• Mrs. "Webster needs no introduction to American readers. Her status as an historian has been achieved in "Chevalier de Bouffers," "French Revolution," and "World Revolution," all of which reached wide sale in this country. Her home is in London.
• Herr Kerlen is the mouth-piece of the Bavarian Hitlerites—the Fascisti of Germany. He is a real German patriot and lives in Neuvorpommern.
• Mr. Beckwith is the pen name of one who has long fought for individualism as opposed to collectivism, for the constitution conceived by Alexander Hamilton as opposed to that of Thomas Jefferson, and for the maintenance of a representative republican government as opposed to a pure democracy. He lives in New York City.

INDEX

PART I—By Mrs. Nesta Webster.

The Hidden Hand of Germany—Throwing Dust in the Allies' Eyes 1

PART II—BY HEUR KURT KERLEN. Ludendorff's

Responsibility—

—Lenin Not His Agent 15

PART III—BY MRS. WEBSTER

Gen. Ludendorff Answered—

—Lenin As a German Emissary 31

PART IV—BY Mr. Peter Beckwith.

Jewish Nationalism in U. S. A.— Its Program of Socialism 47

APPENDIX A—

Extracts from an Interview by Count Heinrich von Bernstorff to Ashmun Brown and Published in the Evening Star, Washington, January 18th, 1914 73

APPENDIX B-

Letter of Resignation from the American Asso ciation for Labor Legislation Written by Mr. Samuel Gompers, of the American Federation of Labor 75

APPENDIX C—

A Statement by Samuel Gompers from the New York Times, May 1st, 1922 77

APPENDIXES D AND E-

Excerpts from The New York Times 81-82

PUBLISHER'S INTRODUCTION

On April 26th and 27th, 1922, The Morning Post of London published two articles by Mrs. Nesta Webster, entitled "Boche and Bolshevik," which received wide comment in the English press. Mrs. Webster was well qualified for the task. Her reputation as a student of history, particularly of the French Revolution and of the Revolutionary movement in Europe, was a guarantee of accuracy in statement of fact and in deduction.

The articles provoked an answer from Herr Kurt Kerlen of Neuvorpommern, which appeared in the same journal, June 10th and 11th. Herr Kerlen had been authorized by General Ludendorff to make some denials. The rebuttal by Mrs. Webster appeared June 15th and 16th.

The discussion is important in studying the causes of the Great War and of Bolshevism. It is with pleasure, therefore, that THE BECKWITH COMPANY is able to present the series to American readers in this form through the cooperation of the Editor of The Morning Post, and in order that the fundamental truths herein expressed may be brought more fully to perfect understanding, Mr. Peter Beckwith has prepared an addendum which will be of especial interest. June, 1923.

BOCHE AND BOLSHEVIK

FIRST PART BY MRS. NESTA WEBSTER

THE HIDDEN HAND OF GERMANY-THROWING DUST IN THE ALLIES' EYES

April 26th, 1922.

The announcement of the Russo-German Treaty, which has burst like a bombshell on the British public, has certainly created no such surprise in Paris. For the French know their boches as we shall never know them, and to them the understanding between Germany and Bolshevism has throughout been perfectly apparent. The secret liaison has now been followed by a hasty marriage at a registry—that is all.

A cause which has no doubt largely contributed to the misunderstanding of the situation in this country is Ludendorff's supposed confession, of which the apparent frankness deceived even official circles. In reality it was a triumph of duplicity, for a half-truth is often more misleading than a complete lie. Ludendorff well knew that the fact of Germany's complicity with the Bolshevist coup d' etat could not be concealed, and he readily admitted what all the world knew whilst cleverly contriving to obscure the real issue.

By sending Lenin to Russia, our Government had assumed a great responsibility. From a military point of view, his journey was justified, for Russia had to be laid low. But our Government should have seen to it that we also were not involved in her fall. ("My War Memories," II. 509.)

CROCODILE'S TEARS

And our ingenuous politicians immediately swallowed this version of the case! Germany had sent Lenin to Russia—Ludendorff admitted that—but it was only a military manoeuvre devised on the spur of the moment to put Russia out of the war, and since then, on realising the true nature of Bolshevism, she had bitterly regretted her action! Were not rumours constantly arriving that Germany herself was threatened by a rising tide of Bolshevism within her own borders, and that attempts to disarm her would render her defenceless in the face of the red peril?

The truths we may now at last be brought to realise are that the sending of Lenin to Russia was neither a sudden nor a purely military expedient, but the outcome of a long-standing policy with other than military aims; that far from repenting of the evil she had done or fearing that it might recoil on her own head, Germany had every reason to congratulate herself on the success of her tactics; that she herself has never stood in any serious danger from Bolshevism, and that all that has happened in Russia has been carried out under her guidance "according to plan."

NOT A SUDDEN MANOEUVRE

The Bolshevik coup d' etat by which a small tyrannical minority succeeded in imposing its domination not only over a helpless people but over large revolutionary majorities—represented by the Mensheviks and Social Revolutionaries—was prepared, as everyone knows, by systematic mischief-making between Russia and her Allies, by pacifist propaganda in the Russian army and navy, and by Socialist and Internationalist agitation amongst the proletariats of the world. Moreover, all this was largely accomplished by means of Jews, who from the time of Frederick the Great had frequently acted as Prussia's most faithful and efficient agents. Indeed, all these methods had constituted the plan of

Prussian diplomacy from the XVIIIth Century onwards. The outbreak of war thus found the ground thoroughly prepared, and, according to a pamphlet published by the National Security League in New York, the German Ambassadors, Ministers, and Consuls in neutral countries were notified as early as February, 1915, of the arrangements made for the disintegration of Germany's opponents:

It is brought to your knowledge that in the countries where you are accredited there have been founded special bureaux for organising propaganda in countries of the coalition at war with Germany. The propaganda will have for its aim the inception of social movements and civil war, as well as an agitation in favour of disarmament and the cessation of this bloody war. {The Tentacles of the German Octopus in America, by Dr. Earl E. Sperry.)

Clearly, then, at least 2 1/2 years before the Bolshevik coup Germany had been organising seditious propaganda in the countries of the Allies. At the same time several of the most prominent leaders amongst the Bolsheviks were working in the cause of Imperial Germany.

BEFORE THE WAR

The fact that Lenin was in the pay of Germany during the later stages of the war has been admitted by the Generals Ludendorff and Hoffman, by Kerensky, by the former Russian revolutionary Bourtzeff, and by the German Social Democrat Edouard Bernstein. What is less generally known is that this connection dated from before the outbreak of war. In June, 1914, that is to say, at the moment when, as Document 3 of the Sisson Report* shows, Germany was mobilising all her agents

*Report of Mr. Edgar Sisson, Special Representative of the United States Committee on Public Information, who visited Russia during the winter of 1917-1918. Doubts were cast on the authenticity of certain documents that report contained, but the main portion, from which the above quotations are taken, was pronounced to be genuine by the National Board for Historical Service.—Vide, Addendum by Mr. Beckwith.—EDITOR.

in preparation for war, Lenin went to Berlin and offered his services to the German Foreign Office. These were at first refused, but a month later, through the intervention of the Jew Parvus, Lenin was recalled to Berlin and entrusted with the task of demoralising the Russian and French armies. "Immediately on the declaration of war, Lenin was to receive 70 million marks, after which further sums would be paid to his order when necessary." (See recently published History of Bolshevism, by General A. C. Spirido-vitch.) This mission was faithfully carried out, and Bourtzeff, writing in La Victoire for October 2, 1920, stated that the French Leninites, recognizing no such virtue as patriotism, frankly admitted Lenin's complicity with the Germans, and justified him for "accepting German money during the Battle of the Marne and working for the destruction of the French army."

During the years 1915 and 1916, consequently long before the revolution, Bourtzeff went on to declare, Lenin several times undertook at Berne, where he was living, a visit to the German Embassy, where the agents of the General Staff gave him money and instructions how to act. Throughout the whole war Lenin never interrupted his relations with the German General Staff.

GERMAN AGENTS ALL

In Berlin Bourtzeff obtained "categorical and irrefutable evidence" that "Lenin was a German agent, that he had been throughout the war in the service of the Germans.

"I should add," he wrote, "that also in Berlin I heard from the same person and from other people equally well-informed, statements as explicit concerning Trotzky, Radek, Zinovieff, &c." Meanwhile in London Chicherin was frequenting the Communist Club, where during 1916 and 1917 he associated with Germans, openly expressed his anti-British sentiments and took

a leading part in the attempt of that body to foment strikes, stop recruiting, and stir up a revolution here, which, had they succeeded, would have effectually ended the war in Germany's favour. At length the authorities interned him in Brixton prison as a danger to public safety. (The Red Plot, p. 6.)

On the Continent the most important German agent was probably the Jew Parvus, and General Spirido-vitch's new book reveals the enormous services he rendered to Germany throughout the war. It shows, moreover, that Parvus (alias Helphant, alias Israel Lazarevitch) had, like his protege Lenin, entered into relations with the German Government before the war began. As early as 1886 he had become a member of the German Social Democratic Party, and "was clever enough, like Krassin, to combine revolutionary activities with commerce." This role he continued throughout the war, when, in the course of amassing a large fortune for himself, he acted as German agent in Constantinople, the Balkans, in Geneva (where he founded the so-called "Bureau of Economic Investigation," which was really the Bureau of pro-German propaganda and of German espionage), and finally at Copenhagen in 1916, by which date Trotsky declared him to be "completing his twelfth million." (Quoted from Trotski by Dr. G. A. Ziv.)

JEW AND PRUSSIAN

It was on the advice of this Socialist war profiteer that Lenin was despatched in the famous sealed train from Switzerland to Russia. At the same time, in accordance with the time-honoured practice of Prussia and also through the influence of her allies in Jewish finance, a number of Jewish agitators, including the Austrian deserter, Radek alias Sobelsohn, were selected to accompany him, and after his arrival to form the principal members of the Soviet Government.

So much for Ludendorff's pretence that the sending of Lenin to Russia was a sudden inspiration in view of a desperate military situation. The truth is that by the time this manoeuvre was executed Lenin, like several of his colleagues, Bolsheviks, was already a tried and sure instrument in the hands of Germany, and that, as Document 5 of the Sisson Report proves, the whole affair had been arranged between the German General staff and the Bolshevik leaders in an agreement drawn up at Kronstadt in the preceding July, whilst as early as March of the same year (Document 1 of the Sisson Report) an account had been opened at the General Imperial Bank with these same leaders, who then included Lenin, Trotzky, Zinovieff, and Kameneff.

CHOOSING THE RED LEADERS

So successfully do these emissaries of the German Imperial Government appear to have carried out their mission in Russia that on January 12, 1918, we find the German Intelligence Department insisting on their reelection to the Central Executive Committee, as also on that of Joffe—later in the same year to become Bolshevik Ambassador in Berlin!—of Sverdlov, Steklov, and several others, mostly Jews, who have since played prominent parts in the Soviet regime. (Document 7 of Sisson Report.)

Bolshevism was then still completely under the control of Germany. Ludendorff, who admits the fact— for in a letter to Bethmann-Hollweg, dated June 9, 1918, he declares the existence of the Soviet Government to be "dependent on our good pleasure" (War Memories II., 574)—again justifies this continued support of the Bolsheviks on grounds of military expediency for the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk yet remained to be signed.

Thus he writes: "If the Government of the Kaiser supplied Lenin with money it was right. Once Lenin was in power peace with Russia was obtained and

Germany had her hands free for her offensive on the Western front." (Article by Ludendorff in the Militarwochenblatt quoted by Andre Cheradame, La Mystification des Peuples Allies, p. 266.)

A FAR-SIGHTED POLICY

But even from the military point of view Ludendorff once more admits only a half-truth. In sending Lenin to Russia the German General Staff was following an immeasurably more far-sighted policy than only the present elimination of Russia from the ranks of the Allies. If this were the sole objective, why, then, the aid provided for the formation of the Red Armies? If peace was all that was desired why this drilling of troops in Russia by German officers, continued not only during the critical period of the war but long after the cessation of hostilities. M. Cheradamc in his new book, La Mystification des Peuples Allies,* supplies the answer to these questions. He says:

The army of the Soviets is in reality the German army of Russia placed under German-Jewish command. * * * The General Staff of the Bolshevik army is organised by German officers who occupy as well all the posts where specialists are necessary. During my last journey to Central Europe I was able to procure from a source that I consider excellent, a list, as yet unpublished, of German officers in the service of the Soviets up to the end of 1920. It will be noticed with what care these names are camouflaged even by those amongst these Germans who are on service in Berlin. * * *

The mercenary army of 7 million men which the Germans are training in Russia is destined to double the action of the German army of 7 million men, of which M. Andre Lefevre proved the existence in his speech in the Chambre on the 8th of December, 1921. It is this coalition which will form the mass of 14 million soldiers who will impose on Europe and Asia Pan-German servitude.

The Press at this moment is solemnly discussing whether a "military convention" has been signed between Germany and the Bolsheviks. But what need has Germany of a "convention"? The Red Armies of the Soviets are hers already.

A DEEP-LAID CONSPIRACY—THE DEUTSCHE BANK AND COMMUNISM

April 27th, 1922

Formidable as Germany's military preparations must appear, it is evident, however, that some more immediate object than the formation of a gigantic army in view of a future war has inspired her continued support of Bolshevism, since her activities in the matter of revolutionary propaganda have not been confined to Russia alone.

Under the title of "Projects for a political offensive against England in 1918," published by Ludendorff (The General Staff and its Problems. II., 557), we find plans suggested and approved by Ludendorff and forwarded by him to Bethmann-Hollweg, with, as he says himself, "the strongest possible recommendation" for a campaign of "German political propaganda" which is to have the effect of producing "strikes in the English war industries (munitions, aircraft, tanks, shipbuilding, &c.)" and "AN INTENSIFICATION OF THE REVOLUTIONARY

this, of course, again as a mere military measure in preparation for the coming German offensive. That this campaign was carried out events proved only too clearly, moreover, its continuance after the defeat of the German armies and the signing of the armistice effectually disposes of the renewed plea of military necessity.

AN ARTICLE OF EXPORT

As late as April, 1919, the world was informed of the secret speech of M. Brockdorff-Rantzau* declaring that "Bolshevism was an excellent article of export for Germany," and in the same month a conference was held at Zurich, attended by a member of the German General Staff and a secretary of the German Legation at Berne, at which "a plan of German propaganda disguised under a Bolshevist and pan-Islamic camouflage was drawn up." (La Mystification des Allies, p. 284.) At the same moment the Prussian War Office issued an order for the selection of German soldiers with a good knowledge of French and English to act as agitators:

They will follow courses and lectures organised by the War Office concerning Bolshevist aims and plans, and they will be designated to spread Bolshevist propaganda in France and England. The men will be plentifully provided for, and will be ensured against any accident. (Intercepted order, dated April 20, 1919, published by The Morning Post and by La Liberte on July 5, 1919.)

This was, of course, the kind of pabulum German agents had been distributing all along, and the plan of disguising it with Bolshevist sauce proved amazingly effectual, for not only was it more readily swallowed by the working classes, but actually declared in political and official circles to be of purely Russian origin. Thus although revolutionary propaganda on exactly the same

*"It is announced that Count von Brockdorff-Rantzau, who was the first Foreign Minister of the Republic and represented Germany for some time at Versailles during the Peace negotiations, is to be appointed German Ambassador to Moscow by virtue of the Treaty of Rapallo. He refused to sign the Treaty of Versailles and resigned from the Diplomatic service, to which he now returns after an interval of three years, spent chiefly in conducting a campaign against the Peace Treaty and those who accepted it on behalf of Germany." Press dispatch of July 27th, 1922, from Berlin.—EDITOR.

lines had been carried on long before the Bolsheviks came into power, we were asked to believe that after the accession of Lenin, Russia became the sole source of these doctrines, and G. H. Q. was transferred from Berlin to Moscow!

CURIOUS RESEMBLANCE

It would be interesting to know precisely at what moment this change of command is supposed to have taken place, for nothing could exceed the skill with which it must have been effected. Not only were the methods of agitation employed identical with those described in the correspondence of Ludendorff, but the very phraseology of Bolshevist pamphlets strangely resembled that with which the German General Staff had hitherto familiarised us. Moreover, the same individuals who now became the supporters of Lenin continued to display a tendresse for Germany, although, as we were assured, Germany had now become the implacable enemy of Bolshevism!

The incontrovertible fact is that from before the war until the present moment the policy of Socialism masquerading under the name of "Labour" has been consistently pro-German, and since the rise of Bolshevism its pro-Germanism has increased in direct ratio with its pro-Bolshevism. At every Labour Congress, at every meeting of the various "Internationales," measures tending to the advantage of Germany and to the disadvantage of England and France have found their warmest supporters amongst the Leninites in both countries, and in the so-called Labour Press all questions affecting the working classes—unemployment, the revival of trade, &c.—have been subordinated to the more pressing interest of modifying the Treaty of Versailles, preventing German disarmament, and, as the Daily Herald expressed it, "scrapping the whole bad business of making Germany pay."

The question then resolves itself into this: if Bolshevism was not launched by Germany, if it is not still to-day directly inspired by German agents, how is it that in England the Bolshevist elements are anti-French and that both in England and in France they are pro-German? And this in spite of the fact that England is the home of democracy, whilst Germany has always been the stronghold of autocracy and of the militarism these Pacifists profess the desire to destroy?

There is no explanation of all this but the fact that Germany has been at work behind Bolshevism throughout, and that as, since the Armistice, she can have no immediate military object for promoting it in the countries of the Allies, she has clearly some ulterior purpose for her support of the Soviet regime and her propagation of its doctrines abroad.

THE FURTHER PURPOSE OF BOLSHEVISM

Nearly a year ago, in my book World Revolution, I indicated the further purpose for which Bolshevism had been inaugurated, namely, the industrial exploitation of Russia by the German and Jewish Company of super-Capitalists, whose real schemes were camouflaged under the guise of Communism—a conclusion which recent events have gone far to justify. In November, 1920, that enemy of Capitalism, Mr. H. G. Wells, had proposed the formation of an "International trust" as the only means of saving Russia, and four months later it was announced that Lenin had changed his tactics and now declared "Capitalism to be indispensable for the development of the country."

Precisely the same idea seems to have occurred almost simultaneously to the financiers of Germany, for in the following November, Herr Deutsch announced that "a great International Syndicate" must be formed to take in hand the reconstruction of Russia—a plan with which he found the Bolshevist emissary Radek completely in accord! At the same moment Stinnes and Rathenau

arrived in London, where by a happy chance they found their old employee Krassin installed at Soviet House! Thirteen years earlier Krassin had been in the service of Siemens Schuckert, an affiliation of the gigantic capitalist trust, the Allgemeine Elektrizitats Gesellschaft, and later was sent as manager to the same firm's branch in Petrograd, where after the revolution he conveniently became a convert to the doctrines of Communism.

LIFE OF LUXURY

That Krassin, living in luxury at his £19,000 house in Belsize Park and possessing, as the Belgian Press remarked, "the Prussian mentality to a high degree," has ever been a sincere Bolshevik no one can seriously believe, nor is it possible to doubt that negotiations took place between him and his former chief, Rathenau, during the latter's visit to London. In a word, the gorgeous office known as Soviet House is not that of a "Workers' Republic" but of the International Capitalist concern, "Bolshevism, Limited"—limited, that is to say, to German and Jewish financiers and their allies, and from which, as Kameneff explained at a congress on March 15, 1921, all Russian capitalists were to be excluded.

M. Cheradame, who has watched the gradual unfolding of the plot during his visits to Eastern Europe, has now admirably summed up the whole matter. He shows how the system of industrial exploitation, camouflaged as Communism, has been backed up throughout by the Deutsche Bank, which, as the brains of the German banking organisations, maintains relations with German financiers naturalised as English or Americans in London and New York. Thus he writes:

It is true Bolshevism leads necessarily to the exploitation of Russia for the profit of a syndicate of super-capitalists of which the real leaders are Jews and Germans, that after the period of frightful licence which was necessary for the collapse of Russia, Russian workmen are now subjected to a regime a hundred times more tyrannical than that of the Tzar

RUINED RUSSIA

THE BOLSHEVIST REGIME IN RUSSIA HAS NOT ENDED IN FAILURE; THE PLAN OF GERMANY AND HER JEWISH ALLIES HAS SUCCEEDED ADMIRABLY. The Russian owners of land and property have been dispossessed, Russian industry has been wrecked, the Russian workers have been reduced to a condition so abject that they are ready to work for any master who will only give them bread, and now the same conditions are to be produced elsewhere. This is the real purpose of Bolshevist agitation in England, where already native industry is being slowly crushed to death and native capital is being driven from the country.

Germany has nothing herself to fear from the contagion, for the reason that she possesses the counterorganisation to withstand it. From the beginning of the Bolshevist regime the inhabitants of Germany have been drenched with antiseptics in the form of corrective propaganda, and she can count on their resistance to the plague germs she prepares for export only. Such indigenous outbreaks of the disease known by the name of Spartacism, as occurred in the early part of 1919, were speedily suppressed and the leaders—Liebknecht and Rosa Luxembourg—conveniently got rid of forever. In Bavaria, where the movement threatened to become more serious, the German Government, in collusion with Schneppenhorst, the Bavarian War Minister, actually introduced two Jewish Bolsheviks from Russia to take the place of the native leaders in order to provide an excuse for the triumphant entry of Prussian troops into Munich and the suppression of Bavarian rebellion against the domination of Prussia. As the Lusk Report which relates this incident expresses it: "It was another phase of the Prussian-Bolshevist entente."

THE HIDDEN HAND

If Germany then did not hesitate to use Bolshevist instruments in her own Empire how much less did she fear to employ them abroad! I MAINTAIN TO-DAY WITH GREATER CONVICTION THAN EVER THAT THE REVOLUTIONARY MOVEMENT ALL OVER THE WORLD IS DIRECTED, NOT BY MOSCOW, BUT BY GERMANY, THAT SECRET COUNCILS IN THAT COUNTRY ARE WORKING IN CO-OPERATION WITH AFFILIATED SECRET CIRCLES IN AMERICA, IRELAND, AND ELSEWHERE, THAT GERMAN AGENTS HAVE BEEN BEHIND THE INDUSTRIAL TROUBLES IN THE WEST AS BEHIND THE SO-CALLED NATIONALIST MOVEMENTS IN THE EAST, AND THAT IT IS GERMAN MISCHIEFMAKING WHICH IS CREATING DISCORD BETWEEN THE NATIONS OF THE ENTENTE.

The monstrous lie of "French militarism" is of German devising. A recent visit to France has convinced me that no people more sincerely desire peace than the French, and that all classes in that country, with the memory of four terrible years fresh in their minds, are animated only by the fierce determination that this hideous thing shall never happen again. And because France understands the only means by which it may be averted and realises the terrible danger of weakness at this crisis, it is on an alliance with France that the security of Britain depends.

There is no hope for the reconstruction of Europe until German intrigues are unveiled, and there is no possibility of Germany taking her place among the honourable nations of the world until she abandons the use of vile methods and frees herself from Prussian Machiavellism.

SECOND PART BY HERR KURT KERLEN

LUDENDORFF'S RESPONSIBILITY—LENIN NOT HIS AGENT

INTRODUCTORY COMMENT BY THE MORNING POST

June 10th, 1922.

General Ludendorff, having had his attention drawn to Mrs. Nesta Webster's articles in The Morning Post of April 26 and 27, showing apropos of the Rapallo Treaty how the German Supreme Command used Lenin for the spread of social chaos in Russia, and if possible in Great Britain, refers to them as "shocking and mendacious."

We have received from Herr Kurt Kerlen, of Neuvorpommern, the original of General Ludendorff's letter in which this phrase occurs, and the letter endorses Herr Kerlen's repudiation (in an article which he submitted to the General) of Mrs. Webster's charges insofar as they concern the German Supreme Command.

In fairness we reproduce below the correspondence between Herr Kerlen and the ex-Chief of the German Staff and the first part of the article by the former traversing Mrs. Websters' arraignment.

Herr Kerlen some weeks ago received No. 8 of The Patriot, of March 30, which dealt with the report of Mr. Edgar Sisson, who in 1917-1918 visited Russia as a representative of the United States Committee on Public Information. This report gave chapter and verse for the activities of Lenin and his Communist

associates as German agents during the war, and was pronounced genuine by the American National Board for Historical Service. Herr Kerlen asked General Ludendorff's opinion on the Sisson Report. Replying on April 20, General Ludendorff wrote:

All news relating to a military collaboration of German military posts with the Bolsheviks is absolutely mendacious. The facsimile document bears the stamp of forgery and is a monstrous idiocy.

On seeing the articles of Mrs. Webster Herr Kerlen wrote his reply to them and submitted it to General Ludendorff. Writing on May 26, he answered as follows:

Your reply to the shocking and mendacious article of The Morning Post corresponds to the facts, as far as the actions of the Supreme Army Command are referred to. I am curious (to see) if The Morning Post will print your reply or whether fairness is not to be shown to the Boches. It would not surprise me. With German greetings. (Signed) Ludendorff.

THE TWO GERMANIES

REPLY TO MRS. WEBSTER

BY KURT KERLEN

In her article, "Boche and Bolshevik," in The Morning Post of April 26 and 27, Mrs. Webster first adduced her supposed proofs and then draws her conclusions to the effect that "Boche" and "Bolshevik" are one. Mrs. Webster starts by explaining that in his "apparent frank confession" Ludendorff wrote something still baser than a complete lie, viz.: a most misleading half-truth, when he wrote in his war memories:

By sending Lenin to Russia our. Government had assumed a great responsibility" from a military point of view, his journey was justified, for Russia had to be laid low. But our Government should have seen to it that we were not also involved in her fall.

The same quotation was made by Mr. Winston Churchill in his speech in Parliament on November 5, 1919. If half a truth is more misleading than a full lie Mr. Churchill ought to have quoted not only half a paragraph, which is also misleading. Ludendorff actually said:

That the decomposition of the Russian Army and of the Russian people was an enormous danger for Germany and Austria-Hungary I had no doubt. My anxiety was, therefore, all the larger, when I considered the weakness of our and the Austrian Government. By sending Lenin to Rusisa, our Government had assumed a great responsibility. From a military point of view his journey was justified, for Russia had to be laid low. But our Government should have seen to it that we also were not involved in her fall. The events in Russia did not give me the feeling of full satisfaction. They decidedly facilitated our military position, but also much danger remained. During the summer I had already designed the conditions of armistice with Russia. They started from the desire to come to an understanding with her; peace in the East was all that was desired.

As an accomplished student of history Mrs. Webster must certainly also have noticed what Ludendorff wrote on the question, why the strong body of German troops still left at the Eastern front were not used to throw over the Bolshevik Government. On page 241 of his last book, Warfare and Politics, Ludendorff writes:

Such a stroke was possible and had been suggested to politicians; but they only moved in formally legal thoughts and were swimming entirely in the wake of the home and foreign politics of the Reichstag majority. They overlooked the fact that the moment had come in which—following Bismark's noble precedent—the damage done by the sending of Lenin had to be repaired. The Supreme Army Command nointed out these damages * * * but the politicians treated with Joffe in Berlin and permitted him, together with the Independent Social Democrates, to prepare revolution. They allowed themselves to be shamelessly

treated in Moscow and took calmly the murder of their Minister; they did nothing against the dealings of the Bolshevik peace delegates in Kieff and the murder of Field-Marshal von Eichhorn. They did not raise their voices against the murder of the Tsar.

KERENSKY TOOL OF LENIN

If Mrs. Webster in her next paragraph, headed "Not a Sudden Manoeuvre," reproaches Germany for having employed seditious propaganda in the countries of the Allies, it may simply be brought to mind that all is fair in love and war. In a war, in a fight concerning life and death, one does not look at the weapons which one takes, nor at the values, which are destroyed by using the arms. The only adviser is, first of all, the success of the fight, the salvation of one's independence. The reparation of the damages done has to take place after peace. Decidedly Mrs. Webster's country has acted according to this rule, and the final result has fully proved in England's favour. As early as the winter of 1918, when speaking about the March revolution in Russia, Ludendorff wrote:

A tremendous change had happened on the Eastern front. In March the revolution favoured by the Entente, had removed the Tsar. A strong Socialistic Government had come into power. What reasons caused the Entente to collaborate with this revolution are not clear. Did they see themselves in the face of a popular movement, which could not be passed over and which they consequently joined; or had, out of fear of a revolution, the Tsar become peaceful and had to be removed? This one fact is clear, the Entente expected advantages for their warfare from this revolution; at least, they wanted to save what still could be saved. Consequently they lost no time and arted. The Tsar, who had started the war for the benefit of the Entente, had to be laid low. Herein lies an infinite will-power, which did not shrink back from anything when the question was to win the war for one's own country.

The events preceding the Russian October revolution in 1917 have also become clear now. It is now an established fact that both Lenin and Trotsky were sent for by Kerensky, whose mother was a Kornblum, a fact which explains a great deal. Lenin was allowed to pass through Germany. Trotsky was permitted to leave America, and when duly imprisoned in Halifax, was released and proceeded to Russia. If Ludendorff confesses frankly his share in sending Lenin to Russia, why do those who are responsible for Trotsky's journey not say openly what were their reasons? Lenin and Trotsky were directly fetched into Russia by Kerensky against the express orders of his bourgeois Ministerial colleagues, Miliukoff and Prince Lvoff. The authority of the Minister of Justice, which Kerensky happened to be, was then still the strongest possible power in Russia, as effective then as it had ever been under the Tsar.

Lenin and Trotsky were protected by Kerensky in private imprisonment and used against his colleagues. Just before the October revolution Kerensky was allowed to "disappear," and Lenin and Trotsky repaid the compliment by keeping him in a hidden retreat, whilst they sent his secretary, the Jew Soskice, to Europe with the order to declare that Kerensky was with the loyal Tsarist Cossacks, whom he was leading against the Bolsheviks. Eventually, when all was clear, Lenin and Trotsky provided the revolutionary hero •Kerensky with ample funds and false passports and sent him out of Russia by way of Murmansk, which was at that time occupied by British forces. From there he travelled to England aboard an Italian steamer, camouflaged as a "White" refugee!

BEFORE THE WAR

In order to prove that at the outbreak of the war Lenin was already in German employ, Mrs. Webster refers to the "Sisson Report." It is to be regretted that

she practically bases almost her whole story upon this "report," because most emphatically it must be denounced as a forgery. The two documents reproduced in facsimile in The Patriot can only be described as monstrous idiocies. Whoever has the faintest smattering of German military things—as they used to be—at first sight will notice that the alleged circular No. 421 is a fabrication. Mrs. Webster, in saying in italics that throughout the war Lenin never interrupted his relations with the German General Staff, goes one better than she says Ludendorff did. She repeats an unqualified untruth. The fact is that Lenin was never in any relation with the German General Staff at all; his name was all but unknown to the General Staff and to G. H. Q. when he was sent through Germany by the political authorities.

With regards to her other authority, Bourtzeff, it would also be well to advise Mrs. Webster to be careful: in any trial or case it would be rather unsafe to rely upon him as a witness. Though she describes excellently Israel Lazarevitch, alias Dr. Parvus, alias Helphand, as a man who advantageously combined revolutionary with commercial activities, Mrs. Webster, no doubt, has overlooked what Ludendorff wrote on February 26, 1921, in an article entitled: "Compulsion," in the Military Weekly:

Who had advised the Chancellor to send Lenin to Sweden was not known at that time to the Supreme Army Command. There it was supposed that the advice had come from Socialistic quarters, who were then quite openly working for peace. Even the S. A. C. did not know Lenin at that time; they hardly knew his name.

Albrecht Wirth writes in his book, History of the Russian Empire: "It was just Kerensky, who showed himself very quickly Chauvinist and energetically hustled on the war, which had almost gone to sleep. . . . There is hardly any doubt that he was bribed by the Entente. Now, Count von Brock-

dorff-Rantzau, who as Imperial German Minister in Copenhagen, openly worked for the revolution, was inspired by Parvus-Helphand, one of the trickiest Ashkenazi, with the splendid idea of laying low revolution by anarchy. He suggested Lenin and Trotsky being sent to Russia, and thus helping the Bolsheviks to rise to power."

From the press it has become known that the same sinister forces, which influenced the German Minister in Denmark also worked in Switzerland. The go-between, the Imperial German Minister, Baron Romberg, in Berne, and Lenin and his gang, was the representative of the most virulent Jewish paper in Germany: the Frankfort Gazette, whose representative, from the steps of the Weimar theatre, introduced after his election as President Fritz Ebert to the admiring populace.

JEWISH AIMS—THE GERMAN HIDDEN HAND— LICHNOWSKI June 11th, 1922.

The Prussian War Office in April, 1919, was as little Prussian as it was English or French. At that time the following Jews were the chiefs of the different departments: Goldschmidt, Niesswand, Lowy, Schlesinger, Waschitzky, Zucker, Brunn, and Riepenhausen, washed there by the mud waves of the German revolution. Their tribesman, Sontheimer, on April 2, 1919, said at a communist meeting in Munich, with the Jew Muhsam in the chair: "The conditions of the Armistice are much too lenient for the German people." Neither Moscow nor Berlin have been the centre of manufacture for these article-of-export doctrines; that has been always, and will remain, where it is still at present, the Hidden Hand.

So it is not extraordinary at all, for any carefully observing historian that "Socialism," masquerading in England under the style of "Labour," has been con-

sistently pro-German; whilst the identical movement, trading in Germany under several camouflages, which may be collectively indicated by "Social Democracy," increased its most flagrant pro-English or pro-French feelings in direct ratio with its pro-Bolshevism. Mrs. Webster has admirably sketched it; at every Socialistic Congress, at every meeting of the different "Internationales," No. 1, 2, 2 1/2, and 3, all eventual measures tending to the advantage of the Entente have found their warmest supporters amongst the German Leninites; and in the so-called Socialistic press all questions really affecting the working classes have been subordinated to the more pressing interest of denouncing Germany as the only culprit of the war, of falsifying documents, and doing other similar nice things.

To pick out only one specimen, also early in 1919: The Jew President of the Bavarian "State of the People," Isidor Kosmanowski, alias Kurt Eisner, falsified important documents with the full intention of gaining France's good graces, and pulling down the country, of which he happened to be the "president." The Jewish Government of Germany has just now forbidden the former Ambassador in London, Prince Lichnowsky, the former Minister, Count von Brock-dorff-Rantzau, and others to be witnesses in the trial of Eisner's private secretary, the Jew, Fechenbach. They were not allowed to speak, because this Government has nothing to fear but exposure.

THE SIX COPIES

Lichnowsky—whose known pamphlet, thrown down by English and French aeroplanes in millions of copies upon the German trenches, was considered by any real German as plain and simple high treason—has confessed that he only made six copies, of which he gave four to four Jews, viz., to Ballin, of the HamburgAmerika Line; to Witting, of the National Bank (ne Witkowski—brother of Isidor Witkowski, alias Maximilian Harden); to Theodore Wolff, editor of the Berlin Tageblatt (owned by Mosse, and founded in 1871 for the protection of Jewish interests in Germany); and to the director of the Deutsche Bank, Von Gwinner (brother-inlaw of the ex-Sir Edgar Speyer). The two remaining copies were probably given (so it has transpired) to the Chairman of the Jewish Privy Council surrounding the ex-Emperor, Herr Walther Rathenau,* now the Foreign Minister; and the last of the six copies is supposed to have been given to the ex-Emperor himself. The question is now, who of the six is to blame, that this high treason paper reached England?

When stating that Israel Lazarewitch, alias Dr. Parvus, alias Helphand, became a member of the German Social Democratic Party as early as 1886, Mrs. Webster confirms simply several quotations given above: ALL "DEMOCRATIC" PARTIES IN GERMANY—WHETHER THEY CALL THEMSELVES "DEMOCRATIC" PURE AND SIMPLE, OR WITH SOME ADJECTIVE AS SOCIAL------ARE BUT

NAMES FOR THE HIDDEN HAND, ALL THESE FACTIONS AND PARTIES BEING BUT THE FIGHTING UNITS FOR JEWRY. If there ever was a body which has done its very best to destroy Germany before, during, and after the war, it has been, and is still the Jew-led Social Democratic Party. To start with the Jews, Marx (ne Mordechai) and Lassalle (ne Feist Lasal), its founders, and at the end with Philip Scheidemann with the withering hand, who swore allegiance to the Emperor and to Germany as Imperial German Minister, and betrayed both in almost the same breath; that party has never changed in its boundless fury and hatred against throne and

^*It should be remembered that Herr Rathenau had not yet been murdered by Techow, Fischer and Knauer, members of the secret "Organization Council," when this article was published.—EDITOR.

altar, and everything that is dear to a decent, white man; and it has done so notwithstanding its many shades of red. In this party, the exploding cartridges, the dynamite charges were, and are still, the overpowering Jewish element; amongst which Israel Lazarewitch was certainly a whole shipload of guncotton.

With regard to the "document" No. 5 of the Sisson report, as quoted by Mrs. Webster, viz., that the whole affair had been arranged between the German General Staff and the Soviet leaders in an agreement drawn up in Kronstadt in the preceding July, this must be characterised as an unqualified lie. The same character has to be given to "document" No. 7 of the Sisson report, as quoted by Mrs. Webster (viz., that on January 12, 1918, we find the German intelligence department insisting on their [i. e., Lenin's, Trotsky's, Zino-vieff's, Kameneff's] re-election to the Central Executive Committee, as also that of Joffe, Sverdloff, Steckloff, and several others, who have since played a prominent part in the Soviet regime). Mrs. Webster is perfectly right in saying that in June, 1918, the Soviet Government was dependent on Germany's good pleasure; she only draws a wrong conclusion from this sentence, whilst the right conclusion is given in the above quotation from Ludendorff. He, as well as the General Staff, wanted to repair the damages done to Russia, which were pointed out by them, but the Jewish Government in Germany refused to have their tribesmen hurt.

"BARRELS OF ENGLISH GOLD"

Unfortunately, Mrs. Webster appears to see only the beam in her neighbour's eye. Will she inquire in competent quarters what sums were employed by her own country for raising sedition in Germany? Is she aware that in Court-martial proceedings (e. g., in the summer of 1917, relating to the first severe mutiny in the German Navy, which ended in several death sen-

tences), "barrels full of English gold" played a conspicuous role? If Michael Collins, the Irish Kerensky, is bolstered up with grants of English money, was not perhaps the vanguard of Lenin and Trotsky, the Russian Kerensky, helped in an indentical way?

No help in whatever form has ever been provided by the German General Staff for the formation or instruction of the Red armies. This assertion is not a half truth (i. e., a double lie), but simply the whole truth and nothing but the truth. Ludendorff writes on page 271 of his last book:

The Russian army attacked us again. In view of the limited military means the Supreme Army Command could not refuse the help offered by the Chancellor, not even of such a doubtful and dangerous kind as the transport of Lenin and company to Russia. The military had to think—as Bismark had pronounced it—exclusively of the final success. Eventual disadvantages arising from employing peculiar means were to be obviated later on. The Supreme Army Command could not oppose the Chancellor, if he in this case really promoted peace. Had the S. A. C. seen clearly about these men, and especially had they known that the sending of Lenin to Russia had been suggested by the Social Democrats—even then they would have been obliged to agree, but more urgently they would have demanded to guide the home affairs with strong hands.

But by letting the reins trail along the ground and at the same time by sending Lenin to Russia the Government committed a deed which forms an essential share in the breakdown of the German home front. If now Social Democrats reproach the Supreme Army Command and the Chancellor for having sent Lenin to Russia, this but proves their own bad conscience. The Chancellor at that time stood entirely under Social-Democratic and Democratic influence, and followed only Social-Democratic inspirations. Also later, again, it was the German Government and the Reichstag Majority, and especially the German Social-Democrats, who pushed the work of the Bolsheviks in Germany.

It becomes evident that only peace was desired, and this alleged drilling of troops in Russia by German officers during the critical period and long after the cessation of hostilities, is equally an unqualified untruth. What M. Cheradame has to say on that subject in his book is pure and simple invention. It will be readily admitted that he in good faith has accepted these falsehoods, which were palmed upon him by the One Enemy of all mankind; and his book would be almost perfect, if in a new edition he would replace always the wrong word "pan-German" by the right substitute "pan-Jewish."

ULTIMATE PURPOSE OF BOLSHEVISM

Though Mr's. Webster is near the mark when predicting in her book World Revolution, that Bolshevism was nothing but industrial exploitation of Russia by a German and Jewish company of super-capitalists—she would have hit right into the middle of the centre by saying that Bolshevism is the absolute world supremacy, exploitation, and mastery by the one real super-capitalist—in other words that Bolshevism is but another name for Jewry.

If Mr. H. G. Wells has demanded an international trust as the only means of saving Russia, the Genoa Conference has revealed that this trust has been existing all along, and that The Hague has been chosen only for another pronunciamento of its board of directors. Deutsch—whom Mrs. Webster also mentions as having demanded a great international syndicate—is the Jewish general manger of that super-capitalistic concern, of which the present "German" Minister for Foreign Affairs, Walther Rathenau, is the president. This CONCERN CONTROLLED IN 1914 ALREADY ONE WHOLE THIRD OF ALL INDUSTRIAL CAPITAL INVESTED IN GERMANY" This Jew Rathenau—whilst he was still the

confidential adviser of the ex-Kaiser—published at Christmas, 1917, a book, The New Economy, in which he wrote, fully knowing what was going to happen some ten months later:

For US it is not a question of a Western or any other democracy, nor of Parliamentary rule or something similar. True democracy, government by the people, has never existed anywhere, except perhaps in the short days of revolution. Everywhere in the world persons do reign, and the only question is: a State of Castes or a State of the People. The State of the People WILL COME, in spite of its enemies and of those who drivel about a special German freedom and prove it, too! (Capital letters by author.)

The same Jew, Rathenau, wrote that all history would have lost its sense if William II. had entered Berlin victorious by the Bradenburg Gate; and he is the originator and designer of the economical plans after which now Lenin is shaping the Soviet economics. That the Jew, Tobiach Sobelsohn (son of a Cracow keeper of a house of licence, Austrian deserter, who changed his name sneeringly into K. Radek [kradek—thief], as he was sacked everywhere because of being a thief!)—that this Radek is completely in accord with the plans of the Allegemeine Elektrizitats Gesellschaft's general manager, Deutsch, is evident, as he is to become the brother-in-law of the A. E. G.'s president, Rathenau (Novoe Vremya of April 23). Not for nothing Rathenau and Deutsch frequented their tribesman, Sobelsohn, when he was still imprisoned in Germany.

THE RAPALLO TREATY

As the Bolshevist regime in Russia has ended in her complete failure, the plan of Jewry is to cover this terrible bankruptcy. The old trick is employed again, of amalgamating the bad business with still "paying" concerns; besides, at least one other advantage is obtained: the same conditions as in Russia have to be

produced elsewhere. That is the real purpose of the Bolshevist agitation in other countries and also in Germany, which is the first to be amalgamated. For that purpose they keep in it what can be kept. A few days ago Tobiach Sobelsohn triumphantly declared before 800 Communist delegates in Berlin, that presently the compulsory Bolshevisation of Germany would commence. And after Germany it is England's turn.

The Red roller will come from the East, where the people die from hunger, and where cannibalism reigns supreme. It is their only salvation to swarm from the bare fields, destroyed by the Soviet regime, like locusts, to fresh pastures. That is the plan and nothing else.

The Rapallo Treaty is neither a German-Russian Treaty—as Mr. Lloyd George has named it (i. e., a treaty between the German and the Russian nations)— nor is it a treaty at all: it is but the dot upon the "i" of an enterprise of all the Jews of the whole world. Owing to pressure brought to bear upon him, Mr. Lloyd George was quite prepared to acknowledge the Russian Soviets in Genoa. France was not prepared to follow Mr. Lloyd George's lead, as the object lesson dealt with the Russian bonds by Kerensky, Rubanowitch, and Soskice was a little too severe. The chief point at Genoa was the query: Will also France acknowledge the Soviets or not? Why did America stand back?

Because if France is induced to recognise the Soviets she will be obliged to withdraw her help from Poland, which—when held up by France—the Soviets are still unable to overrun. Also Germany the Soviets are still unable to overrun, if Germany is allowed to concentrate her few remaining forces.

Consequently France is constantly irritated by "Germany," with whom also Poland is brought into never-ending collisions. France again is to be tied by her further occupation of German territory, which will

rouse again the German national feelings against France. If thus Germany is sufficiently irritated, and France tied, some incident or other will hitch up Poland against Germany. Poland thus tied by Germany is unable to resist the Red invasion, and she will be overrun. At that moment the announced Bolshevist revolution will be let loose in middle Germany. The Reds will also invade her, and then on goes the Red roller into France and elsewhere. England appears sufficiently prepared for her fate; Michael Collins and the I. R. A. wait only for the call from Moscow.

That is about the position as a real German is bound to see it.

"JEWMANY"

It is disheartening that a brilliant student of history like Mrs. Webster is unable to see through all this. She seems not yet to have noticed that there exist two distinctly different Germanies: GERMANY AND JEWMANY. German names are so like Jewish ones; the German language and the Yiddish are much alike. And yet they are as different as water is from fire.

The skill, by which Jewry is able to divide white nations, so that they cut each other's throats for Jewry's gain, is only surpassed by the average Gentile inability to distinguish. All the more necessary it is to expose the lies by which Christian nations are continuously kept apart for a fiendish purpose.

Mrs. Webster must also be disillusioned about what she says relating to Schneppenhorst, Bavarian "War Minister" in April, 1919. A closer friend of Bolshevism could not exist. He was a member of the "Unabhangigen," i. e., Independent Socialists. The "triumphant entry of Prussian troops" into Munich, of which Mrs. Webster writes, is also a fable. Troops did enter Munich and were joyously greeted as liberators from

the Jewish Soviet, but they were mainly Bavarians from the mountains and from Wiirtemberg. They were something in the shape of the Black and Tans, real Germans who cared pretty little about the Jewish Government.

If Mrs. Webster would also pay a visit to Germany, as she has recently paid one to France, she would be also convinced that no people desire more sincerely peace than real Germans. The author would not mind showing her round if she wishes to meet real Germans. But it is not the desire of Jewry that real English and real Germans should meet. Jewry intends to complete its absolute sovereignty not only over Germany, but also over all the other lands, riches, wealth, and peoples of the whole world. If the Gentiles should meet they might recognise that they are all dupes, and then it might not go so easily as it has up till now.

Mrs. Webster, by her article, certainly wanted to draw her own people's attention to the imminent danger, and she is perfectly right in doing so. But unknowingly, and certainly against her will, she helps Jewry in doing its own work. Thinking to help to avert the danger she increases it by splitting the white peoples further apart for Jewry's aims and purposes. She works only into the hands of the "Socialists," who are but Jewry's minions. THERE IS NO HOPE FOR THE RECONSTRUCTION OF EUROPE, OR THE WHOLE WORLD, UNTIL THESE INTRIGUES ARE ENTIRELY EXPOSED. THERE IS NO POSSIBILITY OF REST UNTIL THE CONTAGION IS RECOGNISED, AND ITS CENTRE OF DISTRIBUTION IS DESTROYED.

For that purpose, it should be known, that there are two Germanies. The red peril is imminent, and the sooner it is understood in England, that real Prussians and real Germans want to abolish this hideous thing, the better. They do want peace, but not a pax Hebraica.

THIRD PART BY MRS. WEBSTER

GEN. LUDENDORFF ANSWERED—LENIN AS A GERMAN EMISSARY

June 15th, 1922.

the Soviet Government is a continuation of the same policy. Herr Kerlen disputes this, and in support of his argument he discredits certain of the authorities I had cited as evidence of co-operation between the German General Staff and the Moscow gang. The Sisson Report, on which he states that I practically based my whole story, is declared to be a forgery, Bourtzeff is not to be relied on, and M. Cheradame has been misinformed. It was, of course, to be expected that the German General Staff should pronounce this evidence to be false; what else could they say? But as a matter of fact I did not base my whole story on the Sisson Report, I drew my conclusions largely from General Ludendorff's own admissions. Leaving aside, then, all evidence of which the reliability can be regarded as a matter of dispute let us see how far my main contention is corroborated by the statements of General Ludendorff and of Herr Kerlen himself.

AN IMPORTANT VERB

Now let it be noted that both these authorities assert that the German Government of 1917 sent Lenin to Russia. The verb in italics is important, as pro-Germans in this country are fond of saying that Germany merely "facilitated" his return. General Ludendorff displays no ambiguity on this point; he definitely states that Lenin was the emissary of the German Government. In other words, he was, as Mr. Adolphe Smith admirably expressed it in an article in the National Review for April, 1921, a "Russian traitor and a German agent."

Let us refer to General Hoffman's account of the affair:

As the commander-in-chief of the Eastern front, I was in charge of propaganda within the Russian Army. While the war was in progress the General

Staff, of course, used everything possible to break through the Russian front. One of the measures we utilised—call it poison gas or anything you please— was Lenine.

The Imperial German Government transported Lenine into Russia in a sealed car for a definite purpose. Lenine and his friends demoralised the Russian Army with our consent. State Secretary Kuhlmann, Count Czernin, and myself concluded peace with them at Brest-Litovsk for no other purpose than to be able to shift our armies to the West front.— (New York Tribune, January 16, 1921.)

But, according to Herr Kerlen, Lenin was also sent to Russia through the influence of certain sinister forces at work in the German Government. These were first and foremost the Jews, whom he represents as always the enemies of the real Germany. Then there were the Social Democrats, also "Jewled" and "inspired by boundless fury against throne, altar, white blood, and everything that is dear to a decent white man," and, thirdly, there was Count von Brockdorff-Rantzau, who (as the original text of Albrecht Wirth expresses it) "had collected round him a rather vividly coloured society in Copenhagen." Was this a secret society on the lines of the old Illuminati? It seems not unlikely. Count von Brockdorff-Rantzau was neither a Jew nor a Social Democrat, yet "he openly worked for revolution." Why should he do this unless he belonged to some association which had world revolution as its object? According to Dr. Wichtl, Liebknecht, the prominent Social Democrat (who was not a Jew), and most of the other Spartacist leaders were members of the revived order of the Illuminati. So very probably was Parvus, "one of the trickiest of the Ashkenazi," by whom, Albrecht Wirth states, Count von Brockdorff-Rantzau "was inspired." At any rate, Count von Brockdorff-Rantzau is, I understand, a well-known freemason

of the 33 rd degree,* and his aims, as described above, appear to be identical with those of the Illuminati. Moreover, he was influenced by the same "sinister forces" as those which worked in Switzerland—always a hotbed of secret society intrigue. Everything therefore points to the fact that besides the Jews and the Social Democrats there existed another force working for revolution—a society, or perhaps a group of societies composed of both Jews and Gentiles, organised on "Illuminist" or, at any rate, masonic lines.

THE MEN RESPONSIBLE

Now it was Parvus, Jew, Social Democrat, and presumably member of a secret society, thus embodying in his person all three destructive forces, who "suggested Lenin and Trotsky being sent to Russia and thus helping the Bolsheviks to rise to power." The proposal was made, I believe, by Parvus and Scheidemann to General Ludendorff and Herr von Bethmann-Hollweg at a personal interview in October, 1917, and was agreed to by both the latter. No doubt, as Herr Kerlen says,

*It seems almost unnecessary to point out that the organization mentioned by Mrs. Webster as "freemasonry" does not refer to the recognized Anglo-American Masonic order. Continental Masonry, chiefly the Grand Orient of France, and including a portion of German Masonry, is anti-Christian and partakes of a subversive character. There are also secret orders of a bastard masonic type, and which are evidently continuations of Weishaupt's Society of the Illuminati. This whole subject is carefully explained in The Protocols of the Wise Men of Zion (Epilogue, Beckwith Edition, pps. 150-154), and in many other publications (e. g., International Jew from The Dearborn Independent, vol. II, p. 186). Nothwithstanding careful effort to keep this important distinction before the public, controversal literature has been used to confuse this issue to such an extent as to suggest a definite purpose behind the propaganda. (vide, An Address Issued by the American Jewish Committee and Nine Allied Organizations, December 1, 1920, Beckwith Edition, p. 5.)—EDITOR.

Lenin's name was "all but unknown to the General Staff and to General Head Quarters" at this date, but this does not prove he had not been employed by them. The heads of the General Staff could not necessarily be familiar with the names of all their minor agents, but Lenin was certainly well known to Parvus, and Parvus, as an important agent of the German Government, was well known to the General Staff. At the same date it was arranged that "the Jew Tobiach Sobelsohn," alias Radek, an Austrian deserter and a thief, should accompany Lenin in the famous sealed train. If the German General Staff were not a party to this plan, why did they not at least protest, or better still, arrest Radek as a deserter from the army of their ally?

prevent hostilities had voted the war credits, and stood by the war party as solidly as their predecessors had done in 1870. At the same time the secret societies in England, Ireland, France, and America had successfully carried on their campaign of anti-patriotism and disintegration.

WORK OF THE JEWS

As to the Jews, if a certain number had preached pacifism in Germany—for there will always be Jews against any Government, even their own—others had preached the same doctrines far more effectually abroad. For over a hundred years the Jews had helped to supply Prussia with munitions, Bismarck had depended on them to fill his war-chests, and frequently expressed his regard for Ferdinand Lassalle whom Herr Kerlen denounces. Even Karl Marx, exiled from Germany, had furthered the cause of Pan-Germanism. And during the great war had not Jewish propagandists proved some of German's most efficient agents, especially in America? Had not "International Finance" in the main supported her? Was it not a Jew who placed in the mouths of German soldiers the "Hymn of Hate" against the country that had befriended his race?

Why then should General Ludendorff not trust Jews, Social Democrats, and the members of German secret societies to help him in the great task of laying Russia low? Inevitably, however, if one works with instruments of this kind one must be prepared for them to turn against oneself. Who plays with fire is liable to get burnt. And before long, General Ludendorff relates, he began to realise that by letting loose these subversive forces he had imperilled the safety of Germany. Let us refer to his own words on this question.

By December of 1917 (War Memories II., 547) he had begun "to recognise Bolshevism as an uncommonly

EFFORTS TO WRECK THE BRITISH EMPIRE—THE REAL PURPOSE

June 16th, 1922

contrary believed her to be immune from the contagion. And for the furtherance of his aims he was willing to bring on the world the frightful catastrophe of a universal revolution.

Herr Kerlen excuses this in the most illuminating passage of his whole treatise.

If Mrs. Webster . . . reproaches Germany for having employed seditious propaganda in the countries of the Allies, it may simply be brought to mind that all is fair in love and war. In a war, in a fight concerning life and death, one does not look at the weapons which one takes, nor at the values which are destroyed by using the arms. The only adviser is, first of all, the success of the fight, the salvation of one's independence.

Now this is the rock on which we split, and where the fundamental difference between British and German ethics comes in. All is not fair in civilised love-making or in civilised warfare. Poisoning wells, mixing hooks with horses' fodder, firing on ambulances, are not legitimate methods of fighting. They are violations of the laws of warfare. And to poison the minds of whole populations is not legitimate propaganda. Herr Kerlen says England adopted the same methods, that "barrels of English gold" were distributed amongst the German Navy to bring about a mutiny. Of this he produces no proof whatever.

A VITAL DIFFERENCE

It is true, however, that we carried on propaganda—principally by leaflets thrown from aeroplanes—but the ideas we disseminated were pacifist, not revolutionary, they were not destructive of all law, all order, all morality, and all religion. We did not urge the German people to murder their sovereign, to massacre their upper classes, we did not seek to undermine their morale by foul and blasphemous speeches and writings,

we did not attempt to break up family life, set wives against husbands, children against parents; in a word, strike at the very foundations on which all civilisation rests. But all these things were and are done by the Bolshevik emissaries, both in Russia and in England, and these doctrines were the weapons Germany regarded as legitimate methods of warfare, even after the cessation of hostilities. For in the intercepted order from the Prussian War Office, dated April 20, 1919, to which Herr Kerlen does not refer, a further plan was revealed for recruiting German soldiers to carry out Bolshevik propaganda in this country. Herr Kerlen will no doubt say that this again was a forgery, but at any rate General Ludendorff's earlier "Project" admits of no dispute. This, then, is certain, that Bolshevism in England was engineered by Germans. It is of no use trying to put the blame on the Jew-ridden Government or on Social Democracy. This thing was done, not by unprincipled politicians, by Jews, or Socialists, but by real Germans —General Ludendorff and the members of the German General Staff. And it is justified by another real German, Herr Kerlen himself.

But Herr Kerlen finds a further excuse for Germany's conduct. The Entente, he says, had itself paved the way for Bolshevism by "collaborating" with the Kerensky regime. Undoubtedly Kerensky paved the way for the Bolshevik leaders. The installation of a comparatively moderate "Provisional Government" has always formed the first step in the programme of world revolutionaries, as a preparation for a more extreme regime—Herr Kerlen, by the way, is quite right in calling Michael Collins the Irish Kerensky. But what proof is there of collaboration between Kerensky and the Governments of the Entente? Herr Kerlen brings forward none whatever. It is true, of course, that Kerensky had sympathisers amongst the Socialists in the countries of the Entente, who doubtless applauded

the triumph of their principles in Russia. Moreover, amongst the general public in England the news of the March revolution came as a relief, because the Emperor was wrongly represented to us as a defeatist, and the Russian Government was believed to be pro-German and corrupt. These rumours were used by the same sinister influences of which Herr Kerlen complains in Germany—Jews, Internationalists, intellectual Socialists—and also, I have no doubt, by German agents in our midst, to make us believe that the overthrow of the Imperial Government in Russia was essential to the prosecution of the war. Incidentally, it was probably to these influences that the release of Trotzky at Halifax was due, as also the reception of Kerensky as a "white refugee."

A "FREE" RUSSIA

Of the part played by our Government later, when it received the Bolsheviks in London, I will not speak. The matter under discussion is not the conduct of either German or British politicians, but of "real Germans" and of "real British," represented by the army and the best part of the nation of both countries. And I maintain that neither the heads of the British Army nor the general public in this country—apart from the Socialist elements in the latter—sympathised with Kerensky or felt anything but disgust at the admission of the Bolshevik delegation to England. Such approval as they accorded to the March revolution, once it was a fait accompli, was based on the mistaken belief that a "free Russia" would be a happier Russia and a stronger ally. What most people failed, however, to realise was that a change of government in the middle of a war must lead to chaos, that at such a crisis a suddenly "freed" nation must become an indisciplined nation, and therefore worse than useless as an ally.

All this Germany understood very well. She has always profited by the lessons of foreign revolutions, and entertains no illusions on their "regenerating" properties. This is all to her credit. But what we blame her for is that, knowing better than perhaps any other country the devastating force of Bolshevism, she should have loosed it on the world.

It would be idle, however, to hark back to the question of who sent Lenin to Russia or by what agency Bolshevism was promoted in England during 1918 and 1919, if these investigations did not throw some light on the question of who is supporting Bolshevism now. According to Herr Kerlen it is simply the Jews.

Though Mrs. Webster is near the mark when predicting her hook, World Revolution, that Bolshevism was nothing but industrial exploitation of Russia by a German and Jewish company of super-capitalists, she would have hit right into the middle of the centre by saying that Bolshevism is the absolute world supremacy, exploitation, and mastery by the one real super-capitalist—in other words, that Bolshevism is but another name for Jewry.

Dr. Weston Estes* on his return from Russia to America arrived at much the same conclusion:

Communism in Russia was never designed to work by its disciples and those who were actually its inaugurators. It was never intended to be a system of government that could possibly be successful, because inherent qualities which are necessary for the proper government of peoples are not present in any system of Communism. The purpose for which it was instigated by those who had a hand in its inception was to use it as a method of destruction and to lead Russia to chaos. . . . If, therefore, we find that the condition of Russia is such as to make us believe it will eventually be dominated as a German province we have but one conclusion left, and it is that the

*Dr. Weston B. Estes—Prison and Hospital Life in Soviet Russia. 1922. The Beckwith Co.

great interlocking banking group of Germany, that group which stabilised the political changes of Germany from autocracy to a nominal Republicanism, is the group to which we must look for responsibility for the chaos and destruction which they have achieved through Bolshevism as a camouflage. And these men are by no means working alone. They have their representatives working in and their co-ordinating individuals influencing, every civilised Government on the face of the earth.

The dangerous element in the so-called radical movement is not the alien propagandist, the cart-tail orator. His work is only too open. The dangerous element is the directing force which has its centre in Berlin, and which is composed of those men who, through financial success, have achieved industrial and financial domination of the Central Empires.

SOME QUESTIONS FOR GERMANY

Personally I do not think this diagnosis goes right to the root of the evil. The most dangerous element I believe to be the Secret Power wielded by no one race or creed, nor only by financiers, and which also very probably has its centre in Berlin with ramifications all over the world. Nevertheless, the material programme of Bolshevism is very well expressed here. But are the Jews alone to profit by it? Has Germany herself, the real Germany, nothing to gain by the annexation of Russia as a German province? Does she never think of the utility "the granary of Europe" may be to her as an antidote to blockade in a future war? Does she never see in imagination the moujiks of Russia, no longer camouflaged as "Reds," obediently goose-stepping to the orders of German drill-sergeants? If such visions ever float before her eyes, if, in a word, she sees that it may pay her to stand in with her great banking group and the G. H. Q. of revolution in Berlin, then, will she not be willing to submit to the unwelcome presence of Jewish profiteers in her midst, and a certain degree of Socialism in her administration? If, moreover, these

same obnoxious elements working through the secret societies can be depended on to undermine the British Empire, will she not even coalesce with them in their immediate task? Is she not doing that now? Herr Kerlen will answer indignantly "No!" But is Herr Kerlen in all the secrets of his party? And since he has told us that the whole policy of that party is based on expediency we have only, in foretelling its future conduct, to adopt this motive as our guide. If, therefore, the Rapallo Treaty tends to the advantage of Imperial Germany must we not conclude that "real Germans" will support it in spite of the fact that it strengthens the hands of the Jews all over the world, and also provides a fresh impetus to the forces of world revolution?

But Herr Kerlen as a psychologist and philosopher may perhaps in time come to see that the policy he now advocates is suicidal, and that if Germany "does not look at the weapons which she takes, nor at the values which are destroyed by using the arms," she may find those weapons turned against herself, and those values lost to her as well as to the rest of the world. His eloquent and terrible description of the "red roller" is perhaps not wholly imaginary. For the red roller consists of human beings whom it may not always be possible to control—"knout-driven maniacs mad with hunger and greed" who will swarm first over the fresh pastures of Germany and then over the rest of Europe. The picture is a horrible one to contemplate. Herr Kerlen points out that in order to resist the onslought, Germany should be allowed "to concentrate her few remaining forces." But if, as he tells us, Germany is now ruled by Jews in sympathy with their "tribesmen" in Russia and that in 1919, at any rate, the War Office was manned by the same race, of what use would it be to place troops at their disposal? Could they be depended on to organise national defence?

WHAT IS A WHITE MAN?

His further proposition that the "white nations" should come to an understanding and refuse to be "split apart" for Jewry's gain deserves serious consideration. Nothing could be more desirable than that the best elements in Germany and in the countries of the Allies should coalesce to prevent future wars, and to oppose all those disintegrating forces—not only Jewry, but also the secret societies—which threaten the whole civilized world. But how is that coalition to be effectual if one of the "white nations" concerned regards it as legitimate to make use of these disintegrating forces whenever it suits her purpose? Allies to be successful must be agreed as to methods of warfare and principles of honour, it is precisely this adherence to certain standards and traditions that constitutes "whiteness." In English, a "white man" means above all "an honourable man." And if one descends to trickery, chicanery, and ruse in order to gain one's ends, is one not committing what Germans expressively describe as "Juden-streiche"? It is idle to denounce the Jews as the enemies of Christianity if one has oneself abandoned the Christian principle, and is it not on Christianity that our "white" traditions are founded?

Here lies the tragedy of the present situation. Germany alone of all the great countries of the world understands the rottenness of the thing we call "democracy," by which we are allowing ourselves to be undermined. With her great intelligence, her patriotism, her respect for order and discipline, her thrifty and industrious working-classes, she might march in the vanguard of human progress and provide a ballast for all Europe, but she is lost to the world because she will not renounce the Prussian principle of ruling by dividing and of building her strength on others' weakness. She is not isolated by the Entente; she has isolated herself

by this policy. Only when she comes to see that the interests of all "white peoples" are one will it be possible to coalesce with her against the black forces.

"The ideas of State Socialism, now so pronounced under various names in America, in reality were 'made in Germany.' The popular demand that the Government extend its arm of service and multiply its activities in behalf of the people is simply a reflection of the earlier demands of the Germans."—COUNT JOHANNES VON BERNSTOEFF, Imperial German Ambassador to the United States. (Appendix A.)

"We were at war with all of the Allied Powers during the last few years."—LUDWIG C. A. K. MARTENS, former "Ambassador" of the Russian Soviet Government to the United States, in 1920

"The people cannot judge wisely without being informed, and the problem is how to inform them. In dealing with the problem of developing sound opinion, the fundamental consideration must always be that misinformation is the public's worst enemy, more potent for evil than all the conspiracies that are commonly feared."—MR. CHARLES E. HUGHES, Secretary of State, at the University of Michigan, June 19, 1922.

PART IV.

JEWISH NATIONALISM IN U.S.A. — ITS PROGRAM OF SOCIALISM

ADDENDUM BY MR. PETER BECKWITH

The facts disclosed by Mrs. Webster and Herr Kerlen, in fixing ultimate responsibility for SENDING Lenin to Russia, are of supreme importance to the whole world and especially to us who are citizens of the United States. It is not only wise to make authentic material a matter of historic record but there are many statesmen among English-speaking and other people who are sadly in need of this information. Herr Kerlen has also given us a glimpse of conditions in Germany which do not find description in current American literature, and which are known only to the few who have private sources of information. It is remarkable that in so doing Herr Kerlen must have had the passive consent of General Ludendorff or he would not have been used as a medium of denial.

Herr Kerlen places the blame for Bolshevism upon Jewish super-capitalists of Germany, and names Dr. Walther Rathenau as a leading member of the responsible group. He endeavors to make a sharp distinction between the German people and those who have insinuated themselves into positions of economic and therefore actual rulership. It will be remembered that Dr. Rathenau was murdered on June 24th, 1922, by members of German nationalistic secret societies, and notwithstanding the claims of special correspondents of American papers in Berlin, the evidence accumulates that these organizations are not essentially monarchistic

nor especially desire a return to the old system, assuming that the German people can free themselves from economic bondage under the Republic. On July 3rd, an attempt was also made on the life of Maximillian Harden, whose correct name is Witkowski, and whose views on things have been liberally spread in America through the medium of the New York World. Press dispatches have also stated that the lives of Herren Max Warburg of Hamburg and Theodore Wolff of Berlin had been threatened. Herr Kerlen mentions all of these men in his second article which appeared long before the recent excitement. All are recognized as active Jewish Nationalists.* Dr. Rathenau was the key-stone of "the system." He was a super-capitalist, a socialist who spent large sums in support of his convictions, Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs in the Wirth Cabinet and was bound by racial, commercial and family ties with the rulers of Soviet Russia.

On the other hand, Mrs. Webster points out that notwithstanding the denials of General Ludendorff, the Sisson Documents clearly implicate the German General Staff. The testimony of General Hoffman and the writings of General Ludendorff himself are quoted by Mrs. Webster to substantiate her claims. Evidence advanced by Bourtzeff indicates that Lenin was in the

*Use of the term "Jewish Nationalist" obviously includes only those Jews who are busy in the promotion of an economic, political and cultural domination by the Jewish race, the ideal being a materialistic fulfillment of the prophecies of the Old Testament. (Vide, D) Bolshevism, which in the last analysis means concentration of power in the hands of an irresponsible minority, and Zionism which in reality means a duality of citizenship confined to the Jewish race, are but means to an end, external manifestations of the general movement to establish Jewish Nationalism. In view of the fact that a goodly proportion of Jews are "sojourning" in the lands of their adoption, from a geographic standpoint the movement is international, and is usually spoken of in that manner.

pay of the German General Staff as early as 1915, and other facts are presented to show that the G. G.-S. was equally guilty with the financial rulers of Germany. In fact, the G. G.-S. is accused of being the prime mover in methods of warfare which Herr Kerlen excuses and which are condemned by the laws of nations and common decency.

THE REAL RULERS OF GERMANY

^*For further evidence along this line, vide: Report of the Enemy Alien Property Custodian, 1918-1919; Report on Cooperation in American Export Trade, 1915, part II., exhibit VI., by William J. Clark, p. 519.

been impossible. Arthur von Gwinner,* the real head of the Deutche Bank, also mentioned by Herr Kerlen and in the Sisson Documents, is quoted as having said in 1914: "War was opportune for Germany with her idle capital, while Great Britain was wholly unprepared."

That this picture slightly intensified is the correct situation at present is clearly shown by Robert Crozier Long.**

"Government by business, for business and through business is revolutionary Germany's one contribution to the science of rule. The business state is to supplant and annihilate the political state. National representation will be constructed, not on the uncertain basis of politics, but on the clearly defined, straight and frankly egotistic lines of occupations, professions, and economic needs. So say Germany's ablest men, the Rathenaus, Stinneses, and Mollen-dorffs; and so says in effect Article 165 of the Republican Constitution, under which the all-German Parliament of business, the Reichswirtsschaftsrat, has for two fruitful years debated and deliberated in the sessions hall of the abolished Prussian House of Lords. It is no accident that Germany here leads. (Italics by the Editor.)

Indeed, it is no accident that Germany here leads. It is the fruition of a long cherished and carefully prepared program, first evidence of which appeared in the nationalization of German railways. Its present perfect state was prophesied at least seven years ago by S.

*The New York World, February 1st, 1919.

**Long, R. C.—"The Coming Empires of Business," Saturday Evening Post, June 17th, 1922.

Herzog* and eighteen years ago in the Protocols of the Wise Men of Zion: **Capital, in order that it may operate without interference must secure freedom to monopolize industry and trade. This is already being put into execution by an unseen hand in all parts of the world. Such freedom will give political power to the leaders of industry and will aid in subjugating the people."— vide, Appendix A.

It would be suicidal to neglect or ignore such facts as these. This group of bankers, resident in Germany, initiated the entre of Bolshevism into Russia and in general has controlled and directed it. There is every reason to believe that it holds Bolshevism in the hollow of its hand at the present time, and that it threatens the peaceful security of governments and society throughout the world. It will continue to undermine and destroy unless thwarted.

Finally, through a constantly depreciating currency and a system of state socialism, this group is ruthlessly exploiting the labor of the German people, and is more firmly intrenched than ever. To it, war has been an asset.

ACTIVITIES IN AMERICA

The influence of this powerful group has been felt in the commercial and political life of the United States for many years. The atmosphere which surrounded the

*Herzog, S.—The Future of German Industrial Exports after the War. Vide, especially page 79 of the American translation of 1918. This document was secretly circulated among German industrials during the war, and was rescued from oblivion by Secretary of Commerce Herbert Hoover. Considering the time and circumstances of its publication in Germany, it deserves more attention than it has received.

^**Beckwith Edition, 1920, Proctocol V., p. 37.

Pugot investigation into the "Money Bund" clearly indicated a definite purpose. But even prior to this, viz., in 1902, Mr. Paul Warburg, son of a Hamburg banker, migrated to this country and immediately became interested in our financial system. Through marriage and influence he was made a partner in the banking firm of Kuhn, Loeb & Co. Before the Committee on Banking and Currency of the United States Senate in 1914*, he said:

"A thing which had a great deal of influence on my making up my mind to remain in this country and work here, and become a part and parcel of this country, was that monetary reform work, for I felt I had a distinct duty to perform here; and I thought I could do that; and in fact I had been working on it since 1906 or 1907."

This definite movement to centralize the fluid capital of the United States developed rapidly, and Mr. Warburg was its chief proponent. He did not however stand alone, but received the full support of the Deutsche Bank of Berlin in a speech delivered by Herr Arthur von Gwinner, who by the way is a brother-in-law of the Speyers. The occasion was a dinner given at the Ameican Embassy in 1911, and von Gwinnerf advised the United States to "establish a central bank modeled on the lines of the Deutsche Bank." The reverberations of his voice had hardly died out before there was action in America. Mr. Warburg, already prepared for the emergency by years of study, yet "unable to speak idiomatic English with perfect freedom and without accent, an alien not naturalized," joined a party of well known financiers at Jekyl Island, off the

*Quoted by The Dearborn Independent, June 18, 1921. Mr. Warburg declared his intention to become a citizen of the United States in 1908 and took out his final papers in 1911.

^**New York World, February 1st, 1919.

coast of Georgia. This was to have been a super-secret meeting and out of it came the Federal Reserve Act.* Those present were, according to Mr. B. C. Forbes: Mr. Henry P. Davison of J. P. Morgan & Co., who has since died; Frank A. Vanderlip, then of the National City Bank; an Assistant Treasurer of the United States, Mr. A. Piatt Andrew, now a member of Congress, and Mr. Warburg. Mr. Warburg personally drafted much of the bill, according to this story by Mr. Forbes. It was claimed and it is probably true that Mr. Warburg did not obtain that degree of centralization which he desired, for he was in such a position that to get any change he was obliged to accept what his coworkers felt would ultimately be allowed by the Congress of the United States. President Wilson appointed Mr. Warburg a member of the Federal Reserve Board and his appointment was confirmed by the Senate following legislative investigation as to his fitness for so responsible a position. This happened in August, 1914, after the opening of the war. In the summer of 1918, Mr. Warburg withdrew from the Board owing to his German connections.

It is natural to suppose that the exegencies of war would tend to definitely increase the momentum of the movement towards centralization, and it did. But to neglect other obvious facts would not present a judicial view. The Wilson administration was thoroughly permeated by the influence of such men as Mr. Warburg, Mr. Eugene Meyer, Jr., and Mr. Bernard M. Baruch. Mr. Baruch claimed before a legislative investigation committee: "I probably had more power than any other man did in the war; doubtless that is true." Mr.

^*Forbes, H. C.—"Men Who Are Making America," Leslie's Weekly, October 19th, 1916, p. 423. It is not my intention to criticise in this place the wisdom of passing the Federal Reserve Act. I am using the fact as an illustration of a general movement.

Eugene Meyer, Jr., was at the head of the War Finance Corporation, and handled billions for the government. It is not at all likely that any of these gentlemen were nauseated with the idea of greater, and greater capitalistic concentration either at that time or since, or have any special regard for the dangers involved.

CAPITALISTIC CONCENTRATION

*Senate Bill, No 2436, 67th Congress, Second Session, One provision of this bill, which has already passed the Senate, reads: "The Federal Reserve Board * * *, may in its discretion, permit the applying corporation to become a stockholder of such Federal Reserve Bank."

PROPAGANDA IN THE SOCIAL FIELD

Jewish nationalism does not confine itself to operations in the fields of banking and commerce, nor to the field of politics where action is so necessary to accomplish its ambitions. It has reached almost every field of human endeavor, especially where there was opportunity to nullify the influence of the Christian religion and break down morality. The development of the moving picture furnished unparallelled opportunity for expression.* Millions have felt its influence which would otherwise escape unscathed. Psycho-analysis is both anti-Christian and morally subversive. Its doctrines relating to sex have been habitually used to seduce. Many of its advocates are Jewish Nationalists and it is plainly a part of the revolutionary movement. The same may be said of the propaganda for Birth Control behind which are to be found many unsuspecting Christians. It would be impossible to describe this great "organization of disorder."** Nor is it necessary, for by carefully following the aggression along some single line, it is quite possible to picture the methods which have been used in many directions. The general principles of propaganda are always the same: i. e., The deliberate attempt by systematic agitation to intensify

*vide, comments by Life on the motion picture play "Welcome Stranger," September 30th, 1920, p. 582, obviously designed to prevent the enactment of adequate emigration laws. In this connection, read, Roberts, Kenneth—Why Europe Leaves Home. Concerning the subversive influence of the motion picture in this country, consult, Wallace, John B.—"Corrupting the Morals of Children," Farm Journal, May, 1922, p. 11, and various articles during the past two years in The Dearborn Independent.

**This phrase was coined by myself three years ago to describe this very situation. Since that time it has been claimed by others and used in an entirely opposite sense.

natural antagonisms, thereby creating nerv problems and grievances and to originate projects with supposed or real benevolent objectives, all for purposes of capitalization and exploitation.

EARLY "GERMAN" AGGRESSION

Bourtzeff's dictum that Lenin was employed by the German General Staff as early as 1915, and as indicated by the Sisson Documents in 1916, has been sufficiently substantiated to merit the claim of having been historically proven. This is in spite of General Ludendorff's denial, for it must be remembered that running a big war is a big business and it is more than possible that General Ludendorff did not know all that was "pulled off" in his own army. It would have been quite remarkable if he had. Governmental information at the disposal of the capitalists is not an unknown thing in any country and when we come to investigate the methods that were used to obtain the free exit of Trotsky from this country in 1917, and his final release from the clutches of the British Navy at Halifax in which he was known as a paid German agent, Herr Kerlen's claims will have been found to receive considerable substantiation.* From an historical standpoint, these matters are of prime interest and importance, but there is another way by which accurate conclusions can be obtained.

Glancing down the years following the Franco-German war of 1872 it can be pretty accurately determinded that the leaders of Germany consciously fixed on a definite future program in 1888. At this time or thereabouts plans began to be formulated for a world supremacy by force of arms, and about twenty-

^*A portion of the evidence concerning Trotsky's release from Halifax is already a matter of record, vide, MacLean's Magazine (Toronto), June, 1919.

A series of world-wide aggressive propaganda movements began shortly after 1888, and in the two decades following scarcely a line of action was neglected by these busy people. The general principle of work has already been given, viz., the creation of a situation by agitation and then its exploitation, the end desired being in accord with the old proverb, divide et impera. Of those international groups which had already been formed, particularly in the labor organizations, they were

first captured and then exploited. The Germans began to assume always a more aggressive attitude and show a tendency to forceful control.* Even in the field of science and medicine propaganda of various sorts reigned supreme. Many of the schemes had an ostensible praiseworthy object but in every instance the methods to be employed were socialistic, designed to teach people dependence upon the state, and robbing them of initiative and self-reliance. The end to be attained therefore was not by any means worth the price, for even the relief of suffering may be obtained at a price far and above what it is worth. Pacifist societies sprang up, and there were leagues to enforce peace and societies to forward the interests of international super-government. Special racial interests were agitated at the expense of public order and sound progress in the science of government.

SOCIAL INSURANCE SCHEMES

Probably that social scheme which promised most for the ultimate success of the movement is that embodied in the various forms of social insurance by the state, and a history of its entre to the United States including a description of the methods used to secure its adoption into our scheme of civilization will best illustrate the propaganda as a whole. Social insurance schemes (workmen's compensation insurance, compulsory health insurance, insurance against unemployment, and various

^*Smith, Adolph—The Times, London, July 29, 30 and 31, 1919, "The Pan-German Internationale," and since reprinted in pamphlet form. Also, Yorke, Onslow—Secret History of The International Working Men's Association, 1871, and reprinted in 1921.

other forms) are subversive because they undermine morale of individuals and destroy their initiative. They have a tendency to break down the political state also because they remove from industry for their administration a large number of people who would otherwise be productive placing them in bureaucratic, non-productive class. In addition, the actual money cost is so large that taxes are necessarily increased, purchasing power of money decreased and obviously wages are lowered. The chain of events is inevitable under perfectly well recognized economic and political laws. These schemes were originally applied in Germany by Bismark, who was perfectly frank about the object to be attained. He tells us in his autobiography that social insurance was instituted for the purpose of putting a golden chain about the necks of the workingman, and during the war the system was used by the military clique to prevent strikes.

The general idea of state social insurance reached this country some thirty years ago in the person of one Dr. Isaac M. Rubinow, who styles himself a socialist. and his birth place is given as Gudnow, Russia. He wrote a book one time, entitled Was Mara; Wrong? His permanent address is given as "The Zionist Organization, No. 55 Fifth Ave., New York" and thereby he places himself safely among the Jewish Nationalists. Dr. Rubinow cheerfully admits the German origin of social insurance: "There is no doubt that the modern conception of social insurance—as a system carrying with it compulsion, state subsidies, and strict state supervision and control—has reached its highest development in modern Germany, so that any system

embodying to a large degree all these three elements may be described as the German system."*

AN ADVANCE AGENT

Dr. Rubinow was the "St. John the Baptist" of the movement in the United States, and organized propaganda began some years later. His work was the forerunner of a congress of theoretical sociologists and college professors who met at the Paris Exposition of

*Rubinow, Isaac Max—Social Insurance, With Special Reference to American Conditions, 1913, p. 13, (Holt). On the second page following Rubinow, denying that Bismark originated the general scheme of social insurance, says: "Dr. Schaeffle, the state socialist, elaborated a program of social insurance as early as 1867. Lasalle openly advocated that the state come to the assistance of the working class. The great Karl Marx had no patience with the negative attitude of the French socialists and anarchists to the state." Social insurance schemes are therefore of revolutionary origin and a part of the revolutionary program. Compare Exhibit A, von Bernstorff's claim that there was in Germany a monarchistic monopolization of such socialistic legislation. The views of Mr. Gompers in Exhibit B are also interesting in this connection.

Francis McCullagh, erstwhile Captain, British Army Intelligence Service, writes a wonderful description of the murder of the Tzar, his family and their retinue, thirteen in all, on the night of July 16-17, 1918 at Ekaterinburg, (A Prisoner of the Reds, p. 150). McCullagh visited Ekaterinburg in March, 1920 and interviewed Yurovsky, the Bolshevik Jew, who, single-handed, had committed this mass murder. He indicates that Yurovsky had been well cared for by the Moscow Soviet authorities in that at his request he had been made "Inspector of Life Insurance for all Ekaterinburg Province." McCullagh says: "I got a good deal of information from him, however, about the Life Insurance system which the Bolsheviks have established, and which embraces Old Age pensions, maternity benefits, workmen's compensation, and a number of allied subjects. Among other things he talked about the maternity classes that had been started by him in the town, in order to teach intending mothers how to care for their children, and thus to reduce 'the high infant mortality.'"

1900 and formed what was afterwards known as the International Association for Labor Legislation. Headquarters were established in Basle, Switzerland, in charge of a German, Stephen Bauer. Fourteen branches were subsequently established in as many countries and among them the American Association for Labor Legislation. This organization, with headquarters at present in New York City, is the source from which practically all of the propaganda for social insurance has eminated in this country. The ease with which it has secured passage of sympathetic resolutions from organizations which would not consider such schemes for a moment, if the true inwardness of the propaganda were disclosed, is almost beyond comprehension.

That there was and is intent on the part of Germany in forcing to the foreground schemes for social insurance in countries foreign to it can be shown in many ways. For instance, we are told that in a speech made before the German Reichstag, October 6th, 1918, and just prior to the Austrian move for peace, Prince Max of Baden,* at that time Imperial Chancellor and possessor of the famous cabinet noir, made this statement.

"At the peace negotiations the German Government will use its efforts to the end that the treaties shall contain provisions concerning the protection of labor and insurance of laborers, which provisions shall oblige the treaty-making states to institute in their respective lands within a prescribed time a minimum of similar, or at least equally effective institutions for the security of life and health as for the care of laborers in the case of illness, accident, or invalidism."

*Hoffman, Dr. Frederick L.—Failure of German Compulsory Health Insurance—A War Revelation. Address before the 12th Annual Meeting of the Association of Life Insurance Presidents, New York City, December 6th, 1918, p. 8.

The connection between Bolshevism and this sort of insurance propaganda of German origin is also nicely illustrated in the following:*

Alexandra Kollontay, key woman of the Russian revolution, first Bolshevist Commissioner of Social Welfare, the world's foremost feminist pacifist, and also author of "the most comprehensive study of maternity benefits and insurance in any language," according to the United States Children's Bureau Publication No. 57, page 175, arrived in America the first week of October, 1915, for an "extensive agitation tour" under the auspices of the German Language Federation of the Socialist Party. (New York Call, September 25th, 1915, p. 5.)

To those who have studied the American Association for Labor Legislation in pushing the propaganda for various forms of state insurance, two distinctive features stand out. In the first place, its propaganda methods have not been above criticism. Bolshevism has ever been careless of facts, and has ever been guilty of misrepresentation to further its own ends. Obviously correct statements are denied with an ease which savors of irresponsibility and half-truth ("worse than a double lie") is better than truth if it serves its purpose. Probably at no other time within the field of serious sociology has it been necessary for a responsible organization to deliberately call attention to misrepresentation in the way it became necessary to discredit the claims of the American Association for Labor Legislation in its propaganda for compulsory health insurance.** In the second place, the paucity of labor

*The Woman Patriot, (Washington) "Alexandra Kollontay's German Agitation Tour," Vol. VI., No. 14, July 15th, 1922, p. 1.

**Refutation of False Statements in Propaganda for Compulsory Health Insurance by the Committee on Contructive Plan, Social Insurance Department, The National Civic Federation. October, 1919.

Germany's intent in the matter of state social insurance has been shown, and the interest which Bolshevism has in its success has been indicated. The names and connections of some of the more responsible persons listed with the American Association for Labor Legislation have also been given. What interest has political Germany to serve in "forcing" the establishment of social insurance, "carrying with it compulsion, state subsidies, and strict state supervision and control" upon the people of the United States, that political Germany which is controlled by a "racial and religious minority" as a shield for its capitalistic schemes? In

view of these facts, are there any who still believe that Germany and its owners are obsessed by some super-humanitarian instinct, "pledged to the abolition of poverty" as one of its votaries explains? Or is this in reality a manifestation of that organization of disorder? Shall we not believe that all this is but the fruition of a long cherished and carefully prepared plan, a part of a comprehensive program? It cannot be an accident that Germany here leads! While it may not be possible for individuals as such to do much about all this, I am convinced that there are still a few who, like John Habberton's Budge, will insist on "sheeing the wheels go wound!"

THE SISSON DOCUMENTS

Mrs. Webster herself has called attention to that "conspiracy of history" which so alters the appearance of facts as to make for deception. No better example of this in the history of the revolutionary movement in America could be afforded than the propaganda let loose to undermine public confidence in the authenticity of the Sisson documents. She may have no fear of their authenticity! This propaganda was characterized by true Bolshevik disregard of fact or ordinary historic analysis. I have a lingering idea that in criminal courts, it is customary to allow a prisoner to plead, but that it is equally customary to leave the final judgment as to guilt in the hands of a duly qualified jury! Consequenty it is unfortunate that Herr Kerlen should have thought it wise to question the authenticity of those documents and thereby weaken his own case. It throws him into bad company, yet one cannot blame him especially in view of the fact that to admit their authenticity would have made General Ludendorff a slave of the same power which everyone knows and Herr Kerlen himself admits has and does rule Germany, both its military machine of by-gone days and its

industry. If Herr Kerlen had been as frank about this as he is about other phases of the Jewish Nationalistic movement, he and Mrs. Webster would have been in substantial accord.

In not taking this stand however, Herr Kerlen has laid himself open to attack. The German-Bolshevik Conspiracy, a pamphlet of thirty pages containing the Sisson documents, was issued by the Committee on Public Information, a government organization under the immediate supervision of Mr. George Creel, and instituted by executive order of President Wilson. The pamphlet reached the general public in permanent form in October, 1918, the only inexplicable thing about the whole affair being how it happened to get out at all during the Wilson administration. Just prior to its release, resumes and extracts were given to the press and published broadly in this country. Three installments had been published and The New York Evening Post, of which Mr. Oswald Garrison Villard was owner and "editorial writer," questioned their authenticity on the editorial page. The radical and socialistic press—papers of that stripe are always cheerful in quoting Mr. Villard—took its cue, and from that day to this any question as to the authenticity of the Sisson documents appears from that source.

Mr. Villard's personal career furnishes abundant background for the stand which was taken at that time in The Evening Post. He was born in Wiesbaden, Germany, in 1872, his father's name being Gustavus Hil-gard, changed to Henry Villard, by which he was known in financial circles in this country. The latter was born in Spire, Bavaria. Mrs. Henry Villard, the mother of Oswald Garrison Villard, was of New England birth, the daughter of William Lloyd Garrison, the famous liberator. When the Lusitania was sunk by a German

torpedo, Mr. Villard in a signed article in The Evening Post (May 10th, 1915) said:

"Had the submarine given thirty minutes' warning to the crew and passengers of the Cunarder, the exploit would have gone down in history as one of the most brilliant in the annals of naval warfare."

OSWALD AND THE JEWS

Mr. Villard was a close personal friend of the unspeakable Count von Bernstorff, of George Sylvester Viereck, the German propagandist, and others of similar thought. It is a matter of common knowledge that both Oswald and his mother who thinks much the same as he does are in social circles which embrace partners in the firm of Kuhn, Loeb & Co., and their families.

Mr. Villard, consciously or unconsciously, is playing the game of the Jewish Nationalists in this country as owner and editor of The Nation, which is pan-German and especially pan-Bolshevik. To him, the indemnity required of Germany is too high, much too high, and he thereby finds himself in the company of Mr. Bernard Baruch, Mr. Paul Warburg and the Germans. France is very militaristic and to give credit to his consistency, which after all is a variable quantity, both he and his mother are vigorously concerned in anti-militaristic propaganda. They are terribly alive to the dangers which threaten a republic spending large sums on standing armies and navies—excepting Soviet Russia. To make his radical connections very clear, he was the treasurer of an organization which has for its object agitation among and on behalf of the negroes. "The National Association for the Advancement of Colored People." Its official organ, The Crisis, was held up in the mails during the war, and in this organization, Mr. Villard comes into contact with Mr. Felix Warburg of the banking firm of Kuhn Loeb & Co. In a recent

number of The Nation, Mr. Villard has us informed that one hundred per cent. Americanism is one hundred per cent provincialism, and that the Ku Klux Klan is largely an anti-Catholic organization. He and his paper projected and carried out at large expense an investigation of the Irish question which took place in Washington, D. C. As once remarked by The New York Tribune, "it almost always works out."

Therefore, it seems justifiable to remark that Herr Kerlen is in dubious company. Daily publication in serial form of the Sisson documents was certainly damaging to what Mr. Hearst calls the "liberal" movement. Mrs. Webster's remark concerning the German General Staff applies to Mr. Villard: "it was of course expected" that Mr. Villard "would pronounce this evidence to be false; what else could he say?"

THE COMING WAR

It is not a pleasing picture sketched by Herr Kerlen concerning the coming war, now a matter of open talk in Europe, and the occurrence of which has passed the stage of possibility and reached that of probability. He says:

"The Red roller will come from the East where the people die from hunger, and where cannahalism reigns supreme. It is their only salvation to swarm from the bare fields, destroyed by the Soviet regieme like locusts, to fresh pastures. That is the plan and nothing else." (Vide also Exhibit E.)

He pictures Germany as a victim of this great Slav migration, the like of which the world has never seen. Prognostication is of course only a matter of opinion, but unless that movement which made possible the recent assassination of Dr. Rathenau is stronger than it appears from this distance, Germany is still subservient to her master's voice and the German will find himself a companion in arms with the Slav, both bossed by a "religious and racial minority." France should know the signs of trouble coming from the East as her borders have been invaded forty times in the past twenty centuries from that direction. Listen to this pitiful cry:*

But can we quietly pursue our peaceful avocations with an undisturbed mind when the cry of "Deutch-land uber Alles" still echoes from across the Rhine? Can we fail to comprehend the threat therein contained when provocative speeches, aggressive press articles remind us at every moment that the enemy has not laid down its arms?

Startling as this may appear from America protected by three thousand miles of ocean, it must be realized that ideas know no boundaries and that these United States are by no means free from serious and continued danger. I have been watching for concrete evidence which would indicate the attitude of six million people who belong to organized communism in this country or who are closely sympathetic with its program and here it is:**

Countess Markiewicz said good-bye to her friends in this country at a reception in her honor given by the American Association for Recognition of the Irish Republic in the Hotel Commodore last night. She will sail to-day on the Berengaria. * * * Many of those present were heard to say that they were tired of treaties and wanted war, which was predicted as coining inside of two months. "I want bullets, I am sick of treaties," said one woman. "When the Russian boys and the Germans get together and clean up there will be peace in the world." The west ballroom of the hotel was crowded with persons who defied the heat to stay and applaud every fiery word.

*Marshal Petain before The British League of Help, City Temple, London, June 15th, 1922.

^**The New York Times, May 30th, 1922.

What is the lesson in this for the Christian Anglo-Saxon and for those who have adopted the civilization of this country as their own? We have a heritage with which to endow posterity, a sacred trust which must be maintained by peaceful measures if possible. Yet, are conditions such that we may hope for the attainment of this ambition without united struggle and work? Our flank has already been sized by the enemy and we must regard Mexico in terms of Bolshevism. As the Irish have been to the British Empire, so Mexico is to the United States; an inevitable consequence of our policy towards that country during the past three administrations. Here, therefore, is a geographical base from which to finance and direct propaganda and possibly start military disturbances. Of itself, this would not perhaps be serious, but what about those within our body politic who are ready to aid the enemy, who are continually abusing our hospitality and would make shambles of our homes, and who look upon our resources as loot?

THE PRESENT SITUATION

The average citizen unconscious of danger who looks to his government for protection is not receiving it.

In the matter of sedition laws already on the statute books, the government is not exercising its ordinary police powers.

There are no federal anarchy laws. Laws designed to define and punish criminal anarchy have repeatedly been introduced into Congress only to meet with defeat.

Through the propaganda of Bolsheviks and near-Bolsheviks, the standing army has been reduced to a point where it is questionable whether in the event of any large labor disturbance, order could be maintained.

One of the surest signs of a coming war lies in this "peace propaganda" with which the civilized world is now being bombarded and which has its inception in Bolshevism. During the past century and a half every great war in Europe has been preceded by such a movement, designed to bring about a sense of security among the unthinking.

The relatively small salaries of Government employees, particularly of military and naval officers and of those in the postal service have a tendency to lower patriotic enthusiasm and create a mental background sympathetic to irresponsible thought, all this while much money flows from the public treasury for those who "would demand larger service from the state, many leaders acquiring power by preaching that only through socialism could that service be obtained."

Bolshevik agents are coming and going, entering and leaving the United States at will, at times with the protecting help of relief organizations. Political strike follows political strike. Government departments have knowledge of these things, and the source and inspiration of such events, yet they appear to be powerless in the face of inadequate laws and insufficient appropriations.

Truly, America is being warred upon and scarcely knows it! It is a new method of warfare, a type until recently unknown to human experience, and therefore unprovided for in defensive legislation! Surely, governments have a right to maintain themselves against a destructive social and political war as they have a right to maintain themselves against aggression by force of material arms!

The ultimate responsibility for the maintainance of

law and order must rest upon the individual and it is to the individual that we must look for "the developmerit of a sound opinion avoiding that misinformation which is the public's worst enemy." If the institutions which have served us so well in the past are to be continued for the future good, that same spirit of devotion which stimulated this country to action in 1917 and at many previous crises, must break its way through individual inertia and indifference. The methods to be developed are clear. Give heed to the exhortations of a leader who is rightfully regarded as one in authority*:

"Organize, Organize, Organize—until every Jew in America must stand up and be counted— counted with us—or prove himself, wittingly or unwittingly, of the few who are against their own people."

*Brandeis, Louis D., "The Jewish Problem, How to Solve It." Zionist Organization of America, 1919, p. 24.

APPENDIX A.

EXTRACTS FROM AN INTERVIEW BY COUNT HEINRICH VON BERNSTORFF TO ASHMUN BROWN AND PUBLISHED IN THE EVENING STAR, WASHINGTON, JANUARY 18TH, 1914.

For fifteen years he (von Bernstorff) has served the Kaiser in English-speaking countries. He knows English-speaking peoples. Morover, I know no man who is in better touch with the spirit of modern progress than he. In his mental equipment, his habits of thought, his attitude towards life, he is "up-to-date." Is it any wonder the Americans like him? Let us ask him what he thinks about himself, suggested someone in the group, and so, in the freedom of after dinner conversation, they did.

***** (Count von Bernstorff): "One out of every two persons one meets in America is either German, or can trace back to German ancestry," he said, "and my visits to American universities and colleges have shown me that a very large proportion of the professors of these institutions were educated in Germany."

***** "To the fact that so many American University professors have been educated in Germany was attributed many of the tendencies in American thought. While the older American universities were very evidently replicas of English institutions of higher learning, on them, in many instances has been erected a superstructure purely Germanic, and in the newer universities, such as Johns Hopkins, and the University of Chicago, the influence of German universities is still more apparent. It is inevitable, then, that the modern Americans educated under this influence, and instructed by German trained compatriots, should have their thoughts directed in channels parallel with contemporaneous German thought.

"Studious Germans, who have observed political tendencies in this country, assert that the ideas of State Socialism, now so pronounced under various names in America, in reality were 'made in Germany.' The popular demand that the Government extend its arm of service and multiply its activities in behalf of the people is simply a reflection of the earlier demands of the Germans.

"The theory of Bismark was that no political agitation or protest could long continue unless it had some foundation in truth. People do not keep up agitating unless there is at least a germ of justice in their complaint. Bismark found the German people demanding larger service from the State, and some leaders acquiring power by preaching that only through socialism could that service be obtained. Thereupon, he took steps to provide the governmental services demanded, but took them in the name of the monarchy. From these preliminary steps the Empire has gone on until it is now in reality a great corporation itself." (Italics by Editor.)

***** "The results have been a minimizing of revolutionary socialism in Germany. Socialism there, a German will point out, is now far more academic than revolutionary. At the same time, the cost of government necessarily has risen and taxes are high."

***** The Ambassador talks vivaciously, and from wide knowledge acquired by study and research on the problems of the trusts in this country. It is but natural in a man who is in reality a part of the German government, and who is in hearty sympathy with the attitude that that government assumes to trade combinations, to hold that it will be found impossible to prevent trusts and combinations. The tendency of the age, as viewed from German eyes, is towards combination. The uniting of effort is apparent in all lines of human endeavor. To fight against it is futile. Regulation, not destruction, is the remedy.

It must not be assumed that the German Ambassador is proffering the German system as a model on which to erect an American system. No man recognizes more clearly than he the radical differences in conditions in the two countries. Broad principles and not programs are the subject of his conversation, both in public and in private.

What he sees in the future of this country is a coming together of the combined forces of capital and the combined forces of labor, to treat together and reach a mutual understanding; and in this he has the same vision as Secretary Wilson of the Department of Labor. What the German Ambassador has said on the subject in broad terms is wholly in harmony with what Secretary Wilson has said in detail.

APPENDIX B.

LETTER OF RESIGNATION FROM THE AMERICAN ASSOCIATION FOR LABOR LEGISLATION WRITTEN BY MR. SAMUEL GOMPERS, OF THE AMERICAN FEDERATION OF LABOR.

May 14,

1915. Dr. John B. Andrews, Secretary, American Association for Labor Legislation, No. 131 East 23rd Street, New York City.

Dear Sir:—

Various experiences have given me an impression that the policies, the purposes and the spirit of the American Association for Labor Legislation are not in harmony with those of the wage-earners of America. This impression was made conviction by the course which the American Association for Labor Legislation pursued with regard to the consolidation of the New York State Workmen's Compensation Law and the Department of Labor, thus weakening the effectiveness of both departments, thus using the influence of the American Association for Labor Legislation to fasten upon the workers policies which they had emphatically opposed, and assuming the responsibility of destroying legislation which they had approved and assisted to enact.

The wage-earners welcome counsel and aid but they deny the right of anyone or any group of individuals to dictate measures which vitally concern the industrial welfare of the workers. They deny that the judgment of any group of men is more trustworthy than the consensus of opinion of those who have daily experience with industrial conditions and forces and therefore understand many tendencies that are not evident from the theoretical viewpoint.

As an unofficial spokesman for this association you assumed responsibility for the enactment of the so-called Spring bill and made the statement that the measure was experimental. Contrary to the wishes and the judgment of the wage-earners, the American Association for Labor Legislation undertook a scientific experimentation which involved the welfare of those human beings.

The wage-earners of the United States deny the right of any man or any association to despotism whether political, industrial or intellectual. We are endeavoring to achieve our freedom and cannot co-operate with those whose aim is despotism even for a benevolent purpose. (Italics by the Editor.)

For these reasons I hereby tender my resignation as a member of the American Association for Labor Legislation, to take effect immediately.

Very truly yours,

(Signed) Samuel Gompers President, American Federation of Labor.

APPENDIX C.

Under the caption "Soviet Bribe Fund Here, Says Gompers," the New York Times of May 1st, 1922, published the following:

CHICAGO, April 30 (Associated Press).—Samuel Gompers, President of the American Federation of Labor, issued a statement today declaring that recognition by the United States of the "Bolshevist tyranny" in Russia would be a "needless and base betrayal of civilization."

Declaring that American public life was being flooded with propaganda and that "predatory international finance has its appetite up and believes it sees loot in Russia," he asserted that nothing "would be more fraught with disaster to humanity than American recognition of the Bolshevist power in any form."

Lenin, Mr. Gompers denounced as a "bandit merchant" ready to "take what he can get in exchange for the heritage of a people rendered helpless by him and his."

A fund of millions of dollars, he asserted, was being used in the United States for Bolshevist propaganda out of which "bribes have been offered in places where the American people can ill afford betrayal."

President Gomper's statement follows:

"Developments at Genoa cannot escape the notice of thinking Americans, though the full significance of what is happening there seems generally lost in most of our newspapers.

"A number of persons have asked me whether, in the event that England and other European nations recognize the Bolshevist Government, the United States should not follow the example.

"I can think of nothing that would constitute a more needless and base betrayal of civilization than American recognition of the Bolshevist tyranny.

"I can think of nothing that would be more fraught with disaster to humanity, than American recognition of the Bolshevist power in any form—whether by entering into another 'economic' conference at which America would sit check by jowl with Soviets, or in any other manner.

"In making these assertions I am mindful of the amazing propaganda with which American public life is being flooded. I am mindful of the intrigue which is everywhere about us and, above all, I am mindful of the newly adopted policy of the American-Anglo-German banking group, which perhaps constitutes the most dangerous element in the whole chain of pro-Bolshevist effort in America, because it has its hands on the most power.

"The truth is that predatory international finance has its appetite up and believes it sees loot in Russia.

"I know of nothing more cynical than the attitude of European statesmen and financiers toward the Russian muddle. Essentially it is their purpose, as laid down at Genoa, to place Russia in economic vassalage and give political recognition in exchange. Recognition in exchange for concessions. They know immediate trade is not to be had, but they know that eventually they will get at the gold, the coal, the oil, the timber and future products of the Soviet.

"Russia herself is on the bargain counter, behind which stands Lenin as a bandit merchant, to take what he can get and what will serve his purpose, in exchange for the heritage of a people rendered helpless by him and his. America, let us hope, will continue to stand for Russian economic indepenence as well as political freedom.

"American business is asked to join in that helpless escapace, that miserable and contemptible business, the looting of that vast domain, and to facilitate its efforts certain American bankers engaged in mortgaging the world are willing to sow among their own people the fiendish, anti-democratic propaganda of Bolshevism, subsidizing, buying, intimidating, cajoling. There are splendid and notable exceptions, but the great powers of the American-Anglo-German financing combinations have set their faces toward the prize displayed by a people on their knees.

"Bolshevist propaganda has been organized exactly along the lines of pre-war European intrigue, overlooking nothing that went to make up the old international German and Russian espionage system.

"It is impossible to violate confidence, but I am going to make here certain statements on this point for which I have ample proof.

"First—The Bolshevist propaganda fund in the United States amounts to many millions of dollars, partly in cash deposits and partly in old crown and nobility jewels.

"Second—Bribes have been offered out of this fund. Bribes have been offered in places where the American people can ill afford betrayal.

"Third—The newspaper world, to which we must look for information, is worm-eaten with Bolshevist friends and propagandists, and still further eaten into by immature reporters and editors, who fall victim to deception or blandishment.

"Fourth—As a result, editorial understanding is offset by a great volume of mis-reporting and pro-Bolshevist reporting.

"Fifth—Foreign correspondents are to an amazing degree addicts of the Bolshevist dope habit, evidenced at the moment by obviously tainted cables from Genoa.

"Sixth—Most important is the espousal of the Bolshevist cause by the group of American-Anglo-German bankers who like to call themselves international financiers to dignify and conceal their true function and limitation. Specifically, the most important banker in this group, and speaking for this group, born in Germany, as it happens, has issued orders to his friends and associates that all must now work for Soviet recognition.

"Seventh—Prominent dignitaries, strong labor haters, are putting forth fresh efforts in the Bolshevist cause. Specifically, labor haters like the ex-Governor of one of our Western States, have joined the Bolshevist supporters in the great campaign to secure American recognition.

"Eighth—A fresh flood of 'now-we-are-good' accounts has been poured out of the Moscow propaganda machine into the ears of the world. Newspapers, publishing these accounts, forget that it is but a month since Lenin said: 'We countered the fight against us by instituting fear, a three-fold terror. If it becomes necessary again we will have it once more.'

"Ninth—A flood of cables has come to America to relinquishment of censorship in Russia, though there has been no such thing. Only three months ago the Soviets officially declared through Zinoviev: 'We are not going to admit the existence of any independent press. Our own press must clearly inform the workers and peasants.'

"Tenth—W. Z. Foster, who had no money, went to Moscow and came back and announced that he was building a great secret machine to undermine the American labor movement and turn it over to the Red international, owned by

Lenin. He began publication of an expensive magazine and proclaimed 'a thousand secret agents in a thousand communities.'

"Eleventh—European concession hunters and business representatives on Genoa sub-committees are using every effort to bring American business into line with European pro-Russian grab aspirations, as evidenced by their invitation to the American section of the newly created International Chamber of Commerce to meet with them for decision upon Russian and other problems.

"Twelfth—The campaign organized to gather political power into the hands of pro-Bolsheviki continues, and with astounding results. Will our people believe that an ardent and active pro-Bolsheviki utter supposed administration views, which are then widely printed as authoritative?

"It is my understanding that America stands by the policy that we can have no dealing with Russia until there is in that country a Government answerable to the people, put in office by the people. Prime requisites are elections, free press, free assemblage, free speech, none of which has existed since Lenin created his autocracy.

"And Secretary of State Hughes, we may be sure, stands by his splendid declaration that even 'if fundamental changes are contemplated' we must still have 'convincing evidence of the consummation of such changes.'

"If it were possible to despair of the sound democratic faith of the American people, the situation today in relation to Bolshevism would be most discouraging. I do not despair, but never since the assumption of power by the faithless, adroit and conscienceless Lenin conspiracy has the situation in America been so filled with peril."

APPENDIX D.

THE NEW YORK TIMES AUGUST 28, 1922

CARLSBAD, Aug. 27 (Jewish Telegraph Agency).— "The League of Nations is a Jewish idea, and Jerusalem some day will become the capital of the world's peace," declared Dr. Nahum Sokolow, Chairman of the Zionist Executive Committee, at a special meeting of the Zionist Conference today.

"The League has recognized our rights to our ancient home," Dr. Sokolow continued. "We Jews throughout the world will make the League's struggle our own and will not rest until there is ultimate victory."

The meeting was convoked in order to celebrate the twenty-first anniversary of the first Zionist Congress.

"Today will be a holiday for Jews throughout the world," Dr. Sokolow added. "What we have achieved after a struggle of twenty-five years we owe to the genius of our immortal leader, Theodor Herzl, who laid the foundation stone of our movement." * * *

APPENDIX E.

THE NEW YORK TIMES, AUG. 26, 1922

BY WALTER DURANTY

Moscow, Aug. 25.

"Suppose France brings military pressure on Germany," said Leon Trotzky today. "In that event Poland can hardly remain passive. If Poland acts against Germany, I question whether we can remain passive ourselves."

Asked about the possibilities of a German revolution, Trotzky replied:

"They say we Bolsheviki pay our collaborators abroad. But no one will suggest we are paying M. Poincare, who is doing the most to bring about world revolution today. Perhaps France will make a deal with Germany, but if France forces Germany into revolution they, Russia and Germany together, will soon dominate the world."

***** "If France, by invading the Ruhr, and with the assistance of Poland, precipitated a new European conflict, do you think Russia could remain passive?" he was asked, and his reply was: "I doubt it."

If the occasion came for a revolution in Germany, then, said Trotzky, Russia and Germany "would form an unconquerable bloc economically and agriculturally."