 1882 we read, printed in a list of other notices: "Spices for Jewish Easter use: Madame Haas \*\*guarantees\*\* unleavened bread (matzos)." To deceive the reader unfamiliar with these matters, the word kosher is written in various ways: coscer, causcher, cascher, cascer, kascer, koscer, etc. The Almanach zum Gebrauch der Israeliten \[Almanac for the Use of the Israelites\] (appeared at the time from Blum, Paris, 11, rue des Posiers) is filled with similar notices. Several pastry bakers supply the "customary Easter bread for the Pessach feast," but another says that he alone has the \*\*authority\*\* to offer \*\*everything\*\* that is \*\*necessary\*\* for the celebration of Pessach -- And in the Orient, of course, there was and is the notorious mossa guésira (blood-matzos) next to the "customary" mossa! These concordances are amazing(41). The Jews of our day, therefore, in confidence of the ignorance of non-Jewish humanity, sell in open public, their ritual \*Pessach\* and \*Purim\* breads and wines, furnished with the \*\*blood-certifications of their rabbis\*\*, exactly as they were accustomed to do in the Middle Ages! On \*\*30 March 1882\*\* the same \*Archives Israélites\* warned the "faithful" that the "religious" \*Pessach\* prescriptions were of extreme importance and one ought not to neglect even one of them. The preparation of the matzos "demands scrupulous care," the women should go off during their work. "The scrupulous care, which is required here, the omission of not even one \*Pessach\* prescription, the removal of Blood is a special sap. It also has the effect, as Nature teaches at every turn, of establishing antipathy, hostility. Every hunter can tell countless examples from his own experience to illustrate that blood, which has flowed as a result of murder-lust or the lust for pleasure, prevents the friendly "scenting" of creature to creature. The blood that we take from creatures, \*\*separates\*\* us from them; the milk they they give to us, forms a bond with them. A cow which gives milk to a child and a Jew, who ritually slaughters it, are images which have stamped themselves in the blood of every people throughout the generations, as an inextinguishable instinct; a child runs to an old cow to caress it -- while he runs away crying from an old Jew. On the Lower Rhine, the girls say "when a Jew is in the village, (414) I do not go through the corn alone," and there were wealthy and independent peasants who, when one of these black-garbed beasts, one of the "fellow-citizens of the Mosaic faith" came through their village, became uneasy, like their cattle in the well-locked stall when a predator was lurking about. It is the eternal and natural "fear of the Jews" which the Galileans knew long ago. That thousand-year-old Jewish hatred, that "great hatred," is not stoked and nourished anew by theoretical instruction alone, but, to a much more effective degree, still by -- \*\*blood\*\*. But the final meaning of the blood sacrifice, its final \*\*interpretation\*\*, can perhaps best be given by only a \*\*Jew\*\* himself. A philosophical work appeared about sixteen years ago, entitled \*Die Wirklichkeit der Hebräer. Einleitung in das System des Pentateuch\* \[\*The Reality of the Hebrews: Introduction into the System of the Pentateuch\*\], by the Jew Oskar \*\*Goldberg\*\*. This extremely rare book was made available only to leading Jews and was anxiously protected. "If one works his way through this not simply written book, it falls open to him as if unveiled before his eyes," was the assessment of this book by Joh. v. \*\*Leers\*\*(43). Now Goldberg, one of those "Wise Men of Israel," expresses clearly that the purpose of the Jewish service of sacrifice is through \*\*blood\*\*, in which the \*\*biological\*\* power of life is contained, to keep Yahweh lastingly \*\*present\*\*. The purpose of the ritual is to hold the people together continually in \*\*struggle against the other\*\* \*Elohim\* (gods!), while at the same time suppressing the elements within the people which stem from the essence of the other \*Elohim\* (that is, the non-Jews!). "The commandments of purity . . .are derived for him (Goldberg) from this basic thought." (v. Leers). The presence of Yahweh, therefore, is conjured by black magic "in order to turn these powers against the other peoples in the wars of Yahweh. . ." Jew Goldberg permits us -- to speak in the words of his colleague Güdemann (44) -- (415) a look into those "halls of the Jewish literature, to which, for those standing outside them, it is almost more difficult to gain access than many a princely court..." The blood of the non-Jew rises up against the fanatic blood-politics of the Jews. Germany has been intended by History to have the leading role in this mamouth struggle: morality struggles against immorality, heroism against criminality, light against darkness, and blood against blood! The Jewish Question is not otherwise to be solved. Destiny seems to desire that each people which struggles with the Jews, ventures its best blood against Jewish blood, and, if it must, unto death. Thus has it been for millennia -- so it is again today, only with the distinction that a \*Führer\* and rescuer has arisen: "In that I am resisting the Jew, I am struggling for the work of the Lord" (Adolf Hitler). Back to Table of Contents # Appendix 1. ----- (p. 419) Translation of the Address Given before the Vice-King of Egypt (1) We come here with the most sure conviction that Your Highness, of such great fame in Europe due to your bravery in the Field, your wisdom in the Council, and your tolerance toward all good subjects without distinction, will grant our request with your accustomed kindness. We come without hatred, without passion, merely with the upright desire of bringing the truth to light. Therefore our request goes out to Your Highness, to impart to us the authority to go to \*\*Damascus\*\*, and there to initiate such inquiries which will be able to lead to the obtaining of sufficient evidence in respect to those accusations which have brought the entire Jewish population of that city into suffering unheard of till now, and so that the results of such investigation may be officially confirmed by the \*Gouverneur\* of \*\*Damascus\*\* and presented to Your Highness. That moreover, Your Highness might facilitate for us the means for obtaining this information, as well as grant safe conduct for those persons who belong to our mission, and provide full security for all parties who have credentials; the permission to speak with and question the prisoners as often as necessary, and that the authority and permission of Your Highness will be enforced by means of a special Firman \[an edict or decree\], sent to the \*Gouverneur\* of \*\*Damascus\*\* and officially entered into the local archives and publicly read out in the streets there. May we add that the eyes of all of Europe are directed upon Your Highness, and that the granting of our request will gratify the entire civilized world. It is well known (420) that the prince who has attained such a great reputation, treasures justice even more highly. It is an homage to your genius, to your love of truth, your love of justice, which has caused this \*\*deputation of all the Israelites of the Earth\*\* to appeal to Your Highness with confidence, in the consciousness that this appeal can not have been made in vain. Alexandria, 4 August 1840. Moses Monethore # Appendix 2. \\\_\\\_\\\_\\\_\\\_ \\\_\\\_\\\_\\\_ (p. 420) ### Herr Crémieux in Vienna(2) \*\*Vienna\*\* (Beginning of December 1840). Herr \*\*Crémieux\*\* has departed for \*\*Paris\*\*, heaped with tributes, and especially, naturally, with evidence of the participation of the local Israelite population. Prince \*\*Metternich\*\*, as has also been the case with several high statesmen, has received with honor the defender of injured and abused humanity, which always finds protection and the warmest sympathy in the \*\*humanitarianism\*\* of our principles of government, of whatever region or religion it may be. The community of Jews has arranged a banquet for him, in gratitude for the protection of its brothers in \*\*Beirut\*\*, and not many have been seen of equal magnificence. This took place in the Hotel of the Roman Emperor, comprised over 80 place settings, and the arrangement was designed by the women, who nevertheless declined to appear there themselves. Before the beginning of the meal, an address of thanks of the community, which expressed the sentiments of the rescued human dignity of their co-religionists, written on parchment and read aloud by the local teacher of religion, Dr. \*\*Manheimer\*\*, was delivered to him. This was enclosed in a golden case and so abundantly set with diamonds that its value is reckoned at 14,000 Florins. The address reads: Montefiore, toward whom we have the same admiration, may this confession \[of faith, admiration, etc.\], which is the first that you have received on German soil, be a testimonial for you of the esteem and recognition which your efforts and exertions have found among your German co-religionists. We say to you, in the words of the Scriptures: Stride forth vigorously and courageously upon the trodden path -- it shall be your glory and your honor!" outside the law of the peoples among whom they live, possess all the virtues of free men, when they demonstrate such explicit, such moving, such unanimous gratitude toward those who demand for them the same common rights and social freedom? And is not the sympathy for the maliciously persecuted brothers, which was suddenly awakened, as if \*\*by an electric shock\*\* at every point on Earth, a great virtue? Does not this Jewish population, whose heart is so full of the fine feelings of love of relatives, deserve to live among other men and to have equal standing with them? What virtue do we lack. . .the love of country? (424) We French Israelites, we citizens of a free country, which has given us a fatherland, our enthusiasm is intensified in that feeling which founds a people and makes it great, and you, gentlemen, who only can dimly know that \[feeling of\] country, since country is the equality of rights and duties, are you not all prepared to shed your purest blood for the happiness of the ground upon which you see the light? Ach, you shall attain it, gentlemen, one day you shall obtain this precious fatherland, this life-within-life! And those, who will be able to call you their fellow-citizens, will see whether your hearts are not at one with their hearts. Indeed, Jews of Austria, you will get the fatherland, for in that memorable affair of Damascus, Austria has shown that it knows no distinction of faith, when humanity speaks. Austria was first to extend a helping hand to the oppressed. Ach, its power did not reach so far as to be able to restore to life those whom torture had murdered, but it stepped between the executioner and those victims whose death had been decided; it noble-mindedly protested against the bloody proceedings. With joy I -- I, a Frenchman - call out in this capital city of the Austrian Imperial State: Honor to Austria! Honor to you, Prince Metternich, whose active as well as generous power covered like a shield those who were languishing beyond the sea; Honor to you -- you, who demonstrated a sublime spirit and an exalted philosophy in this final struggle of prejudice against reason, and unfolded the banner of humanity before the eyes of the world, without consideration for politics, which always is so foreign to justice! The General Consul Laurin, who found in his own heart an abhorrence for injustice and first brought the light of his clear reason and the dedication of his noble heart into this bloody drama, has also shown himself to be worthy of you. . . Honor also to Merlato, who struggled even to the final day at the scene of the horrible executions(3), and did not fear to unveil all secrets of t Gentlemen, the \*\*Press\*\*, too, has forcefully supported us, the German, the French, the English Press; it dealt the most powerful blows to religious intolerance. \*\*The Press has its torches\*\*: the light terrifies fanaticism and persecution. . . the martyrs of Damascus will be our last martyrs. The West is making incursions into the East with its \*\*civilization\*\*, not merely in matters of political questions, but also in social issues, as a guarantee of the future of the peoples. Thank you, gentlemen, a thousand thanks for (425) this precious pledge of your esteem, your friendship! I shall keep it as a precious treasure, as a legacy for my beloved son. . ." The cheering of those present was boundless, and with great enthusiasm toasts were offered to the \*Kaiser\* and the whole Imperial House, to the \*\*Prince State\*\*Chancellor, to the Consuls of the Great Powers, etc., who rendered assistance in this affair of justice and humanity, and the celebration was inscribed ### \*\*Fürth\*\*, 4 December 1840(4). #### Frankfurt a M Manifold evidence of respect and reverence for the celebrated \*\*advocate of innocence and advancer of civilization\*\* was also produced at this local setting. . . On 7 December Herr. C. \*\*Kann\*\* assembled a close circle of friends and admirers of the celebrated man at a dinner at the end of which Herr \*\*Crémieux visited the lodge of the Frankfurt Eagle\*\* (5) and attended till late at night the hurriedly arranged supper. The Society of the Frankfurt Eagle delivered to him 1000 florins as a voluntary contribution for the \*\*Crémieux School\*\* in \*\*Cahira\*\*. . .Herr \*\*Crémieux\*\* also honored our \*Bürgerschule\* \[a school roughly equivalent to grades 5 - 10\] and \*Realschule\* \[upper grade elementary school\] with his presence and attended some classes. Finally, a fine banquet should be mentioned, which the \*\*Society of the Rising Dawn\*\* arranged to (426) celebrate the noble fighter and at which about 100 guests were present. In the gloriously decorated hall \*\*memorial tablets\*\* were displayed, which detailed the main events of his dynamic life.. . . With genuine friendliness, many accompanied the celebrated man to his quarters, in front of which a brilliant \*\*serenade\*\* by the members of the Society of the Frankfurt Eagle was prepared in his honor. Back to Table of Contents # Appendix 3. \\\_\\\_\\\_\\\_\\\_ ----- (p. 426) Protocol II of 22 May 1882, 1:15 A.M. in Nagyfalu. Interrogation by the Examining Magistrate Bary. "Did you know the daughter, \*\*Esther\*\*, of Frau Johann \*\*Solymosi\*\*? If so, what did she look like?" "She had a worn-out white scarf on her head, a red scarf at her neck and she was wearing a light-colored jacket and a blue skirt. She had an old yellow scarf in her hand; my father asked her where she had been and what she was carrying in the scarf, and she said that she had been in the \*\*Kohlmayer\*\* arcade where Frau Andreas \*\*Huri\*\*, whom she was working for, had sent her to get paint." "Did your parents know \*\*Esther\*\*?" \*\*Solymosi\*\* and was \*\*Sophie\*\*'s sister and that she was working for Mrs. \*\*Huri\*\*." "What happened with \*\*Esther\*\* on the Saturday on which she came into your father's apartment?" "At my father's request she took the candlesticks from the table and put them on the chest, after she got up on a chair." "Who was in the room at the time?" "My father, my mother, my little \*Geschwister\* \[= siblings, which would be an unlikely term for English speakers to use to indicate their own collective brother/s and/or sister/s, but it is a very common noun in German\] \*\*Samu\*\* and \*\*Rószi\*\* and I." "What happened with \*\*Esther\*\* next?" "Did you and your parents follow the beggar?" "My parents stayed in the room, but I went after the beggar and saw how he went into the synagogue with \*\*Esther\*\*. After a while I heard screaming in the synagogue, I heard three or four cries for help, just like if someone had called out: 'Help, people!' Then I ran to the synagogue door but this was locked; now I looked through the keyhole, and since the key wasn't in the hole, I saw that \*\*Esther\*\* was lying on the floor in her slip while her clothes were on the table. \*\*The foreign ritual-slaughterers\*\* from \*\*Téglás\*\* and \*\*Tarczal\*\* and the beggar were holding the girl pressed to the floor and our \*\*present ritual-slaughterer Salomon Schwarz\*\* was cutting her in the neck with a knife that was somewhat longer and \*\*much broader\*\* than a regular table knife (6). He made a cut in her neck, and then the two foreign schächter and the beggar lifted the girl up, but Salomon \*\*Schwarz\*\* held two bloody bowls, one after the other, under her head, in them the blood was flowing, which they poured into a large pan. Then they dressed the girl again. While they were dressing the girl, four other Jews came out of the inner part of the synagogue: \*\*Samuel Lustig, Abraham Braun, Lazar Weißstein\*\*, and \*\*Adolf Junger\*\* and stood around the body of the girl. Now I went back to the room and told my parents what I'd seen. They had just sat down at the table and begun eating; when I started to tell them about it, my mother said to me that I should be quiet." "Did you still go back then into the synagogue?" "No, I ate with my parents at noon, until after about an hour, when the Jewish beggar came out of the synagogue and said to me that I should lock the door. I went out and saw how the \*schächter\* from \*\*Téglás\*\* and \*\*Tarczal\*\* and Salomon \*\*Schwarz\*\* were leaving. I found the key in the window of the hall, and without looking into the inner part of the synagogue, I came back out and locked the outer door. In the hall I didn't see the body of \*\*Esther\*\* any longer, nor did I see any traces of blood any more." "Where then did you carry the key?" "Into the room and hung it on a nail." "How long did the key hang there?" "Until five in the afternoon, then I opened the door again; at first, (428) the three \*schächter\* and the former \*schächter\* Emanuel \*\*Taub\*\*, Hermann \*\*Rodenberg\*\*, and Jacob \*\*Süßmann\*\* came. Later, several more came, whose names I can no longer recall " "That, I don't know" "Why didn't you tell all this at your first interrogation?" "No one threatened me, no one forced me, and I spoke the truth out of my own free will, and just as I've now told it." Read, certified, and signed. Moritz Scharf Joseph Bary, Examining Magistrate # Appendix 4. ----- \\\_\\\_\\\_\\\_ (p. 428) Gentlemen, it is my intention to direct the attention of the honorable House and of the Minister of Justice to an affair which for months has aroused a portion of the populace to a high degree. I mean the Buschhoff case, the Xanten boy-murder. 'But if he (Buschhoff) is guilty -- why do they release him? Are there, perhaps, relationships behind this which are even darker than the murder of an innocent child? What does it matter, whether Buschhoff and family sit in investigative custody for four or five weeks longer yet, if afterwards the releasing, guilt-denying verdict is conceded to them by the jury, while they remain afflicted with suspicion for the rest of their lives?' Now in conclusion, gentlemen, one more main point, that is, the question of ritual-murder! This \*\*silly fairy-tale\*\* of ritual-murder, which reaches back into the times of the \*\*dark Middle Ages, when the Enlightenment\*\* was not yet so far \[developed\], and even farther back, this question is being revived here in this manner by the most distinguished organ of the conservative party! Has this organ (\*Kreuzzeitung\*), then, no sensitivity for the fact that this foolish fairy-tale no longer suits the present day? (430) Not only did Bishop \*\*Kopp\*\* in the year 1882 (Tisza-Eszlár!) declare ritual-murder to be an outrageous untruth, there were also prominent popes, the supreme shepherds of the Catholic Church, who also entered the lists against it in writing and in speech in earlier centuries when the enlightenment of the people had not advanced so far and men were not as armored against such tales as they are today. I have here before me that memorable letter from Cardinal \*\*Ganganelli\*\*, who in the year 1759, when the Polish Jews were accused of ritual-murder (laughter from the Right) -- I do not know what is so funny about this to the gentlemen -- when the Polish Jews were accused, explicitly protested against it and with the weapons of his scholarship, which encompassed broad areas, proved that it was merely a \*\*fairy-tale\*\*, which must be rejected. . ." Rickert then complained about an article in the \*Kreuzzeitung\*: "No, gentlemen, such weapons are not suitable in the 19th century, whose end we are approaching; these are not the weapons of \*\*Christian charity\*\* or of \*\*tolerance\*\*; nor are they the weapons of the constitution or of the law. The Jews in our State are not guests, as the \*Kreuzzeitung\* says, but on the contrary, \*\*fellow citizens with equal rights\*\*, and woe unto him who lays a hand upon these rights in a flagrant manner!" (Vigorous "bravo!" from the \*\*left\*\*.) # Appendix 5. ----- \\\_\\\_\\\_\\\_ (p. 430) ### Letter of Rohling to the Court at Cleves To the Royal Criminal Court at Cleves Your Honor! Conscience and honor force me to protest against this expert opinion. Professor Nöldeke terms it frivolous, when over and over again it is repeated that Jews require the use of Christian blood. He claims to be able to say "with tolerable certainty" that nothing about this is contained in the \*Talmud\*; also, according to his opinion, nothing in the \*Sefer halkutim\* and in the \*Zohar\* suggests it. \*\*Delitzsch\*\*, according to Herr \*\*Nöldeke\*\*, is supposed to have most definitely disproved the blood-accusation and my old friend \*\*Bickell\*\* to have declared it to be a hoax. I find it strange that Professor \*\*Nöldeke\*\* charges those who think differently with frivolity, while he himself (431) lays claim to only a "tolerable" certainty for himself. As for \*\*Delitzsche\*\*, he, like \*\*Nöldeke\*\* himself was refuted by the work by Victor concerning the \*\*Rohling\*\*/Bloch trial, which appeared in two editions published by Fritsch in Leipzig in 1887, without a defense following from those involved. As for Professor \*\*Bickell\*\*, he \*\*never\*\* stated that the blood-accusation was a hoax, but on the contrary, he agreed with me that \*\*history fully justifies these accusations\*\*, because it reports numerous murders which were forensically established \*\*Eisenmenger\*\* also points to these facts, although rabbinical textual evidence and documentary proofs were not available to him. Concerning some texts of this type Professor \*\*Bickell\*\* was also of another opinion from my own, although he later withdrew an earlier statement about the impossibility of my idea, and Professor Nöldeke would have been able to know all of this from Victor's work, which was publicly available since 1887. If the facts of history are not to be denied, it is well understood that despite the expurgation of certain rabbinical works, indeed there are texts still existing here and there, which hint at the subject, and contain allusions which, in spite of every editorial precaution, speak very plainly in the light of historical events. But as superfluous as texts of that sort are in the face of the historical records, and therefore, if one desires, can be left to the academic exercises of the philologists, I for my part find what others always say, that the \*Talmud\* even in expurgated editions suggests the phenomenon, while the \*Sefer halkutim\* and \*Zohar\* speak more definably, as is explained in my work \*Polemik und Menschenopfer des Rabbinismus\* \[\*Polemics and Human Sacrifice of the Rabbinate\*\] (Paderborn, pub. Schröder, 1883). This explanation is still completely convincing to me today, and if I do not respond to private publications of the newspapers and brochures, like Strack's \*Blutaberglaube\* \[\*Blood-Superstition\*\], this is because the secular authority, to which I am subject, desires the end of the Jewish controversy. But after my \*\*sacred conviction\*\* was stigmatized before the Court as a frivolity, I held it to be my duty to make known to you this, which stands before you: in the face of death and of my eternal Judge, I cannot speak otherwise and must state: With great respect signed, Canon Doctor of Theology and Philosophy, A. Rohling, Professor of Hebrew Antiquities at the Royal and Imperial German University in Prague. \*\*Prague\*\*, 10 July 1892. Back to Table of Contents ----- \\\_\\\_\\\_\\\_\\\_ (p. 432) Now, gentlemen of the jury! The perpetrators, \*\*as in a whole series of cases which have preceded it\*\*, counted upon succeeding in not being discovered this time, too. But the Bible has ever said, that at the commission of the crime of murder, the blood of the victim cried unto Heaven. (Great commotion \[in the courtroom\].) But here, indeed, the blood was unable to cry unto Heaven, for \*\*the blood had disappeared!\*\* But the body speaks to Heaven in a terribly \*\*mysterious\*\* language, yet we \*\*understood\*\* this language and we finally succeeded in lifting the darkness that was supposed to be spread over it. girl that they wanted, but something (433) \*\*different\*\*. Let us think about the last hour of this unfortunate victim We think of how the rope was thrown around her neck, how three men suddenly bent over her, how they struck her on the head, ripped off the clothes from her body with terrible force, how she, perhaps, in the beginning, believing that this was an assault upon her honor \[i.e., virginity\], suddenly had to see how the knife shone, that terrible instrument in the hand of one of the men, how they prepared everything for the horrible \*\*ritual-slaughtering\*\*, how they inclined her head to the side, how she sees now, for the first time, what they intend to do with her, how the whole terrible truth of that for which she has been selected becomes clear to her -- and, gentlemen of the jury, you will agree with me, that this girl is a martyr. Gentlemen! We have never seen such a case. Yesterday you listened to the \*\*expert opinion of the physicians\*\*. Is there still need of proof that the murderers did not want the life of this girl, but rather wanted her \*\*blood\*\* alone? (Powerful excitement.) That is no longer debatable! From out of the courtroom of the Kuttenberg circuit court today, yonder into all \*Gaue\*, it is shouted that among human society live men who demand the \*\*blood\*\* of their fellow men! We shrink from this. We defend ourselves against these horrible thoughts, our emotions struggle against it, against this frightful secret, guarded for centuries. Now a second question forces itself on us. \*\*For what\*\* is the blood needed? And there, gentlemen, I say to you now: It is the responsibility of all Christian humanity to unwrap this secret. It is the duty, the highest duty of the authorities, that they elucidate why there are people among us who use the \*\*blood of of their neighbors\*\* for sinister purposes. We have the right to protect ourselves, indeed, we must defend ourselves against these people who require our blood. This terrible secret should finally be aired, it should finally be made clear \*\*who these\*\* people are, whether it is only a religious sect, or whether it is a \*\*race\*\*, we must defend ourselves and demand that the State proceed against them. We warn the world that it is seeking to preserve this secret still longer. Look at the accused \*\*and\*\* the society in which he lives. Why does \*\*Hilsner\*\* lie so stubbornly, why is he supported \*\*by his entire society\*\*? \*\*Hilsner\*\* knows very well that, if he confesses, the whole secret would come out, for it would all come out, whether it was one \*schächter\* or another who made this cut \[in the victims's throat\]. Therefore, why should we not help in discovering those who are complicit in this! I say (434) to you, that the present proceedings are not the end of the \*\*Polna\*\* murder affair. It is only \*\*the beginning\*\* of a new investigation, we are far from the end of it. We will seek, seek inexorably to find out who the other perpetrators were, we will find them, and then the whole Christian world will heave a sigh of relief, \*\*as if freed from a monstrous nightmare.\*\*" believed that their crime would not come to light for all eternity. Dr. Baxa stated in conclusion that his conviction concerning the guilt of the accused stood rock-firm. "In the name of justice and integrity, you must vote in the affirmative and you can vote with full conviction, and we will have taken a further great step forward along the road which we are resolved to follow. . ." Back to Table of Contents Jewish Ritual-Murder: a Historical Investigation Der jüdische Ritualmord: Eine historische Untersuchung von Hellmut Schramm, Ph. D # Appendix 7. ----- ----- (p. 434) ### An Alliance for Solving the Konitz Murder has formed in the city of \*\*Konitz\*\*. On \*\*11 March 1900\*\* the gymnasium student Ernst \*\*Winter\*\*, in the bloom of young manhood, was tortured to death by crazed murderers' hands in \*\*Konitz\*\*, and the horrible crime still awaits earthly punishment. This possibility is thanks to the selfless and tireless activity of some few men who, without sufficient financial means, but with the mustering of all their powers, have followed the tracks of the murder. But the enormous difficulties and obstacles which opposed every step toward the discovery of the murderer, could not be overcome by the zeal and energy of individuals. In the city of \*\*Konitz\*\*, within whose walls the murder was committed, an alliance has been formed from the ranks of respected citizens in the town and country, which has set itself the goal of contributing with all its powers to the solution of the murder and pursuing every lead regardless. This alliance addresses itself to all Germans of every party. Everyone should contribute according to his ability to the collection of a sufficient fund, which should be used, under the responsibility of the undersigned, for a \*\*proper pursuit\*\* of the leads of the murder. We ask the newspapers of all political persuasions to promote our undertaking by repeated printing of this appeal, and we ask every German citizen to contribute his mite for this good cause. #### Konitz, 24 November 1900. v. Parpatt, Member of the West Prussian Provincial Landtag Osiander Landtag Deputy - v. Gordon-Laskowitz, Member of the Prussian Herrenhaus \[titled\] Back to Table of Contents ----- \\\_\\\_\\\_\\\_\\\_ (p. 435) From the Speech of the Deputy Liebermann von Sonnenberg in the 43rd Session of the German Reichstag of 7 February 1901. Jewry is also at work here according to an \*\*old proven method\*\*. Herr \*\*Rickert\*\* (9) need only look up the passages about the Jews in Rome, in Mommsen's Roman history, how they behaved if some governor in the provinces had irritated them, \*\*perhaps had been incorruptible\*\*. When such a man arrived in Rome after having been relieved of his post, then the alarm was sounded, the rabble stirred up against him, and every means tried to injure him and to make a new office impossible for him. I do not know how the Jewish campaign of agitation against the Herr Minister of Justice will end; perhaps there is also someone at hand \*\*as a replacement for him, who is not yet positioned properly\*\* (very good!). The riots of the summer of the previous year (in Konitz) were instigated by \*\*Jewish\*\* agents provocateurs and agitators, or provoked by extreme Jewish impudence toward the populace (quite correct!). The case of the Jew \*\*Zander\*\*, for example, who threw a stone through the pane of his \*\*own\*\* window on the street, demonstrates this for Konitz. Gentlemen, the populace must be protected against such provocations! But the Jews slip into the role of \*\*persecuted innocents\*\* at such riots, they scream about violence and they know how to make their screaming heard \*\*in very high places\*\*. Then troops -- which perhaps earlier had mostly been in place for the \*\*cordoning off of the city\*\* -- immediately march in on orders from \*\*the highest level\*\*, and then the saying comes true, that: 'in the presence of weapons the laws are silent,' even without a declaration of a state of siege and martial law. The entire population is overcome with consternation; the \*\*witnesses no longer dare\*\* (437) \*\*to testify openly\*\* and hold back their most important evidence. Thus they believe that they have finally laid to rest the story of the murder. . .In my view, however, the \*\*Konitz\*\* affair is not permitted to be the cause of a single party, the anti-Semitic party, but rather it must become the cause \*\*of all decent people in the entire German Fatherland\*\*. The \*\*Konitz\*\* Alliance for the solution of the murder of gymnasium student \*\*Winter\*\* (10) consists of people who, by virtue of their social position and by the entire conduct of their lives, can keep away any suspicion of their joining together merely out of virulent desires \[for excitement, for Jewbaiting, etc.\]. Gentlemen, the German people remained at peace when the wholly similar murder in \*\*Skurz\*\* found no punishment. The Criminal Commissar \*\*Hoeft\*\*, who has been the exemplar for the present inquiries of the Berlin Criminal Commissar in \*\*Konitz\*\*, had \*\*freed\*\* the Jew who was first accused and taken into custody and brought a \*\*Christian\*\* master butcher -- \*\*everything is repeated!\*\* -- before the jury court. The man had to be completely exonerated. And then the case was settled as far as the authorities were concerned. The anti-Semitic movement was not yet strong enough in Germany to interest the German people in the case, as is now the case, thank God. The blood-murder in \*\*Skurz\*\* has remained \*\*unsolved and unrequited\*\* to the present day. Neither has anyone heard that further investigations have taken place. When ten years later a similar blood-murder in \*\*Xanten\*\* excited the world, an exceedingly \*\*cunning means\*\* was employed to misdirect the case. A notorious individual, who had insinuated himself into the anti-Semitic party, went to \*\*Xanten\*\* on behalf of an anti-Semitic newspaper and wrote an untruthful brochure which was printed in good faith and earned the editors responsible harsh prison sentences. Thus it happened that the anti-Semitic press was unable to persist in its involvement, and this murder, too, remained \*\*unpunished\*\*. But the \*\*Konitz\*\* blood-crime, the third such similar crime in Prussia within a period of six years, will not share the fate of \*\*Skurz\*\* and \*\*Xanten\*\*. The trials that are still underway, the trial of the Jew Moritz \*\*Levy\*\* for perjury, which in a few days (438) will play itself out in \*\*Konitz\*\*, the trial against the \*Staatsbürgerzeitung\*, in which 114 witnesses are heard, will see to it that the arousal of the people over the murder of the gymnasium student \*\*Winter\*\* does not come to rest. . .yet I have taken the precaution of never stopping in \*\*Konitz\*\* for 24 hours at a time. It \*\*is teeming with Jewish spies\*\*, and I did not want to involve myself without necessity in gossip, the defending against which would have made work for me and have cost me time. Thus, not the 'anti-Semitic General Staff, but rather a \*\*Jewish Confusion-sowing and Cover-up Committee\*\* was established in Konitz after the murder and is still at work there. All the disinformation which has gone out by means of the Jewish newspapers, which consists of pure inventions and which is dispersed into the world, originates with this Confusion-sowing and Cover-up Committee. The most shameless thing of all, however, is attained in the recent insinuations against highly respected Christian men in \*\*Konitz\*\*, the District School Inspector \*\*Rohde\*\*, and the teacher \*\*Weichel\*\*, whom the Berlin newspapers describe as the \*\*murderers\*\*, based upon the simple face that house searches were recently carried out also at their residences. Both gentlemen live on a street, you see, where every house and apartment was being searched; clearly no exceptions could be made. Without there having been anything more to it than this simple fact, the Berlin papers reported not long ago that the teacher, Weichel, had already confessed to the murder. This was reported by telegraph from \*\*Konitz\*\*. This horrible insinuation then circulated through a large section of the Press! Likewise, accusations were disseminated in the most shameless manner by the Berlin and other Jewish papers, against the District School Inspector, \*\*Rhode\*\*. I would think then, that the authorities, the Ministry of Culture and Education and also the War Ministry --since Herr \*\*Rhode\*\* is Captain d. L \[des Landstags -- of the provincial parliament\] and both gentlemen are on the Board of Directors of the \*Kriegerverein\* \[Veteran's Association\] -- that the supervising ministries should protect their officials and file ex officio charges against all the newspapers in question, so that the severely insulted men do not have to bear useless costs and trouble because of this. Many another important matter may yet result from this trial as well. Out of sympathy for this House, I will omit today, at such a late hour, unrolling a list of the instances of disinformation which have been broadcast to the world from Konitz in the Jewish interest. I have a \*\*thick\*\* manuscript about this lying at my place. . .I will immediately respond to all \*\*disinformation speeches\*\* which have been made here concerning the \*\*Konitz\*\* case. All of the German people and probably the \*Reichstag\* as well would be in agreement with me in this, that in \*\*Konitz the leads\*\* ought finally to be \*\*pursued\*\* for once, (439) which up till now have not been pursued, after all other leads have been shown to be erroneous. . .It can only be a matter of complete indifference to us (?), to what purpose the blood of the victims in \*\*Skurz\*\*, \*\*Xanten\*\*, and \*\*Konitz\*\* was destined \[to be put\]. But the evidence cannot be denied, that the bodies or their parts in all three cases were discovered to be \*\*completely empty of blood\*\*, and in all three cases sound human reason can simply find no other motive for murder than that of \*\*obtaining the blood\*\*. I have also asked the Director of the slaughterhouse of \*\*Konitz\*\*, Herr Veterinarian \*\*Wendt\*\*, for his opinion. He gave me the following information: he has been directing the slaughterhouse for ten years, each year an average of 10,000 animals are killed there, some butchered, some ritually-slaughtered, therefore he has been able to observe the effects on 100,000 animals of butchering and of ritual- Back to Table of Contents Jewish Ritual-Murder: a Historical Investigation Der jüdische Ritualmord: Eine historische Untersuchung von Hellmut Schramm, Ph. D | $\\mathbf{A}$ | ppendix | 9. | |--------------|---------|----| | | | | | | | | ## Table of Ritual-Murders Established in this Investigation (13) (p.443) | Time | Place | Victim/s | |-------------------|---------------------|---------------------------| | 419 Jewish Easter | Imnestar | boy | | 1144 Easter | Norwich | twelve-year-old William | | 1160 Easter | Gloucester | boy | | 1171 Easter | Blois | boy | | 1179 Easter | Pontoise | boy | | 1181 Easter | London | Robert (child) | | 1192 Easter | Braisne | "a Christian" | | 1220 Easter | Weißenburg (Alsace) | Heinrich (child) | | 1225 | Munich | small child | | 1235 Christmas | Fulda | five (5) sons of a miller | | 1235 December | | child | |----------------------------------|-----------------------------------|---------------------------------| | 1244 | London | | | 1247 Easter | Valréas (Vaucluse) | two-year-old girl | | 1250 August | Aragon | seven-year-old boy | | 1250 1255 Sts. Peter and | Orsona | | | Paul Day | Lincoln | Hugh (eight-year-old boy) | | 1267 Easter | Pforzheim | seven-year-old girl, Margaretha | | 1279 Easter | London | | | 1279 September *Yom Kippur* | Northampton | boy child | | 1283 Easter | Mainz | | | 1205 | Munich | boy | | 1285 1287 Easter | Oberwesel am Rhein | fourteen-year-old boy, Werner | | (444) 1288 Easter | Bern | Rudolf (child) | | 1288 Easter | Troyes (Champ.) | child | | 1292 | Kolmar | nine-year-old boy | | 1292 | Konstanz | child | | 1293 | Krems | child | | 1302 | Renchen (Baden) | child | | 1303 Easter | Weißensee (Thüringia) \[Thuringia\] | Conrad (child) | | 1303 Easter | Prague | "Christian person" | |-----------------------|---------------------------------------------|--------------------------------------------------| | 1305 Easter | Prague | boy | | 1321 | Annecy | young man | | 1329 Easter | County of Savoy: Geneva, Rumilly, Annecy | several children | | 1331 | Überlingen (Baden) | Frey (child) | | 1346 | Munich | small child | | 1346 Easter | Cologne | "Hänschen" (child) | | 1347 Easter | Messina | child | | 1349 March | Zürich | four-year-old boy | | 1380 | Hagenbach (Schwabia) | child | | 1401 Easter | Diesenhof (Württemberg) | four-year-old child | | 1407 Easter | Cracow | boy | | 1413 Easter | Thüringen | child | | 1420 Easter | Tongern (Limburg) | child | | 1429 Easter/Pentecost | Ravensburg (Württemberg) | Ludwig van Bruck (student) | | 1442 or 1443 | Lienz (Tyrol) | Ursula Pöck (four-year-old) | | 1452 | Savona | two-year-old-child | | 1453 | Breslau | child | | 1454 Easter | | boy | | 1462 July | Rinn (Innsbruck) | Andreas Oxner (three-year-old) "Anderl von Rinn" | | 1468 Easter | Sepulveda (Spain) | small girl | |-----------------------------|---------------------------------------|-----------------------------------------------------| | 1475 Easter | Trent | Simon Gerber (two-year-old) | | 1480 Easter | Portobuffole (Venetian) | Sebastian Novello (seven-year-old) | | 1480 Easter | Motta (Venetian) | child | | 1480 Easter | Treviso | Lorenzo (child) | | 1485 | Vicenza | boy | | 1486 | Regensburg | six (6) children | | 1490 Easter | Guardia (Toledo) | child | | 1494 Easter | Tyrnau (Hungary) | child | | 1503 | Waldkirch bei Freiburg im Breisgau | child | | 1524 | Tyrnau (Hungary) | a "Christian" | | (445) 1529 Ascension Day | Bösing | Maißlinger (nin-year-old boy) | | 1540 Easter | Sappenfeld (Oberpfalz) | Michael Piesenharter (four-and-a-half-year-old boy) | | 1547 Easter | Rawa (Poland) | boy | | 1569 Easter | Vitov (Poland) | two-year-old boy | | 1574 Easter | Punia (Lithuania) | seven-year-old girl | | 1590 Easter | Szydlov (Poland) | boy | | 1592 Easter | Vilna | Simon Kierelis (seven-year-old) | | 1595 Easter | Gostyn (Poland) | several children | | 1597 Easter | Szydlov (Poland) | child | |----------------------------|-----------------------|----------------------------------------| | 1598 Easter | Woznik (Podolia) | Albert Pietrzynin (four-year-old) | | 1650 Easter | Kaaden (Bohemia) | Matthias Tillich (boy) | | 1665 May | Vienna | woman | | 1744 August | Montiggl (Tyrol) | Franz Locherer (eight-year-old) | | 1747 March | Zaslav (Russia) | unknown man | | 1753 Easter | at Kiev | three-and-a-half-year-old boy | | 1764 | Orkuta (Hungary) | child | | 1791 February *Purim* | Pér (Siebenbürgen) | Andreas Takáls (thirteen-year-old) | | 1791 | Hollenschau (Moravia) | child | | 1791 | Woplawicz (Lublin) | child | | 1791 | Pera (Constantimople) | young Greek | | 1803 Easter | Buchhof (Nuremberg) | two-year-old-child | | 1805 | Welish (Vitebsk) | Trofim Nikitin (twelve-year-old-child) | | 1810 Easter | Aleppo | woman | | 1812 | Corfu | two children | | 1817 | Welish (Vitebsk) | two boys, one woman | | 1817 | Vilna | girl | | 1819 | Welish (Vitebsk) | two girls | | 1823 Easter | Welish (Vitebsk) | Ivanov (three-and-a-half-year-old) | | 1824 | Beirut | Fatchallah-Sayegh (translator) | |--------------------------------------|------------------------|---------------------------------------------------------------------------------| | 1824 | Corfu | child | | 1826 | Warsaw | five-year-old boy | | 1827 | Vilna | Ossyp Perowicz (child) | | 1827 Easter | Warsaw | child | | 1827 Easter | Antioch | two boys | | 1829 | Hamath (Asia Minor) | young Turkish woman | | 1831 | St. Petersburg | girl | | 1834 | Tripoli | old man | | 1840 February ( *Purim* ) | Damascus | Father Thomas; Ibrahim Amara | | (446) 1840 Easter | Triande (Rhodes) | twelve-year-old boy (ritual-murder greatest probability) | | 1843 | Rhodes and Corfu | several children | | 1852 December | Saratov (Russsia) | Schestobitov (boy) | | 1853 January | Saratov (Russia) | Maßlov (boy) | | 1875 September ( *Yom Kippur* ) | Zboró (Hungary) | ritual-murder attack upon a sixteen-year-old girl, with death ensuing afterward | | 1877 June | Szalacs (Hungary) | Therese Szabó (six-year-old); Emerich Szabó (nin-year-old) | | 1878 before Jewish festival | Steinamanger (Hungary) | girl | | 1879 | Tállya (Hungary) | child | | 1879 October | Piros (Hungary) | Lidi Sipos (fifteen-year-old) | |-------------------------------------|-------------------------|-----------------------------------------| | 1880 | Alexandria | child | | 1880 | Komorn (Hungary) | child | | 1880 before Jewish festival | Steinamanger (Hungary) | girl | | 1881 Easter | Alexandria | Evangelio Fornarachi (boy) | | 1881 | Kaschau (Hungary) | Kocsis (girl) | | 1881 before Jewish festival | Steinamanger (Hungary) | girl | | 1881 | Lutscha (Galicia) | Franziska Mnich | | 1882 Easter | Tisza-Eszlár (Hungary) | Esther Solymosi (fourteen-year-old) | | 1882 | Balata (Constantinople) | child | | 1883 | Galata (Constantinople) | child | | 1884 January | Skurz (West Prussia) | Onophrius Cybulla (fourteen-year-old) | | 1885 Easter | Mit-Kamar (Egypt) | young Copt | | 1890 Easter | Damascus | Henry Abdelnour (boy) | | 1891 Easter | Corfu | Maria Dessyla (eight-year-old) | | 1891 June St. Peter and Paul Day | Xanten | Johann Hegmann | | 1891 June | Mustapha Pasha | Grieche Stephanos (eight-year-old girl) | | 1892 Easter | Port Said | Helene Vasilios (four-year-old) | | 1894 | Kolin (Bohemia) | girl | |--------------------------------------|-----------------------|---------------------------------------------------------------------| | 1895 September (Yom Kippur festival) | Kis-Sallo (Hungary) | Juliska Balars (five-year-old) | | 1898 July | Polna (Bohemia) | Maria Klima (twenty-three-year old) | | 1899 Easter | Polna (Bohemia) | Agnes Hruza (nineteen-year-old) | | 1900 Easter | Konitz (West Prussia) | Ernst Winter (eighteen-year-old) | | (447) 1910 December | Nassenheide (Stettin) | Helenne Brix (strong suspicion of ritual-murder) | | 1911 March | Kiev | Andrei Yustinschy (thriteen-year-old) | | 1911 September (Yom Kippur) | Schönlanke | Olga Hagel | | 1912 Pentecost | Posen | Stanislaus Musial (sixteen-year-old) | | 1913 Eastern | Lobsens (Wirsitz) | Agnes Kador (six-year-old) | | 1913 July | Ludwigshafen | Elma Kelchner (twelve-year-old) (strong suspicion of ritual-murder) | #### \*\*Back to Table of Contents\*\* # Appendix 10. \\\_\\\_\\\_\\\_\\\_ ## Bibliography(14 (p. 451) ·------------------------------------- \*\*Abgeordnetenhaus, Preußisches\*\*: \*Stenog. 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Gießen, 1914. \*\*Schwartz-Bostunitsch, Gregor:\*\* Die rätselhaften Zeichen im Zimmer des Zarenmordes. Erfurt, 1930. Schwartz-Bostunitsch, Gregor: Jüdischer Imperialismus. Berlin, 1937. Schudt, Joh. Jacob: Jüdische Merkwürdigkeiten. Frankfurt u. Leipzig, 1714. Simanowitsch, Aron Rasputin, der allmächtige Bauer. Berlin, 1928. Six, F. A.: Freimauerei und Judenemanzipation. Hamburg, 1938 Six. F. A.: Freimauerei und Christentum. Hamburg, 1940 \*\*Strack, H. L.:\*\* Die Juden, dürfen sie 'Verbrecher von Religions wegen' genannt werden? Berlin, 1893. #### (457) \*\*Strack, H. L.:\*\* Das Wesen des Judentums. 1906. Strack H L. Liidische Geheimgesetze? 1920. Susanis, M.: De Judaeis et usuris. Frankfurt, 1613. \*\*Sutor, Gustav:\*\* Der Konitzer Mord und seine Folgen. Berlin, 1900. Tentzel, W. E.: Monatliche Unterredungen 1693 1694 The Jewish Encyclopedia, New York and London, 1901ff. Wahrmund, Adolf: Das Gesetz des Nomadentums und die heutige \*\*Wilton. Robert:\*\* \*The last days of the Romanoys.\* London, 1920. \*\*Wolf, G.:\*\* Kurzgefaβte Religioms- u. Sittenlehre für die israelitische Jugend. Wien, 1892. Zach v. Wilthau, Ignatius: Beschreibung der Marter des heiligen Andreas von Rinn. Augsburg, 1724. Zwi-Klötzel, Cheskel: Das große Hassen. -- Janus, Kritische Halbmonatsschrift für deutsche Kultur und Politik. München, 2. Jahrg. 1912/13, Nr. 2. Back to Table of Contents\## Index of Places \\\_\\\_\\\_\\\_\\\_ \\\_\\\_\\\_\\\_\\\_ (p. 461) \[\*\*Translator's Note:\*\* I have reproduced \*exactly\* the original index, but have inserted the English spelling of place names; for example, the entry for 'Geneva' is found both under 'Geneva' and its original German spelling, 'Genf.' I have also kept the German convention of creating separate categories for words beginning with the letter/s \*\*S\*\*, \*\*Sch\*\*, and \*\*St\*\*.\] ### A #### R Bacharach 22 Baden 401 Baghdad 401 Balata (Constantinople) 126, 407, 446 Balata (Konstantinopel) 126, 407, 446 Bamberg 399 Bassano 36, 403, 406 \*\*Beirut\*\* 59, 82, 100, 407, 420, 445 Benevent 38 Bergamo 41 \*\*Berlin\*\* 95, 143, 169f., 176, 182, 285, 295, 297, 315, 318, 326, 327, 330, 351f., 364, 414 \*\*Bern\*\* 22, 23, 376, 444 Bielsko 45 \*\*Bösing\*\* 43, 44, 393, 445 Boulogne 111 Bozen 28 \*\*Braisne\*\* 14, 443 \*\*Brescia\*\* 36, 403, 406 Breslau 28, 54, 350, 394, 444 \*\*Brixen\*\* 29, 31, 403, 405 Brünn 280 Brussa 131 \*\*Buchhof\*\* (Nurmberg) 56, 445 \*\*Buchhof\*\* (Nürnberg) 56, 445 \*\*Budapest\*\* 43, 141f., 166, 173f., 187, Büderich 244 \*\*Bucharest\*\* 408 Rukarest 408 \*\*Cairo\*\* (Cahira) 120f., 126, 130, 424 \*\*Cantimpré\*\* (Cambrai) 397 Cantimpré (Cambray) 397 Castel Gaverdi (Breschia) 403 Castel Gawerdi (Breschia) 403 Cernika (Bucharest) 408 \*\*Cernika\*\* (Bukarest) 408 Chalcis 13 Charkow 346, 347, 365 Chicago 219 Chikago 219 Chinon 24 Cleves 231ff., 376, 430, 437 444 \*\*Constantinople\*\* 91, 96, 103f., 115, 117, \*\*Constance\*\* 23, 33, 444 Jericho XI \*\*Jerusalem\*\* 12f., 30, 84, 95 ### K Kaaden (Böhmen) 47, 445 Kärnten 27 Kairo (Cahira) 120f., 126, 130, 424 Kaltern (Tyrol) 52, 394 Karlsbad 356 Kaschau 139, 190, 395, 446 \*\*Kharkov\*\* 346, 347, 365 \*\*Kiev\*\* XX, 54, 335ff. 380, 387, 390, 393, 395, 445f. \*\*Kiew\*\* XX, 54, 335ff. 380, 387, 390, 393, 395, 445f. \*\*Kirschhain\*\* (Hessen) 318 Kischinev 408 Kischinew 408 \*\*Kleve\*\* 231ff., 376, 430, 437 \*\*Köln\*\* 25, 43, 239, 241, 259, 403f., 444 \*\*Königsberg\*\* 378 \*\*Kolin\*\* 267, 446 Kolmar 23, 444 \*\*Komorn\*\* (Hungary) 139, 446 \*\*Komorn\*\* (Ungarn) 139, 446 Konitz (West Prussia) XXII, 83, 146f... 160, 171, 185, 196, 202, 237, 282, 291ff., 353, 380, 386f., 408, 434f., 446 \*\*Konstantinopel\*\* 91, 96, 103f., 115, 117, 121, 124ff., 130, 217, 407 Konstanz 23, 33, 444 \*\*Kopenhagen\*\* 174 Korfu XXI XXII 57 125 160 167 205ff 387, 395, 406f., 423, 446 \*\*Kovácsi\*\* (Hungary) 142, 146 Kovácsi (Ungarn) 142, 146 Krakau 26, 45, 355, 444 \*\*Krefeld\*\* 84, 237 Krems 23, 444 Kreta 403ff. (463) \*\*Kuttenberg\*\* 268, 272ff., 281, 344, 356, 392, 432f. ### L Landshut 397 Lauda 15 \*\*Leiden\*\* XXIII, 10, 175 \*\*Leipzig\*\* 30, 83ff., 176, 351, 431 Lemberg 9 \*\*Lienz\*\* (Tirol) 26f., 444 Limburg 26 \*\*Lincoln\*\* 18f., 386, 388, 391, 395, 443 \*\*Lobsens\*\* (West Prussia) 329f., 386, 447 London XXI, 13, 18f., 89f., 94f., 102, 108ff., 112f., 117f., 124, 193, 220, 285, 364, 386 394 \*\*Lublin\*\* 46f., 355 \*\*Ludwigshafen 331, 395, 447\*\* Lutscha (Lutza) 274, 446 ### M Magdeburg 84, 93f. \*\*Mailand\*\* XXVI, 7, 91 \*\*Mainz\*\* 21, 404, 443 Manchester 108 Mannheim 9 Marburg 318 \*\*Marienwerder\*\* 291, 314f., 321 \*\*Marseille\*\* 8, 84, 111 Maven 239 \*\*Messina\*\* 25, 444 \*\*Milan\*\* XXVI, 7, 91 Mit-Kamar (Agypyten) 127, 446 Modena 36 \*\*Montiggl\*\* 51, 445 \*\*Motta\*\* 41, 405, 444 \*\*München\*\* 15, 21, 25, 84, 351, 4431. \*\*Munich\*\* 15, 21, 25, 84, 351, 443f. Münster 10 Mustapha-Pascha 128, 446 Mutesellim XI #### N Nagyfalu (Hungary) 152f 426f \*\*Nagyfalu\*\* (Ungarn) 152f., 426f. Naples 91 Neapel 91 Neustadt a. d. A. 56 Neustettin 201 202 ### 0 Oberwesel 21f., 443 Ödenburg 191 Orkuta (Hungary) 54, 445 Orkuta (Ungarn) 54, 445 Orsona 18, 443 ### P Paderborn 6 Padue 33 Paris XXIV, 14, 66, 89, 91, 99, 107, 111f., 123f., 182, 217, 285, 326, 343, 420 Patras 216 Pér (Hungary) 50, 137, 445 Pér (Ungarn) 50, 137, 445 Pera (Constantinople) 54, 127, 407, 445 Pera (Konstantinopel) 54, 127, 407, 445 Pera (Hungary) 142 Petersburg \*\*Pforzheim\*\* 25, 443 Pfullendorf (Baden) 33 Philadelphia 115 \*\*Piros\*\* (Hungary) 139f., 446 \*\*Piros\*\* (Ungarn) 139f., 446 \*\*Pisek\*\* 280f. \*\*Polna\*\* XXII. 146, 237, 251, 267, 303, 315, 322f., 338, 341, 353, 366, 390f., 396, 408, 446 Polzin 311 Portobuffole 41, 405, 444 \*\*Port-Said\*\* 129f., 446 \*\*Posen\*\* 328, 395, 447 Posingen 45 \*\*Prag\*\* 10, 23f., 246, 272f., 280f.. 323, 353, 387, 431, 444 323, 353, 387, 431, 444 Prato 383 #### (464 \*\*Prechlau\*\* (West Prussia) 150, 293f., 306f., 311, 434 \*\*Preßburg\*\* 44, 190 \*\*Pressburg\*\* 44, 190 Preußisch-Holland 329 Przemvsl 392 \*\*Punia\*\* (Litauen) 45, 445 Punia (Lithuania) 45, 445 ### R Radolin 327 Rauschenberg (Hesse) 38 Rauschenberg (Hessen) 38 \*\*Ravensburg\*\* 26, 33, 444 \*\*Rawa\*\* (Poland) 45, 445 \*\*Renchen\*\* (Baden) 23, 444 \*\*Rhodes\*\* 86f., 101ff., 117, 121, 125 406f., 446 \*\*Rhodos\*\* 86f., 101ff., 117, 121, 125 406f., 446 \*\*Rinn\*\* (Innsbruck) 28f., 388, 393, 444 \*\*Riva\*\* 399 \*\*Rödelheim\*\* (Frankfurt a. M.) 88 Rome 31 34 36 38f 90 436 \*\*Roveredo\*\* 35f., 346 \*\*Rumilly\*\* 24, 444 #### S Sappenfeld (Oberpfalz) 44, 388, 445 Saragossa 14 Saslaw/Zaslav (Rußland/Russia) 53, 445 \*\*Savona\*\* 27, 393, 444 Savoy 24 Savoven 24 Sepulveda 30, 444 Siegburg 22 302, 304, 315, 319f., 323f., 353, 386, 395, 437, 446 Smirzanów 46, 396 \*\*Smyrna\*\* 84, 217, 407 Sparta XII Speyer 404 \*\*Sugenheim\*\* (Franconia) 56 Switzerland 25 \*\*Szalacs\*\* (Hungary) 137, 386, 446 \*\*Szalacs\*\* (Ungarn) 137, 386, 446 Székely-Hid (Ungarn) 138 Szwidnik (Hungary) 137 Szwidnik (Ungarn) 137 \*\*Szydlów\*\* (Polen) 45f., 390, 394, 445 ### Sch Schneidemühl 327, 330 Schwäbischwerd 27 Schweiz 25 ### St St. Alban (England) 18 \*\*St. Dié\*\* 20 St. Gallen 25 St. George 43 St. Georgen 43 St. Goar 21 Steinamanger 139, 446 \*\*Stettin\*\* 326, 430, 447 Strasburg (West Prussia) 303 Strassburg 175, 246 \*\*Straßburg\*\* 175, 246 Strehlen (Schlesien) 316 \*\*Strehlen\*\* (Silesia) 316 #### Т Taanek XI Tállya (Ungarn) 139 AA6 Tarczal (Hungary) 153, 423 \*\*Tarczal\*\* (Ungarn) 153, 427 \*\*Tarnów\*\* (Galicia) 45 \*\*Tarnów\*\* (Galizien) 45 \*\*Tauberbischofsheim\*\* (Baden) 15 \*\*Téglás\*\* (Hungary) 153, 427 \*\*Téglás\*\* (Ungarn) 153, 427 Tisza-Eszlár XXI, XXIV, 43, 49, 83, 135ff., 203f., 207, 244f., 257, 304, 352, 380, 386f., 391, 400, 426f., 446 \*\*Tisza-Lök\*\* 146, 153, 427 Tisza-Szent-Martón 165 Tours 24 \*\*Trent\*\* 13, 30ff., 82, 212, 389, 397f. 400f., 406, 444 Tresselve 24 \*\*Treviso\*\* 41, 405, 444 \*\*Triande\*\* (Rhodos) 101, 102, 407, 446 \*\*Trient\*\* 13, 30ff., 82, 212, 389, 397f., 400f., 406, 444 Trier 10 Triest 98, 423 Trieste 98, 423 \*\*Tripoli\*\* 61, 445 \*\*Tripolis\*\* 61, 445 \*\*Troyes\*\* (Champagne) 23, 444 \*\*Tschaslau\*\* 267, 269 \*\*Tuchel\*\* (West Prussia) 307 \*\*Tyrnau\*\* 42f., 400, 409, 444 #### (465) ### U \*\*Überlingen\*\* (Baden) 24, 395, 444 #### $\\mathbf{V}$ \*\*Valréas\*\* (Vaucluse) 16, 394, 396, 402, 443 Vatican 7.31 Vatikan 7, 31 \*\*Venedig\*\* 35f., 40f., 48, 403ff., 423 Venice 35f., 40f., 48, 403ff., 423 Vicenza 41, 444 Vienna XXIV. 26, 30, 47f., 51, 85 89, 91, 97, 104, 123, 144, 166, 182, 217, 221, 268, 271ff., 280ff., 323, 356, 378, 387, 420f., 445 \*\*Vilna\*\* 45f., 57, 60, 390, 394, 445 #### W Warsaw 59f 394 445 \*\*Weeskenhof\*\* (Crossen) 329 \*\*Weimar\*\* 10 Weissenburg (Alsace) 15, 443 Weißenburg (Elsaß) 15, 443 Weißensee (Thüringen) 23, 44 \*\*Welish\*\* (Weliz) 56f., 388, 445 Wesel 251 Wien XXIV, 26, 30, 47f., 51, 85 89, 91, 97, 104, 123, 144, 166, 182, 217, 221, 268, 271ff., 280ff., 323, 356, 378, 387, 420f., 445 Wieschnitz (Polna) 267f., 387 Wilda-Posen 328 Wilna 45f., 57, 60, 390, 394, 445 Wirsitz (West Prussia) 329, 447 \*\*Witow\*\* (Polen) 45, 445 \*\*Witow\*\* (Poland) 45, 445 Wolfsheim 15 Woplawicz (Lublin) 54, 445 Woznik (Podol) 46, 396, 445 Woznik (Podolien) 46, 396, 445 Württemberg 26 ### X \*\*Xanten\*\* XXII, 17, 176, 207, 231ff., 295, 315, 319, 353, 368, 376, 380, 393, 395, 408, 413, 428f., 437, 446 #### 7 \*\*Zante\*\* 42 218f 224f 406f Zaragoza 14 \*\*Zaratov\*\* 343, 362, 446 Zaslav (Russia) 53, 445 \*\*Zboró\*\* (Ungarn) 136f., 386, 446 Zemnelburg (West Prussia) 305 \*\*Zglobice\*\* (Poland) 45 \*\*Zglobice\*\* (Polen) 45 Zilah 51 \*\*Z\*\*ürich 25, 444 Back to Table of Contents Jewish Ritual-Murder: a Historical Investigation Der jüdische Ritualmord: Eine historische Untersuchung von Hellmut Schramm, Ph. D # Index of People ----- (p. 465) ### A Aaron 47 Abdelnour, Henry 127, 446 Abdul Meschid, Sultan 122 \*\*Ahraham\*\* 50 389 Abranyi 171 Abu-el-Afieh (Mohammed Effendi), Moses, Rabbi 67ff., 178 344, 375, 391, 401f., 410 Acelin 24 Adamovicz, Marianna 57 Adler, Ignatz 1951 Agnes, \*Gräfin von Dreux\* Albavuceto, Moses 18 Albert von Thüringen, \*Landgraf\* \[Albert of Thuringia, Landgrave\] 23 Albrecht von Osterreich, \*Erzherzog\* \[Albrecht of Austria, Archduke\] 26 Albrecht von Sachsen, \*Herzog\* \[Albrecht of Saxony, Dukel 30 Alfons X., König von Kastilien \[Alfonso X, King of Castile\] 14 \*\*Amara, Ibrahim\*\* 65f., 77ff., 119, 393, 401, 445 Ammann 171 Anastasia 47 Ancona, Rafful 57 Andrassy, Graf \[Count\] 194 Andrea, J. P. 378 \*\*Angelus (Engel) \[Angel\]\*\* 388, 399, 403 \*\*Antabli, Jakob, Rabbi\*\* 71 ff., 401f., 411 Antiochis, Epiphanes 12 Anzelin 37 Apollodorus XII \*\*Apponyi, Graf \[Count\]\*\* 97 Arendar 361 Arias, Juan de Avila, Bischof \[John Arias of Avila, Bishop\] 30 Aristodemos XII #### (p. 466) Arndt 202 Ashley, Lord 110 Aub, Rabbi 84f. Auerbach, Isaac Levin, Rabbi 84 Augustinus \[Augustine\] XVII Aurednicek 275f., 281f Aventin, Johann 21 Ayerst, W. 95 ### R Baer (Ursus) 403, 405 Balaban, Majer 355 Balars, Johann 195 \*\*Balars, Juliska\*\* 195, 386, 445 Raldgrow 358f Ballestrem, Graf von \[Count von Ballestrem\] 435 Raltazzar Desidor Rischof 363 Barker, John 57 \*\*Barth, Dr.\*\* 167f., 213f. Bary, Josef 143, 152ff., 162ff., 177ff., 389, 425f. Basnave 17 Bassermann, Albert 351 Bassermann, Ernst 349 Bátori, Sophie 185 Bauer 234 \*\*Baumgardt\*\* 237ff., 247ff., 260f Baumgarten, Emanuel 41 \*\*Baxa\*\* 275f 283 324 366 432f \*\*Beaudin. von\*\* 80 \*\*Bechterev\*\* 370 Bechterew 370 Beckmann 250 Rehrendt 201ff 324 Beilis XX 340ff 387 \*\*Belki\*\* 180 Bellagi, Aladar 43 Benedikt XIV., Papst \[Pope Benedict XIV\] 29 Benesch, Anna 269 \*\*Berg\*\* 309 Bernhard, Kardinal \[Cardinal\] 20 Bernsmann 250 Bewer, Max 411 \*\*Bickell\*\* 430, 431 \*\*Biedermann, Regine\*\* 123 \*\*Birk\*\* 240 Birt. John 114 Bischoff 200 \*\*Bischoff, Erich\*\* XIV, 5, 7, 40, 77, 87, 376, 381, 382 Bismarck, Otto von 318, 411 Bleichröder 240 Bloch 431 Böckel, Otto 318 \*\*Bönig\*\* 434 Börne (Baruch) 54 Böttger 325 \*\*Bogrow, J. G.\*\* XX, 145, 342 \*\*Bohm\*\* 309 Robne 330 \*\*Borchardt\*\* 296 \*\*Boß \[Boss\]\*\* 199ff., 386 Both, Melchior 157, 158 Bowring 113 Bräuer, Leopold, Rabbi 377 Brafmann, Jocob 9 Brandts 242 Braun, Leopold, schächter 181 Braun, Police Inspector 297f. \*\*Bresser\*\* 249 260 Bretter 267 Breznovsky 280 \*\*Brix, Helene\*\* 326f., 395, 447 \*\*Brixius\*\* 240, 260f. Bruck, Ludwig van Bruckmann, schächter 234, 245 Bruhn 325 Bryant, Jeremias 113 Buch, Willi 319, 325 \*\*Buchwald\*\* 233f. Burcellas 397 Burkhardt, Jakob 41, 405 \*\*Buschhoff, schächter\*\* 17, 232ff., 368, 380, 427, 437 \*\*(467\*\*) \*\*Buschhoff, Hermine\*\* 243 Buxbaum, Abraham 181f., 186 Cantipratanus (Cantimpré), Thomas 397 Capper, Samuel 114 Carmona 129 Caro 23 Caspary 293f., 380 Chalupa 267 Chebeli 401 Cheberyakov, Ludmilla 344, 359, 360 Cheberyakov, Valya 344, 359f. Cheberyakov, Vera 344ff., 365 Cheberyakov, Zhenya 344, 358ff. Chiarini, Luigi 7 Cink 323 Clarv. Graf \[Count\] 279 Cochelet 116 Cohen 92 Cohen, Isaak 108 Colman 113 Conrad 23, 394, 444 Copinus, Rabbi 19, 388 Crémieux-Smeerkopp, Isaac Adolphe XXV, 66, 88ff., 96, 107, 110ff., 343, 368, 382, 419ff. Cseres 185 191 Curtis 113 Curtius 262f. \*\*Cybulla, Onophrius\*\* 199ff., 304, 386, 395, 446 Czepkanics 165 #### D Dammann 392 Danloux 219 David 129 Davis 102 \*\*Deditius\*\* 294ff., 301, 315ff. \*\*Deeg, Peter\*\* 91, 97 Delgrasso 71 Deliorgis 217, 227 \*\*Delitzsch, Elisabeth\*\* 87 \*\*Delitzsch, Franz\*\* 86f., 176, 352, 384, 431 Delitzsch, Friedrich 352 \*\*Delvannis\*\* 213 \*\*Desmeloizes\*\* 82 Desportes, Henri 191, 326 \*\*Dessyla, Maria\*\* 210ff., 386, 395, 446 Dornbach, Peter 241, 250 \*\*Dove\*\* 349 Drach, Simon 119 Dräseke 93f. Durfort-Civrac, Graf \[Count\] 61 Dycx, Ludwig 45 ### F \*\*Eck, Johann\*\* 11, 26, 39, 43f., 175, 394 Egressi-Nagy, Ladislaus 158 Ehrenfeld, Alexander 138 Einhorn 155 Eisenmenger, Johann Andreas XIX, 7, 9, 377f., 431 Elbogen 287 \*\*Eleasar, Rabbi\*\* 391 Emeljanow/Emelyanov 338 Eötvös, Karl 190 \*\*Ephraim\*\* 211f. Eucken, Rudolf 351 Eulenberg, Hernert 351 #### R Fabri Felix 405 Farahi, Aslan 78f. Farahi, Joseph 79f Farahi, Murad 78f Farahi, Raphael 68 Fárkas, Gabriel 150 Fatis, Johann von 31 Fatschallah-Savegh 59, 445 Feder 144 (468) Fehér, Johann 141 Feller 49 Feltre, Bernardin von 41 Feltro, Johannes Christianus de (Giovanni da Feltre) 397 Fern, Athanasius XXVI, 91, 326, 383, 398 Fischer 293 Fischer, Staatsanwalt 357ff., 395, Flegmann 167 Fleischhauer 240f., 254, 259, 261 Förster, Bernhard XXII, 171 Förster, Paul XXII, 171 Fornarachi, Evangelio 126, 270, 446 Freudenteil, Udadelizen 113 Freund, Walter 41, 122 Frey 25, 443 Friedmann, Bernhard 191f. Friedrich I, \*König von Preußen\* \[Frederick I, King of Prussia\] 378 Friedrich II., deutscher Kaiser \[Frederick II, German Emperor\] 16 Friedrich III., deutscher Kaiser Friedrich v. Thüringen \[Frederick of Thurnigia\] 23 Fritsch, Theodor XXII, XXVI, 285, 321, 326, 343f., 351 353, 355, 365, 387, 414, 430 Fritsch, Theodor, jun. XXVII Fuchs, schächter 438 Fürst. Julius #### G Gambetta 89 Gammersbach 241, 254 \*\*Ganganelli\*\* 429 Gappa 199 Garney, Samuel 113 Gebauer 434 George, King of Greece 221 Ghillany, F. W. XXVII, 375 \*\*Glagau, Otto\*\* XXII, 136, 171, 203 Godefroy 113 Goldberg, Oskar XIV, XV, 385, 414f \*\*Goldberger, Rabbi\*\* 141, 272ff., 280 Goldschmidt 193f. Golubow/Golubov 339, 345, 358f., 369 Gordon-Laskowitz, von 434 Grabowicz 305f. Graetz XX, 54, 381, 384 Greene, Benjamin 113 Gregor 36 Gregor X., Papst \[Gregory X, Pope\] 17 Gregor XIII., Papst \[Pope Gregory XIII\] 39 \*\*Groo, Anton de\*\* 249 Groß, Martin \[Gross, Martin\] 165, 182 Großberg \[Grossberg\] 185, 196 Großmann \[Grossman\] 165 Großmann, Hermann \[Grossman, Hermann\] 139f. Grudsinskoi, Vinzens 338 Grünwald, Leopold 142 \*\*Grusenberg\*\* 360 Güdemann, Rabbi 284, 356, 415 Gunkel 6 Guttmann 182 Guttmann 331 ### H Haas 412 Hänschen \[child\] 25, 443 \*\*Hagel, Olga\*\* 327, 336, 395, 446 \*\*Haller,\*\* \*schächter\* 307 \*\*Haman\*\* 6, 411 Hamburger, schächter 307, 438 \*\*Hamm\*\* 239, 241ff. Hammer 435 Harari, Aaron 67f., 401 \*\*Harari, David\*\* 67f. Harari, Isaak 67f 401 Harling, P. von 87 Hartwig 322 Hasenstein 315 #### (469) Havas, Emmerich 159f \*\*Héczev\*\*, \*\*Daniel\*\* 50 Hegmann 231ff Hegmann, Frau 231ff \*\*Hegmann, Johann\*\* 231ff., 386, 392, 395, 409, 427, 446 \*\*Heine, Heinrich\*\* 54, 380, 413 Henry II. King of England 13 Henry III, King of England 17 Heinrich, \*Erzbischof v. Mainz\* \[Heinrich, Archbishop of Mainz\] 22 Heinrich, Prinz zu Schönaich-Carolath \[Heinrich, Prince of Schönaich-Carolath\] 349 \*\*Heinrich \[child\]\*\* 15, 21, 442 Heister, Gerhard 235, 24 Henrici, Ernst XXII, 169, 171 Henter 179 Hersko, David 165, 182 Herzl, Theodor 90, 122 \*\*Heumann\*\* 179, 184 Heymann, schächter 438 \*\*Heymann-Levy\*\* 162, 167 Hilgendorff 434 Hilsner, Itzig 268 432 Hinderbach, Bischof von Trient \[Hinderbach, Bishop of Trent\] 34ff., 40 Hirsch 56 Hirsch, Max 328 Hirsch, Levy 87 Hirsch-Hildesheimer, Rabbi 261 Hirschfeld 353 Hirsekorn 327 Hitler, Adolf 415 ''\*\*Hlawin\*\*'' 267 Hlogelew/Hlogelev 362 Hodges 109f. \*\*Höft\*\* 201f.. 323. 436 Hölzgen 245 \*\*Hoffmann, Anna\*\* 298f. Hoffmann (Konitz) 297f Hoffmann Rahbi 353 Holz, Karl 194, 273 \*\*Horodezky\*\* 135, 342, 376 Horowitz 136 Horváth 163 Horwitz, Rabbi 260 Hosmann, Sigismund 25 Hossar 404 \*\*Hruza, Agnes\*\* 269ff., 387, 393, 395ff., 409, 446 Hruza, Johann 278 Hruza, Maria 273, 278 \*\*Hugo/Hugh \[child\]\*\* 18, 391, 443 Huizinga 10 \*\*Huri\*\* 146f., 425 Husek, Jaromir/Yaromir 271 Klee, Josef 138 Kleemann, Barbara 142 Klenovec 270f., 325 Klotz 434 Kluth 241ff., 255 Kocsis, Josef 139 Kohlmayer, Josef 146, 425 \*\*Kopp\*\* 429 Kornis, Franz von 182ff., 193 Kozma, Alexander v. 158f., 194 \*\*Krall, v.\*\* 286 Krasowski 339ff., 345f., 360 Kubowitz, Franz 137 \*\*Küppers, Wilhelm\*\* 232, 237, 242, 244, 427 Kunzewitsch 339 Kurzweil, Moritz 280 ### L Lagarde, Paul de 175 Lange (Konitz) 214 Laniado, Joseph 67f Laskowski 305 \*\*Laurent, Achille\*\* 8, 66, 96, 408 Laurin 77, 96ff., 110, 119, 423 Lautsch 314 Lazzari (Lazarus) 403 Leers, Johann v. XXVII, 10, 88, 385, 414 Lehmann, Fr. Karl 277 Leibowitz, Soruch 53 Lenzen 250 Lewinski 308 Lewy/Levy, Adolf, schächter 303ff. Lewy/Levy, Moritz 305ff., 436 Lichtman, Josef 155, 161, 167, 185 Liebe, Georg 30 Liebermann von Sonnenberg, Max XXII, 171, 194, 292f., 318f., 325, 435f. Liebmann 240 Liechtenstein, Prince 194 Lindenau 200 Lipschitz, Leopold, Rabbi 173, 176 Liszt, Franz von XXII, 286f. Ljutostanskiy, Hyppolit \*\*Mauritz, Anna\*\* 244 \*\*Maximilian I., Emperor\*\* 27, 29, 39, 93 Mayer, Georg 141 Mehemed Ali, Viceroy of Egypt 95, 99, 100, 116ff., 122, 418 Meilla 394 Meißner/Meissner 357 Mendelssohn (Paris) XXIV Mendelssohn (Berlin) 364 Mergenthal, Johann von 30 \*\*Merlato\*\* 70, 77, 80, 96ff., 101, 109f., 119, 423 Meyer 296 Mever, J. F. von 409 Meyer-Magnus 170, 171 Michalek 270, 392 Michel 43 Mihálkovics 180 Mischtschuk 338f., 347 Mittenzweig 304 Mnich, Franziska 394, 446 Mocenigo, Pietro, \*Doge\* of Venice 36, 41, 406 \*\*Mölders\*\* 236, 241, 246, 248, 261 Moll, Dora 232 Mommsen, Theodor 143 Mondovi, P. de 8 Montefiore F A 90 Montefiote, Moses 90, 96, 106ff., 419, 421 Marrison 114 Moses (de Saxonia), Rabbi 403 Moses (Trent) 32, 39, 400, 404 Mosko 47 \*\*Mousseaux, Gougenot des\*\* XIX, 8, 10, 22, 65, 96 Müller 294, 301f. \*\*Munck\*\* 112, 121 Murad-el-Fattal 68f., 78f., 393 \*\*Musial, stanislaus\*\* 328, 331, 336, 395, 446 #### N Nathan, Paul XXII, XXIII, 124, 143f., 148f., 159, Nathanael, Erxbischof \[Archbishop\] 131 Naxon 211 \*\*Neander, A.\*\* 95, 384 Nikitin, Trofim 56 Nitykowski-Grellen, von 435 Nobiling 143 Nöldeke 175, 246, 375, 429f. Nosseck 308 (472) Novaria, Paul de 36 Novello, Sebastian 41, 443 Nüninghoff 234 275, 283, 286f. ### 0 \*\*Oberwinder\*\* 238, 258, 269ff. \*\*Obolonski\*\* 336, 369 Ofner 286 \*\*Ónody, Géza von\*\* XXIV, 17f., 49, 135ff., 156ff. 171ff., 177, 387 Oppenheim 364 Orczy, Bela, Baron 193 Origines XVII Osiander 434 \*\*Oster, Abraham\*\* 239, 250, 260 Oxner, Andreas 28f., 388, 393, 443 ### P Paasch 240 Paasche, H. S. 349 \*\*Palmerston, Lord\*\* 103, 107ff., 114f. Panvino, Franz 31 Papebroch 21 Papp, Josef 147 Parisiensis, Matthias 17f. \*\*Parpatt, von\*\* 434 Passarge, S. XX, XXV, 379 Pásztor, Josef 151 Paul III., Papst \[Paul III, Pope\] 17 Pauler 156 158 160 167 177 193 Peák 140 \*\*Pecho, Salomon, Rabbi\*\* 30 Péczely, Koloman 153 \*\*Peel. Robert. Sir\*\* 107, 109, 114 Peretz 343 \*\*Pernicek, Marie\*\* 141, 272f., 344, 390 Petrarca \[Petrarch\] 405 Petrowicz, Ossyp 60 Pevny 283 Philipp II. Augustus, King of France 14 Philipp V, King of France 24 Philppson, Rabbi 84, 93 \*\*Piccioto, Isaak\*\* 78f., 98, 368 Pickenbach 171 218, 353, 384 Piesenharter, Michael 44, 388, 445 Pietrzynin, Albert 46, 445 Pincas, Rabbi 84 Pinner 10 Pir 357 Plutarch XII Pöck, Thomas 27 \*\*Pöck, Ursula\*\* 26f., 444 \*\*Pohl, J.\*\* 375 Poleschtschuk 360 \*\*Ponsonby, Lord\*\* 103, 122 \*\*Pope Benedict XIV\*\* 29 Pope Gregory XIII 39 Pope Martin V 17 Pope Sixtus IV 31f., 39 Praitschedlin, Margareta 26 Premuda 98 \*\*Preuß/Preuss\*\* 202f., 353 Prichodko, Alexandra 335f. \*\*Prokes\*\* 270, 281, 392 Przewłocka/Przevłoka 315 Puffke-Linnitzki 167f Purischkewitsch/Purischkevitch 365 \*\*Puttkamer, von\*\* 170, 201 #### R Raabe 9 Rasputin 364 \*\*Ratti-Menton,\*\* \*Graf\* \[Count\] 57, 67f., 80f., 91, 94ff., 101, 401 Rauch 299 \*\*Raynaldi\*\* 71 Recsky, Andreas 152f. \*\*Reichenbach\*\* 237, 271, 278f., 285, 324 \*\*Reinhard\*\* 251 \*\*Remy\*\* 244 Richard \[child\] 14 Richard 200 Rickert 187, 240, 256, 351, 427f., 436 (473) \*\*Riesbraeck\*\* 235, 237, 243 Riga 57 Ritter, Gittel 274 \*\*Ritter, Josef\*\* 331 Ritter, moses 274 \*\*Rizardo\*\* 403, 405f. Robert 13, 443 Roelen 244 Rohde 437 \*\*Rohling, August\*\* 10, 246, 376, 387, 390. 409, 429f. Romer 155 Roosevelt, F. D. 125 Rosen 365 Rosenberg, Alfred XIX, 22, 65, 284 Rosenberg, Hermann 427 Rosenthal, Samuel 310f., 344 \*\*Roth\*\* 166 Rothschild, Albert 192 Rothschild, Jakob 99, 110 Rothschild, Lionel 108 Rothschild, Lionel Walther 364 Rothschild, Nathaniel 108 Rothschild, Nathan Mayer 90 Ruber 272 Rudolf \[child\] 22, 444 Rudolf I., Kaiser \[Emperor\] 22f. Ruppel 171 #### S Sadil 272 \*\*Saizew/Zaitsev\*\* 340f., 361, 366, 386 Salina 71 Salomon 28 Salomons 326f. Salomons, David 113 Saloniki, Moses, Rabbi 67ff. Samuel 27 \*\*Samuel (Trent), Rabbi\*\* 32, 39, 375, 388f., 398ff., 411 Sarda, Salomon 209ff., 386 Selim III, Sultan 54 Selmann 47 Seneca XIX, 324 Seronios 126 \*\*Settegast\*\* 294, 298, 313f. Sigismund, \*Herzog von Österreich\* \[Duke of Austria\] 34, 39 \*\*Sijthoff, A. W.\*\* 386 \*\*Sikorski\*\* 337, 361, 369f. Simanowitsch/Simanovitch, Aron 364f., 370 Simónyi, Ivan von 171 Simson 113 Sinn 271 \*\*Sipos, Lidi\*\* 140f., 395, 446 Sipos, Peter 139 Sipoß/Siposs 186 Six, F. A. 424 \[\*\*Pope Sixtus IV\*\*\] 31f., 39 Smierlowicz, Joachim 45 Smith, Abel 113 Solvmosi, Esther 146ff., 386f. Solvmosi, Gabriel 147 Solvmosi, Johann 185 \*\*Solymosi, Sophie\*\* 147, 153, 425 \*\*Solymosi, Frau\*\* 146ff., 166ff., 183ff., 425 Sombart, Werner XX, 349f., 351 Soós, Andreas 151 Soós, Elisabeth 150 Soós, Koloman von 159 Spaur, Jacob von 38 \*\*Speisiger\*\* 312, 321 Springer, David, Rabbi 400 Süßmann/Süssman, Jakob 152, 155, 186, 427 Sveschint 404f. \*\*Szabó\*\* 158, 394 Szabó, Emerich 137, 446 Szabó Peter 137 \*\*Szabó, therese\*\* 138, 446 \*\*Szafranski\*\* 328 (474) Szapary, Graf \[Count\] 192 Szecho 44 \*\*Szeyffert, Eduard von\*\* 160, 181f., 190, 194 #### Sch Schaeffer 384 Schaezler 113 Schar 434 \*\*Scharf. Joseph\*\* 148f., 181, 232, 244 \*\*Scharf, Moritz\*\* 150f., 164, 178f., 183ff., 387ff., 425f. Scharf, Rószi 425 \*\*Scharf, Samu\*\* 150f., 184, 425 Scheftelowitz, Isidor, Kabbi XIII, 381 Schelling, von 239f., 264 Schestobitow/Chestobitov 343, 446 Scheuthauer 179 Schiefelbein, Julius 330 Schieferl, F. X. 379 \*\*Schiff, M. P.\*\* 274 Schikowski, Walter 329 Schlesinger, M. 353 \*\*Schleß/Schless\*\* 233f., 243f., 251 Schloer 243 Schmeitzner, Ernst 157 Schid, Jacob 27 Schmidt, Luise 330 Schneerson, Bunja/Bunya, schächter 343 Schneerson, Faivel, schächter 342f., 367, 387, 390 Schneerson, Mendel, schächter 343 Schneerson, Salomon, schächter 343 Schneerson, Schalom/Shalom 343 \*\*Schneider\*\* 182, 194, 271, 277 Schneider-Swoboda 279 Schtscheglowitow/Zheglovitiv 364, 370 Schubert, G. H. von 92 Schubert, Heinrich 66 Schudt 19 Schulze 434 Schulze 298 Schunck-Souchav 113 Schwah, Dietrich XIX Schwarz, Dieter 424 Schwarz, Salomon, schächter 153, 156, 181, 186, 426 Schweizer, Zanesus 37 Schwer, Hans Arnold 274, 431 Schwindt 258, 262 #### S Stadthagen 438 Stambuli, Aaron 7/1., 407 Stambuli (Rhodes) 101 \*\*Stapper\*\* 241, 252 Steincke 306 \*\*Stephanos\*\* 129, 446 Stern 284 \*\*Stern, Mortiz\*\* 40, 353, 402 Stockebrandt 434 \*\*Stocker\*\* 1/1, 190, 2381., 256, 264, 40/ \*\*Störmer\*\* 304 \*\*Stoß/Stoss, G.\*\* 286 \*\*Strack, H. L.\*\* XXIII, 176, 352f., 397 399, 402, 430 \*\*Strnad. Josef\*\* 323 ### T Taft 125 Takáls, Andreas 50, 389ff., 445 Tanyi, Elisabeth 151 Tartakowski 344, 361 Taub, Emanuel 181, 186, 427 Theobald, Count of Chartres 13 Thiers 82, 110, 118 Thoma, Ludwig 351 Thomas, Pater \[Father\] 65ff., 816 118ff., 380, 383, 388, 393, 395, 445 \*\*Tobias\*\* 31, 403, 406 ### (475) Toller, Ernst 143 Trajtler/Traytler 163, 187 Trikupis 223 Troizki/Troytsky 362 Trotzki/Trotsky 369 Tschberjakow/Cheberyakov, Ljudmilla/Ludmilla 344, 359, 360 Tschberjakow/Cheberyakov, Rschenja/Zhenya 344, 358ff. Tschberjakow/Cheberyakov, Walja/Valya 344, 359f. Tschorny, Chaim 57 Tucchinski 305 Tuchler 293, 380 Tufanow/Tufanov 330 Turnbull 113 Ullenboom 247 Ullmann, Rabbi 84 ## V Val, Dominicus del 18 Val, Merry del 364 Vasilios, Helene 129, 446 Veith, Emanuel 85, 384 Vellemann 250 Venhoff, Frau 237 Venhoff, Peter 235f. Ventimiglia (Baptista dei Giudici) 34ff., 346 Verhovay 177 Verhülsdong 236, 238 Vesely, Franz 278 Viebig, Clara 351 Victoria, Queen of England 90, 111, 124 Virchow, Rudolph 187 Vitelmann 26 Vitoduran, Joh. 25 Vodicka 283 \*\*Vogel, amsel\*\* 165, 181 Vomela 271 ### W Waßmann/Wassmann 330 \*\*Wehn\*\* 295f. Weichel 437 Weinjung (see Neophyte) Weißstein/Weisstein, Lazarus 14, 181, 425 Weller, Hieronymus 30 Wendt 437 \*\*Wenkheim, Bela, Baron\*\* 136 Wenzel II. \[Wenscelus II\]. King 24 Werner 21f., 413, 443 \*\*Wertheimer, Simson, Rabbi\*\* 378 Wertheimstein, Louise von 123 Wertheimstein, Nanette von 123 \*\*Wesdehlen,\*\* \*Graf\* \*\*\[Count\]\*\* 221 Wiesen, Rabbi 10 \*\*Wilhelm I.,\*\* \*Kaiser\* \*\*\[Emperor\]\*\* 89, 143, 240 Wilhelm II., KAiser \[Emperor\] 463 William 13 382 443 Winkler 137 Winter, Ernst 83, 148, 150, 282, 291ff. Wire 111 Wolff 238f., 243f., 247 Wolfgang 35 Wolfl 44 Wollner, Hermann 153f., 181, 387 \*\*Worms, Baron von\*\* 220 \*\*Wünsche, August\*\* 176, 351f., 384 Wulff 315 ### X Xerxes (Ahasveros) 6, 382 ### Y \*\*Yustschinsky, Andrei\*\* XXII, 335ff., 380, 387, 395, 447 ### 7 Zach, Ignatius 29 Zaitsev 340f., 361, 366, 386 Zamba, Hanna 136 Zander 435 Zápolya, stefan von 400 Zarudny 362 Zervos, Georgios 210, 213, 222f. Zheglovitiv 364, 370 Ziebart 301 Ziegler, Rabbi 356f. Zilinski 201 Zimmermann 298, 309, 312f. Zsigmond, Julius 141 Zukowski 60 Zunz Rabbi 377 Back to Table of Contents # Gallery I: Andreas of Rinn !\[\](\_page\_341\_Figure\_2.jpeg) Der Abschied der Mutter von ihrem Kind am frühen Morgen des 12. Juli. Sie trägt eine Sichel als Arbeitswerkzeug in ihrer Hand. Der Taufpate verspricht hoch und heilig, auf das Kind gut achtzugeben. !\[\](\_page\_342\_Figure\_0.jpeg) The caption reads: Johann Mayr, the farmer from the Weiselhof, deals in the inn with the Jewish merchants for the sale of the child, whose godfather and guardian he is. !\[\](\_page\_343\_Figure\_0.jpeg) The caption reads: \*The martyrdom of the innocent child Andreas on the Jewstone.\* Das Martyrium des unschuldigen Kindes Andreas auf dem Judenstein. !\[\](\_page\_344\_Figure\_0.jpeg) Der Leichnam des Kindes Andreas liegt auf dem Marterstein aufgebahrt. !\[\](\_page\_345\_Figure\_0.jpeg) The caption reads: The burial of the holy martyr child in the cemetary of the church of Rinn. Das Begräbnis des heiligen Märtyrerkindes im Friedhof der Kirche von Rinn. !\[\](\_page\_346\_Figure\_0.jpeg) The caption reads: The first solemn procession of relics to the Jew-stone on the Feast of the Trinity in 1475. Die erste feierliche Reliquienprozession zum Judenstein am Dreifaltigkeitsfest 1475. !\[\](\_page\_347\_Figure\_0.jpeg) !\[\](\_page\_348\_Figure\_0.jpeg) To: Gallery II Gallery IV Gallery V Gallery VI Illustrations Maps Back to: \*\*Table of Contents\*\* !\[\](\_page\_350\_Picture\_0.jpeg) Gedenkstein beim ehemaligen Grab des Märtyrerkindes Andreas am Friedhof von Rinn (nördlich der Kirche). Der genaue Platz des Grabes befindet sich dort, wo heute die in späterer Zeit an die Kirche angebaute Sakristei steht (im Bild rechts). Die hl. Reliquien des seligen Märtyrerkindes ruhten dreizehn Jahre (von 1462 bis 1475) im Friedhof von Rinn. !\[\](\_page\_351\_Picture\_0.jpeg) Die Pfarrkirche von Ampaß, zu der viele Jahrhunderte das Dorf Rinn gehörte. Ampaß ist eine der ältesten Pfarreien des Inntales, am Fuß des Kirchhügels führte die alte Römerstraße vorbei. Das Foto wurde von der Nähe des Pfarrhauses aus gemacht. Das Dorf Ampaß liegt rechts unten im Tal. Der linke Turm ist freistehend. Er trägt die große Glocke und birgt die Mariahilf-Kapelle. The caption reads: The parish church of Ampaß, to which the village of Rinn belonged for many centuries. Ampaß is one of the oldest parishes of the Inn Valley; the old Roman road leads past the foot of the church hill. The photograph was taken from the vicinity of the parish house. The village of Ampaß lies at right, below, in the valley. The left tower is free-standing and contains the great bell and has the Mariahilfe chapel inside. !\[\](\_page\_352\_Picture\_0.jpeg) 10: aller Gallery VI Illustration Maps Rack to Table of Contents # Gallery III: Polna, Konitz, Kiev Murder in Polna !\[\](\_page\_354\_Picture\_0.jpeg) Murder of Ernst Winter in Konitz !\[\](\_page\_354\_Figure\_2.jpeg) To: Gallery I Gallery IV Gallery V Gallery VI Illustrations Maps Back to: # Jewish Ritual-Murder: Gallery IV !\[\](\_page\_356\_Picture\_2.jpeg) Statue of Anderl of Rinn Semitically-friendly Tombstone . . . !\[\](\_page\_357\_Figure\_0.jpeg) #### HERE RESTS THE INNOCENT CHILD ANDERI WHO, ACCORDING TO TRADITION WAS MURDERED IN THE YEAR 1462. SADLY, FOR CENTURIES HIS DEATH WAS BLAMED ON JEWS WHO WERE TRAVELING THROUGH. THIS FREQUENT BUT TOTALLY UPROVEN CHARGE LED TO ANDERL'S ERRONEOUSLY BEING CONSIDERED A MARTYR THE CHILD ANDERL RESTS HERE, NOT AS A MARTYR OF THE CHURCH, BUT AS AN ADMONITORY REMINDER OF THE MANY CHILDREN WHO TO THE PRESENT DAY HAVE BECOME VICTIMS OF VIOLENCE AND ABUSE ANDERL OF RINN, ALONG WITH ALL OF THEM, HAS BEEN TAKEN INTO GOD'S FTERNAL IOY To: Gallery Gallery II Gallery VI Illustration Maps Rack to Table of Contents # Jewish Ritual-Murder: Gallery V !\[\](\_page\_359\_Picture\_1.jpeg) Plaque illustrating ritual-murder of Simon of Trent. !\[\](\_page\_360\_Picture\_0.jpeg) Ravaria Sancta The title at the top of the illustration reads: "Six boys of Ratisbon, killed by the Jews." Gallery II Gallery III Gallery IV Gallery VI Illustrations Maps Back to: ## Jewish Ritual-Murder: Gallery VI !\[\](\_page\_361\_Picture\_2.jpeg) Sacrifice by Caravaggio # Jewish Ritual - Murder: Illustrations !\[\](\_page\_362\_Picture\_2.jpeg) To: Gallery I Gallery II Gallery IV Gallery V Gallery VI Maps Pack to: \*\*Table of Contents\*\* M a p s !\[\](\_page\_364\_Figure\_2.jpeg) !\[\](\_page\_365\_Figure\_0.jpeg) ### Southern Ottoman Empire, ca. 1840 !\[\](\_page\_365\_Figure\_2.jpeg) !\[\](\_page\_366\_Picture\_0.jpeg) Central Europe in the late 19th/early 20th century. !\[\](\_page\_367\_Picture\_0.jpeg) !\[\](\_page\_367\_Picture\_1.jpeg) Back to: \*\*Table of Contents\*\* --- ## Navigation - Parent: [Jewish Ritual Murder - A Historical Investigation (1944) by Helmut Schramm](https://samisdat.in/books/jewish-ritual-murder-a-historical-investigation-1944.md)