IOO
DOCUMENTS
ON
THE ORIGIN
OF
THE WAR

PRESENTED

BY THE GERMAN INFORMATION SERVICE
PUBLISHED BY DEUTSCHER VERLAG BERLIN

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Second Chapter

has learnt to look not backward into the past, but forward into the future. But the war which has been enforced upon us, and which we are waging for the sake of Germany's future weal, renders it absolutely necessary that we should constantly bear in mind what led to the outbreak of the present conflict and wherein lay its ultimate causes. These facts have long been obvious to those who cared to see them and have often enough been publicly established by competent German authorities and especially by the Fuehrer in his speeches. Since, however, our enemies are untiring in their efforts to conceal the truth by means of lying propaganda and to mislead the world at large, not only as regards the causes of the war but also concerning their aims, it seems essential to furnish once again by authentic official documents the irrefutable proof that Britain, and Britain alone, was responsible for the war which she deliberately brought about in order to annihilate Germany.

upon the interests of Great Britain. In the same way, the Fuehrer would have obtained a peaceful solution of the German-Polish problem, had not Britain made unscrupulous use of Poland as a pawn in her schemes for war and by her criminal policy plunged Europe into war.

This truth, historically established for all time, is further borne out by the fact that Britain replied to the final and generous peace offer made once again by the Fuehrer in his speech in the Reichstag on 6 October by an arrogant and insulting challenge to Germany. In unshakeable consciousness of the righteousness of their cause and with the unswerving conviction of their ultimate victory, the people of Germany took up the challenge and will not lay down their arms until they have achieved their aim. This aim is:—The military annihilation of their adversaries and the securement of the German nation's rightful living space against the threat of aggression for all time.

Berlin, 3 December 1939.

von Ribbentrop

Reich Minister for Foreign Affairs.

Foreword

The White Book published by the German Foreign Office (1939, No. 2) entitled "Documents on the Origin of the War" contains no less than 482 documents. It was necessary, in order to give a really comprehensive survey not only of the development of German-Polish relations, but also of Britain's war policy and the German-Polish crisis of 1939, to publish an unbroken series of official documents. A great number of the documents contained in the above-mentioned publication need not, however, be referred to by those who merely wish to gain a general impression of the most important political events. The present edition is, therefore, a selection of those sections of the official White Book dealing with the origin of the war, which most clearly show the main trend of political developments. This handy edition of the German documents on the origin of the war affords every reader an opportunity of speedily familiarizing himself with the most important facts which led to the outbreak of the present conflict. The contents of those documents which do not appear in this edition are summarized in the connecting text, which thus gives a clear and accurate picture of the course of events.

In the first chapter, the documents show the development of German-Polish relations from the Versailles Conference to the time preceding the Munich Agreement. The second chapter deals with the development of British war policy, namely, the encirclement of Germany and the incitement of Poland and also the endeavour of the Reich Government to reach a peaceful settlement of the problems of Danzig and the Polish Corridor. The third chapter shows how Poland became the instrument of Britain's will to war. The effects of the British guarantee can be observed in the campaign to exterminate the German minority in Poland. This is followed by the last phase of the German-Polish crisis, in which British policy led to the outbreak of hostilities.

(The figures in brackets indicate the number of the document in the official German White Book.)

FIRST CHAPTER

A. The Versailles Conference and the Polish Problem

potential cause of future conflict, as did also the German Peace Delegation.

No. 1 (1)

Extract from a Memorandum circulated by Mr. Lloyd George, British Prime Minister, 25 March 1919

For these reasons I am, therefore, strongly averse to transferring more Germans from German rule to the rule of some other nation than can possibly be helped. I cannot conceive any greater cause of future war than that the German people, who have certainly proved themselves one of the most vigorous and powerful races in the world, should be surrounded by a number of small states, many of them consisting of people who have never previously set up a stable government for themselves, but each of them containing large masses of Germans clamouring for reunion with their native land. The proposal of the Polish Commission that we should place 2,100,000 Germans under the control of a people which is of a different religion and which has never proved its capacity for stable self-government throughout its history must, in my judgment, lead sooner or later to a new war in the East of Europe....

No. 2 (2)

Extract from the Observations of the German Peace Delegation on the Peace Conditions, 29 May 1919*

(Translation)

By the settlement of the territorial questions in the east as provided for in Articles 27 and 28, portions of the Prussian provinces of East and West Prussia, Pomerania, Posen and Silesia more or less considerable in area, which are not inhabited by an undeniably Polish population, are allocated to the Polish State. Without considering the ethnographical aspect of the case, numerous German cities and large areas of purely German territory are being handed over to Poland merely in order that Poland should possess suitable military frontiers against Germany or important railway junctions. Districts which at various times during centuries have been separated from Poland or over which Poland never ruled, are now being indiscriminately allotted to her. The acceptance of the suggested settlement would therefore signify a violation of large and undeniably German districts. Such a settlement would, moreover, be contrary to the Wilsonian principle that in settling national questions care must be exercised to avoid "introducing new or perpetuating old elements of discord and antagonism that would be likely in time to break the peace of Europe and consequently of the world"....

No. 3 (13)

(Translation)

demanded in Articles 100 to 108 is a particularly glaring contravention of all the assurances given in President Wilson's declarations. The census taken in Danzig on 1 December 1910 showed that Danzig had a negligible Polish-speaking minority of 3.5 per cent., the Danzig Niederung district one of 1 per cent., the Marienburg district one of 3 per cent., even the Danzig Höhe district one of only 11 per cent. The Poles themselves do not seriously contest the fact that Danzig has always been German in character. An attempt to convert Danzig into a free city, to hand over its transport system and the external representation of its rights to the Polish State would call forth violent opposition and a permanent state of war in Eastern Europe. The economic measures moreover are so arranged that every possible obstacle is placed in the way of traffic between Danzig and Germany—obviously with the intention of the ultimate Polonization of this purely German territory by means of economic pressure. The German Government are therefore forced to reject the intended violation of Danzig's nationality and to demand that Danzig and the surrounding territory be left to the German Reich. — —

* Annex to the Note addressed by the President of the German Peace Delegation at Versailles to the President of the Versailles Conference, dated 29 May 1919.

room for doubt as to what responsibilities Poland agreed to assume with regard to the non-Polish inhabitants of the new State, who represented over 40 per cent. of the total population. The history of German-Polish relations from 1919 onwards is, however, as the documents here published show, a story of continual infringement of this treaty by the Poles and at the same time a story of the silent complicity of the League of Nations and the guarantor Powers. As far back as 20 November 1920, the German Government were forced to cast aside their reserve and send a comprehensive complaint to the Polish Government. It was stated therein that "Germans were treated as outlaws in Poland." This complaint was as unsuccessful as the numerous complaints and representations made by representatives of the German minority in Poland itself.

The Polish Government made it clear that they considered themselves in no wise bound by the obligations for the protection of the minorities which they had so solemnly undertaken. On 10 April 1923, for instance, General Sikorski, who was then Premier, speaking in public, announced the Government's programme as "the liquidation of German estates and the de-Germanization of the western 'voivodeships'" and proceeded to indulge in cutting remarks directed against Danzig. By the middle of 1923 the expulsion of the Germans had already assumed extraordinary proportions. Polish measures against German land-owners, which, for example, the Permanent Court of International Justice, in its advisory opinion given on 10 September 1923, designated as "not in conformity with the international obligations of the Polish Government," still further increased the compulsion to emigrate. In September 1931 it was admitted in Polish quarters that some million Germans had already been ousted from Poland. Neither the guarantor Powers nor the League of Nations, to which not only the German, but also the Ukrainian minority had mean-

made by leading British politicians, in debates in the House of Commons and in various publications. Mr. Winston Churchill, for example, speaking in the House of Commons in November 1932 advocated "the removal of the just grievances of the vanquished" and emphasized in particular the "Danzig Corridor." "Otherwise" he averred, "we might find ourselves pledged in honour and in law to enter a war against our will, and against our better judgment, in order to preserve those very injustices and grievances which sunder Europe to-day." But nothing was done to alter matters while yet there was time, and by the time that the National-Socialist Government came into power in Germany, conditions had become more and more critical.

B. Germany's Efforts to come to an Understanding with Poland 1933 to 1939

No. 4 (26)

possibility of an economic understanding. He, the Chancellor, only hoped that the political questions still pending between Germany and Poland would one day be investigated and dealt with dispassionately by the statesmen of both countries. He was convinced that a way out of the present intolerable situation could then be found. Germany wanted peace. He was far from intending to expropriate Polish territory by force. He reserved the right, however, to vindicate the rights to which he was entitled by virtue of treaty at any time and as he thought fit...

Frhr. von Neurath

No. 5 (33)

The Reich Minister for Foreign Affairs to the German Minister in Warsaw Telegram

(Translation)

both Governments could be more clearly specified and have greater political weight. He had therefore instructed you to hand the Marshal a draft of a declaration such as might be made by both Governments with the object of achieving the aim desired. To explain the wording adopted in this draft you should point out that the Chancellor thinks it advisable not to use traditional outworn phrases and formulas which are already somewhat trite, but to choose instead a form which would make the political decision of the two Governments absolutely clear and would make a deeper impression on the public than the usual form of pact which is less esteemed nowadays than formerly. You should, however, emphasize in this connection that the form chosen in the draft in no way affects the binding nature of the terms to be agreed upon, as can be seen from the fact that provision is made at the end for ratification.

For your information I should like to point out that the wording of the declaration as suggested by us in no way implies the recognition of Germany's existing eastern frontiers, but states on the contrary that by the medium of this declaration a basis shall be created for the solution of all problems, i. e. also territorial problems.

Neurath

^* The reference is to a preliminary draft of the Declaration of 26 January 1934, published under No. 7 (37).

^** The text of the communiqué is as follows:-

Warsaw, 28 November 1933

Moltke

Germany's efforts, which found a ready supporter in the person of that great Polish statesman, Marshal Pilsudski, who was also desirous of coming to an understanding with his western neighbour, appeared to meet with success. On 26 January 1934, a mutual Declaration was made which seemed destined to place the relations of the two States and the two peoples on a new footing.

No. 7 (37)

(Translation)

The guarantee of peace created by these principles will facilitate the great task of both Governments of finding solutions for problems of a political, economic or cultural nature based on equitable and fair adjustment of the interests of both parties.

Both Governments are convinced that the relations between their countries will in this way develop fruitfully, and will lead to their becoming good neighbours, a result which will contribute not only to the well-being of their own countries, but also to that of the other peoples of Europe.

Done in two original documents in the German and Polish languages respectively.

Berlin, 26 January 1934.

For the German Government: C. Freiherr von Neurath

For the Polish Government: Józef Lipski

Expectations that this agreement would place the relations between the two states and the two peoples on a new and productive footing were doomed to early disappointment.

The hope that the German-Polish Declaration would lead to an improvement in the treatment of the German minority in Poland and would consitute a rule for the attitude of the Polish authorities towards the German minority was soon shattered. Assuming that Germany and the German Press would remain silent in accordance with the spirit of the friendly agreement, the Polish Government under cover of this very agreement began a campaign with the object of ridding themselves of the German minority by underhand methods, the only obstacle in their path being the merely formal supervision in connection with the Treaty for the Protection of Minorities. On 13 September 1934, Poland, therefore, notified the League of Nations Assembly that she would

Conversation of the Reich Minister for Foreign Affairs with M. Beck, Polish Minister for Foreign Affairs

Memo

In the spring of 1937, Germany, in view of the impending expiration of the Geneva Convention relating to Upper Silesia (which ensured the population on either side of the frontier certain facilities for a transition period of fifteen years), made an effort to secure a bilateral minorities agreement with Poland. Poland, however, twice rejected such a suggestion, being of the opinion that it would constitute a limitation of her sovereign rights. In view of this, Germany was prepared to be satisfied with an identic declaration made simultaneously by each Government in place of a formal agreement. In this connection, the German Ambassador in Warsaw submitted the following report to the German Foreign Office:—

(Translation)

Warsaw, 1 June 1937

For the rest M. Beck confined himself to a few short observations in which he first of all stated that as a matter of fact our considerate behaviour on the occasion of the action taken by the Polish Government at Geneva in the autumn of 1934, had given rise at the time to great satisfaction in Warsaw. M. Beck then added a few words of defence in regard to my statements concerning the actual situation of the German minority in Poland but did not go into details and stated that in the event of arbitrary action on the part of subordinate authorities, the Premier would certainly be prepared to intervene in his characteristically energetic manner. M. Beck tried to explain the difficulties connected with the whole German-Polish minorities problem as being a result of the difference in the internal structure of the two States, for in his opinion the whole minorities problem was extraordinarily complicated. M. Beck did not repeat his previous arguments against our proposal but on the other hand did not utter a single word about the fundamental points of view, which I had according to my instructions put before him.

In the Memorandum to which reference is made in the report, the Reich Government expressed their disappointment at Poland's rejection of the German proposals. If the Polish Government declined formal procedure and treaties in their accepted form, esteeming such of little value from the point of view of the minorities themselves, and preferred to come to a friendly understanding with regard to any individual problems which might arise, the German Government were, to a certain extent, entirely in agreement with this point of view, but pointed out that it was difficult to dispense with a general fundamental agreement with regard to the treatment of such a vital problem. They, therefore, suggested an identic

public declaration to be made by the two Governments regarding the protection of the German and the Polish minorities respectively, domiciled within their territories. The Memorandum goes on to say:—

• 5. In addition to the previously indicated points of view which arise out of questions of principle, and even more urgently than these, the development of the actual situation of the German minority in Poland demands that an understanding be arrived at between the two Governments on the whole minorities problem. It is in this actual situation of the German minority that the German Government regret to see an incontrovertible argument against the Polish theory that the minority would fare best if the local authorities were left free to deal with it at their own unrestricted discretion. As a matter of fact, our observations for a long time and particularly during the last year have left no doubt that a systematic attempt is being made with the support of state departments and of private organizations encouraged by the authorities to shatter the economic foundations of the German minority in Poland and to cause all those who admit to being Germans to change their attitude in this respect.

• by application of the law of repurchase and priority purchase;

• (d) the fact that for some time past persons belonging to the German minority have only in exceptional cases received permission from the authorities to open shops, businesses, and trading and industrial undertakings, and that doctors, chemists, and lawyers of German birth are being caused the greatest difficulties by the authorities in the establishment of a practice;

• (f) the sad plight of those young people who have passed through schools which have been licensed by the Polish State, but afterwards in preparing themselves for a profession have been caused such great difficulties that a disproportionately high percentage of young people of German birth have not yet been able to enter any profession;

• (g) the boycott of all German businesses in the severed territories, which has even been publicly proclaimed recently.

^* In accordance with the Frontier Zones Order of 23 December 1927 and the orders issued for the purpose of its execution, limitations were introduced in regard to residence and the acquisition of landed property within a certain zone. To this zone belonged the whole of Pommerellen, also the whole of the Corridor district, almost the whole of the province of Posen, and the whole of Upper Silesia. In spite of these representations by Germany the Frontier Zone Order was made more rigorous on 1 July 1937.

In consideration of the various personal and family connections of the frontier population it is natural that it has become known in Germany that those belonging to the German minority are forfeiting their means of existence in a continually increasing degree. As public feeling is mounting, the Government of the Reich are called upon to take reprisals and to limit the scope of existence for those belonging to the Polish minority in Germany who hitherto have been following out and carrying on their occupation without let or hindrance. The Government of the Reich naturally desire not to have to proceed to reprisals against Poland but cannot, on the other hand, close their eyes to the fact that the increasing pressure to which the Germans in Poland are being continuously subjected is causing pain and disapproval within the Reich, and that the popularity of a generous policy of coming to an understanding with Poland is suffering severely as a result of these measures on the part of subordinate Polish authorities.

7. The Government of the Reich, therefore, urgently request that the minorities question may be examined again in consideration of and in connection with the foregoing points of view. They hope that the Polish Government will, however, still decide to enter into discussions in some form or another of a fundamental settlement, and that they will, moreover, adopt measures as soon as possible in order to curb the chauvinism prevailing in the western provinces of Poland; for this chauvinism involves the serious danger of the co-operation between the German and Polish Governments, which had had such a favourable beginning, being hampered in its further fruitful development.

On 5 November 1937, an Identic Declaration was actually made by both Governments. In view of Poland's refusal to agree to a treaty involving definite obligations for both parties, this Declaration was, in practice, deprived of a large measure of its effectiveness.

No. 10 (192)

(Translation)

On the occasion of the anniversary of the Polish Declaration of Independence on 11 November celebrations took place last Sunday in villages inhabited by Polish minorities in the Free State of Danzig. Numerous Danzig residents of Polish extraction took part in the festivities.

During 1938, German-Polish relations deteriorated still further, a fact which was due to a great extent to the provocative attitude of the Polish Press. In this connection the German Ambassador in Warsaw reported as follows: —

No. 11 (117)

(Translation)

Warsaw, 2 September 1938

The attitude of the Polish Press and of other organs of publicity in Poland towards Germany has latterly become unmistakably worse. This attitude was never satisfactory, and continually failed to come up to the expectations which had been frequently associated by Germans with the political Agreement and the Press Pact of 1934. It is true that newspapers inspired by the Polish Ministry for Foreign Affairs and other organs of political opinion were mostly correct in their behaviour and in many questions, particularly foreign political ones, often displayed an attitude which must be appreciated, but not even did the so-called 'camp of national unity', that is to say the party organization of the Government which had been created for the purpose of winning the "masses" for the prevailing system, fail to make use of anti-German catchwords in its competition with the other political groups, and in order to gain more popularity.

seem hardly credible that it should be impossible to prevent the repeated provocative demonstrations in the towns in the western districts, staged by the West Marches Society, which is in close contact with the Government.

Yesterday I again brought to the serious notice of M. Beck the unfavourable development in Polish public opinion and the recent particularly anti-German demonstrations; I had a few days ago touched upon the same subject when talking with the acting Vice-minister, M. Arciszewski. M. Beck did not deny that the situation was unsatisfactory, and said he had, immediately after his return from leave, on his own initiative drawn the attention of the Premier to these things, and that the latter had shown full appreciation. When I observed that we were not able to understand why an end was not put at least to the repeated demonstrations of the West Marches Society, M. Beck replied that it was not advisable to proceed merely with prohibitions, but sometimes better to open a safety-valve. The Government had, therefore, restricted themselves to reducing to a very limited degree the intentions of the demonstrators, which went very much further. In addition, M. Beck attempted to show that the attacks upon Germany were really not of such great significance and assured me that the Government were in no wise allowing themselves to be influenced by the nervousness of public opinion but were keeping to the old line of policy.

von Moltke

The growing anti-German agitation reached its first climax at the end of February 1939 when, without obvious reason, fierce anti-German demonstrations, which the police scarcely attempted to check, took place in front of the German Embassy in Warsaw and of German Consulates in the provinces. Frenzied crowds sang anti-German songs, cheered for "Polish Danzig", abused the "German dogs" and broke windows. The Polish Government, it is true, officially expressed their regret, but this did not serve to conceal the alarming nature of these signs of growing Polish aggressiveness.

A. Pro-war agitation in Britain — Germany's proposals to Poland.

No. 12 (217)

(Translation)

We, the German Fuehrer and Chancellor and the British Prime Minister, have had a further meeting to-day and are agreed in recognizing that the question of Anglo-German relations is of the first importance for the two countries and for Europe.

Adolf Hitler

After many years of unreciprocated effort on the part of Germany to secure the friendship of Britain, the Anglo-German Munich Declaration, the text of which is given above, seemed to indicate that the relations between the two countries had taken that turn for the better which, as is well known, had from the outset formed part of the National-Socialist foreign political programme. The Munich Agreement had effectually done away with the Czech crisis. The Fuehrer considered it now possible to stabilize relations with Britain on a permanent basis and thus to secure for his own people and for all other European nations a long period of peace. How great was then the general disappointment when, only three days after the Munich Declaration, Mr. Chamberlain, the British Prime Minister, informed the House of Commons that Britain would proceed to rearm at all costs. This speech, of which an extract is given below, was accompanied by violent attacks on Germany by members of the Opposition.

No. 13 (218)

Extract from Speech by Mr. Chamberlain, British Prime Minister, in the House of Commons, 3 October 1938

".... I believe there are many who will feel with me that such a declaration, signed by the German Chancellor and myself, is something more than a pious expression of opinion. In our relations with other countries everything depends upon there being sincerity and good will on both sides. I believe that there is sincerity and good will on both sides in this declaration. That is why to me its significance goes far beyond its actual words. If there is one lesson which we should learn from the events of these last weeks it is this, that lasting peace is not to be obtained by sitting still and waiting for it to come. It requires active, positive efforts to achieve it. No doubt I shall have plenty of critics who will say that I am guilty of facile optimism, and that I should disbelieve every word that is uttered by rulers of other great States in Europe. I am too much of a realist to believe that

we are going to achieve our paradise in a day. We have only laid the foundations of peace. The superstructure is not even begun.

For a long period now we have been engaged in this country in a great programme of rearmament, which is daily increasing in pace and volume. Let no one think that because we have signed this agreement between these four Powers at Munich we can afford to relax our efforts in regard to that programme at this moment. Disarmament on the part of this country can never be unilateral again. We have tried that once, and we very nearly brought ourselves to disaster. If disarmament is to come it must come by steps, and it must come by agreement and the active co-operation of other countries. Until we know that we have obtained that co-operation and until we have agreed upon the actual steps to be taken, we here must remain on guard . . . . "

Once again the attitude not only of the British Prime Minister himself, but primarily of the Opposition, which was contrary to the letter and the spirit of the Munich Agreement, forced the Fuehrer in a speech delivered at Saarbrücken on 9 October 1938, to point out that Mr. Duff Cooper, Mr. Eden or Mr. Winston Churchill might come into power in Britain in Mr. Chamberlain's stead and that in that case a world war would probably ensue, since this was the publicly avowed aim of these men. On the very next day, Mr. Hore Belisha, British Secretary of State for War, replied in a speech in which he announced further rearmament measures to be adopted by Britain. During the months which followed, these measures, which were concerned with offensive weapons and aims, including the building up of an expeditionary force for a continental war, were carried out at an increasing rate. At the same time, Britain urged France as her ally to increase her armaments, especially with regard to her air arm. That the warning uttered by the Fuehrer

No. 14 (223)

People say we ought not to allow ourselves to be drawn into a theoretical antagonism between Nazidom and democracy, but the antagonism is here now.

It is this very conflict of spiritual and moral ideas which gives the free countries a great part of their strength.

But I hold the belief that we have now at last got far enough ahead of barbarism to control it and to avert it, if only we realize what is afoot and make up our minds in time. We shall do it in the end. But how much harder our toil, the longer the delay!

No. 15 (197)

Conversation of the Reich Minister for Foreign Affairs with the Polish Ambassador at Berchtesgaden, 24 October 1938 (Translation)

Memo by Herr Hewel, Councillor of Legation

At the beginning of the conversation the Reich Minister for Foreign Affairs described the situation to the Polish Ambassador.

M. Lipski then explained the reason of his visit:—Poland was interested in the stabilization of the Danube Basin. The Carpatho-Ukraine, with its disorder, with a population eighty per cent of which was illiterate, was a storm centre from which issued every imaginable kind of political current, a downright centre of Communism. It had 650,000 inhabitants in all, of whom about 250,000 were Hungarians and Jews, and 400,000 Ruthenians. Poland had already exchanged numerous acrimonious Notes with Prague about this centre of unrest. M. Beck had told him he wanted something sensible to emerge from this crisis. Poland's wish was that this territory should be linked to Hungary.

The Reich Minister for Foreign Affairs explained to the Ambassador that these ideas were somewhat new to him, and that he would think them over in detail. He could understand Poland's wishes, but he also saw certain difficulties to which we should have to pay consideration.

The Reich Minister for Foreign Affairs then came to the great general problem which had led him to ask M. Lipski to come to Berchtesgaden and which he would like to broach quite confidentially, as between M. Lipski, M. Beck and himself. He asked the Ambassador to report what was discussed to M. Beck by word of mouth; otherwise there would be great danger of things leaking out, especially to the press. To this the Ambassador agreed. The Reich Minister for Foreign Affairs in introducing the subject used the opportunity to invite M. Beck, asking if he could not pay him a visit sometime in the course of the following month. Germany, he said, would always welcome her Polish friends. The Ambassador expressed his gratification and undertook to inform M. Beck.

The Reich Minister for Foreign Affairs then went on to say that he thought it was time to make a clean sweep of all existing possibilities of friction between Germany and Poland. This would crown the work inaugurated by Marshal Pilsudski and the Fuehrer. As a comparison he instanced our relations with Italy, in which the Fuehrer for the sake of a general settlement and with deep insight had renounced all claims to South Tyrol. Such an agreement was worth attempting with Poland and would be useful for Poland; and it accorded with the Fuehrer's policy, which was directed towards the attainment of clear relations with all neighbours. In the case of France too it was not impossible that agreements going beyond the Fuehrer's declaration concerning the frontier would be reached some day. In Poland's case the first thing was to discuss Danzig, as a partial solution in a general adjustment of the relations between the two nations. Danzig was German—it always had been German, and it would always remain German. He, the Reich Minister for Foreign Affairs, was thinking of a solution that would, broadly speaking, be as follows:—

• The Free State of Danzig to return to the German Reich.
• An extra-territorial motor-road belonging to Germany to be built across the Corridor, and likewise an extraterritorial railway with several tracks.
• Poland likewise to obtain in the territory of Danzig an extra-territorial road or motor-road, a railway, and a free port.
• 4. Poland to obtain a guarantee for the sale of her goods in Danzig territory.
• The two nations to recognize their common frontiers (guarantee), or their respective territories.
• The German-Polish Treaty to be prolonged by ten to twenty-five years.
• The two countries to add to their treaty a stipulation providing for consultation.

The Reich Minister for Foreign Affairs promised to think over the whole group of problems again, and in this connection expressed the opinion that if a general settlement could be reached between Germany and Poland, a happy solution could certainly also be found for this problem.

The tone of the conversation was very friendly throughout.

On the contrary, the three documents which follow show clearly that, as late as 26 January 1939, when the Reich Minister for Foreign Affairs again had a talk with M. Beck in Warsaw, Poland received the moderate and positive German proposals without protest and promised to weigh them care-

fully. The five discussions which took place between 24 October 1938 and 26 January 1939, between the Fuehrer or the Reich Minister for Foreign Affairs and Herr von Moltke, the German Ambassador, on the one side and M. Beck and Lipski, on the other, make it plain that, although Poland was obviously endeavouring to prolong the negotiations with Germany, there was, up to that point, a definite prospect that a peaceful settlement satisfying the claims of both parties might still be reached. This was particularly evident at the talk between the Fuehrer and M. Beck, the Polish Foreign Minister, on 5 January 1939, when the Fuehrer described the broad, amicable basis on which he conceived the future development of German-Polish relations and the solution of the problem of Danzig and the Polish Corridor. It was a solution by which Poland stood to gain and which did away with the possibility of conflict in the future.

No. 16 (198)

Memo

(Translation)

At 1 p.m. to-day I received M. Lipski, the Polish Ambassador.

I answered M. Lipski that in my opinion too the German-Polish Agreement had shown itself capable of withstanding considerable strain. The Fuehrer's action against Czecho-Slovakia had enabled Poland to gain possession of the Olsa territory, and to satisfy a number of other wishes with regard to frontiers. For the rest I agreed with him that the Polish attitude had made things easier for Germany.

M. Lipski then made a lengthy speech to prove the importance and value which Danzig as a Free City had for Poland.

For reasons of home politics too it was difficult for the Polish Minister for Foreign Affairs to assent to the incorporation of Danzig in the Reich. M. Beck had been revolving the question in his mind how all points of friction about Danzig which might possibly arise between Germany and Poland could be done away with once and for all. His idea was that the League of Nations' Danzig Statute might be replaced by a German-Polish treaty dealing with all Danzig questions. This treaty might be based on the recognition of Danzig as a purely German town with all rights resulting from this. On the other hand Poland and the Polish minority should likewise have all economic rights assured to them. In this arrangement the character of Danzig as a Free State and the customs union with Poland would be preserved.

problem by which Danzig fell to Germany might increase M. Beck's burden in home politics, but on the other hand it was obvious that it would also be no easy matter for the Fuehrer to tell the German people that he was guaranteeing the Polish Corridor. The purpose underlying my suggestion was to establish German Polish relations on a foundation as lasting as solid rock, and to do away with all possible points of friction. It had not been my intention to have a diplomatic chat. As he, M. Lipski, could perceive from the Fuehrer's speeches, the latter had always taken a long view in dealing with the German-Polish question. In his presence, at a recent meeting of international press representatives, I had made it clear that good German-Polish relations were fundamental to German policy.

The Ambassador, M. Lipski, thanked me for these remarks, and then returned to the proposal for a bilateral treaty about Danzig. I explained to him that I could not give a final decision on this, but to me the proposal did not seem easy of accomplishment.

von Ribbentrop

No. 17 (200)

In his introductory words M. Beck stressed the fact that in the September crisis German-Polish relations had stood the test without a sign of strain. It might be that during the last few months the high standard exhibited by the relations last September had shown some falling off, but in the opinion of the Polish Government both parties should exert themselves to remove the causes of certain difficulties which had arisen in the immediate past. M. Beck instanced the Danzig question as one of the difficulties, whereby he emphasized the fact that in this case it was not only the German and the Polish Governments that where concerned; there were also third parties, among others the League of Nations. What would be the proper course, for instance, if the League of Nations were to withdraw from its rôle in Danzig? This was not the only instance in which existing misunderstandings had to be remov-

ed. Amongst others there was the guaranteeing of the Czecho-Slovakian frontier, the question whether it ought to be taken in hand immediately or, if at all, what point of time was contemplated for this. Poland was especially interested in the Carpatho-Ukrainian question. He would remind them of Marshal Pilsudski's words about the "Balkanizing of Central Europe". In the agitators who were now pursuing their activities in the Carpatho-Ukrainian region Poland recognized old enemies in a new guise. She feared that the Carpatho-Ukraine might one day grow into such a centre of disquietude for Poland that the Polish Government might see themselves called upon to intervene. This might result in further complications. That above all had been the compelling reason for Poland's efforts to attain a joint frontier with Hungary.

The Fuehrer replied that a settlement of all existing difficulties could only be obtained by recalling the general course of German-Polish relations. On the German side he could say emphatically that Germany's relations to Poland were embodied in the non-aggression pact of 1934; since then there had not been the slightest change in them. In the question of the Carpatho-Ukraine particularly—here he was thinking of the motives attributed to Germany in the international press—he was in a position to state that Poland had absolutely no cause for fear. Germany had no interests on the other side of the Carpathians, and was indifferent about what interested countries did there. The attitude adopted by Germany in regard to the Ukrainian question on the occasion of the Vienna arbitration award was an attitude which had perhaps led to certain misunderstandings with Poland, but it was easily to be explained by the historical development of the question. This arbitration award had been put into execution on the basis of the Hungarian demands after both parties had been heard. What had really and finally determined his (the Fuehrer's) attitude in the Ukrainian question was his wish that in no case should matters be permitted to come to an international conflict.

Danzig was German, would always remain German, and sooner or later would return to Germany.

With respect to the Corridor, which, as already mentioned, presented a grave psychological difficulty for Germany, the Fuehrer pointed out that for the Reich the connection with East Prussia was as vital a matter as for Poland the connection with the sea. Here too it might be possible by the use of quite novel methods to find a solution that would pay due regard to the interests of both.

The Polish Minister for Foreign Affairs thanked the Fuehrer for his exposition of the German standpoint, and declared that Poland for her part would also abide by the attitude she had maintained towards Germany till then.

tion just made by the Fuehrer. For her part she would hold fast to the old line of policy towards Germany.

As to German-Polish relations he took cognizance of the wishes uttered by the Fuehrer. Nevertheless the Danzig question appeared to him extraordinarily difficult. In this connection one had especially to take public opinion in Poland into account. By this he did not mean the attitude of "the coffee-house opposition". During his seven years' period of office he had never paid the least attention to coffee-house opinion, and he was still in office. But he had to pay regard to the real opinion of the nation, and there he saw difficulties in the way of a solution of the Danzig question. But he intended, nevertheless, to think the matter over quietly.

No. 18 (201)

Conversation between the Reich Minister for Foreign Affairs and M. Beck, Polish Minister for Foreign Affairs, Munich, 6 January 1939

Memo

(Translation)

Berlin, 9 January 1939

Finally, M. Beck pointed out once more that Danzig was, in the mind of the entire Polish people, the acid test of German-Polish relations and that it would be very difficult to alter this fact in any way.

In reply I explained to M. Beck that:-

• • 2. In this connection two problems seemed important:-
  • (a) Direct German-Polish relations. In this connection I should suggest the following solution:—

In this connection I repeated that ethnographical frontiers had been fixed at Munich. Should the principle of political frontiers be brought up by any side, Germany would not, of course, remain disinterested. Although German political interests did not, in themselves, extend beyond the Carpathians, Germany considered it impossible, over and above this, to declare her disinterestedness in any alteration of frontiers in regard to Czecho-Slovakia and the Carpatho-Ukraine, because such events might easily involve her in a conflict. The decision arrived at by the arbiters in Vienna must be observed, and it was our fundamental conception that, in the event of other wishes cropping up in this connection, such wishes must be brought into accord with German interests.

von Ribbentrop

No. 19 (202)

Conversation between the Reich Minister for Foreign Affairs and M. Beck, Polish Minister for Foreign Affairs, Warsaw, 26 January 1939

Memo

(Translation) erlin, 1 February 1939

tinuation of our conversation with M. Beck, which was a continuation of our conversation at Munich on 6 January, I reverted to the former proposal concerning the re-union of Danzig with the Reich in return for a guarantee of Poland's economic interests there, the building of an extra-territorial motor-road and railway connection between Germany and her province of East Prussia, to be compensated on the German side by a guarantee of the German-Polish frontier. In this connection I stated again that it was the wish of the Fuehrer to achieve a complete conciliation in respect of German-Polish relations by means of corresponding treaties. It was important that M. Beck should realize that the German wishes were extraordinarily moderate, since, even to-day, the allocation of exceedingly valuable sections of severed German territory to Poland, in accordance with the Treaty of Versailles, is regarded by every German as a great injustice, made possible at the time only by Germany's extreme impotence. Ninety-nine out of a hundred Englishmen or Frenchmen would, if asked, say at once that the return of Danzig and of the Corridor, at least, was a natural demand on the part of Germany.

between us and Poland, we should get into touch with him in order to find a solution for this contingency.

Whilst, since the end of October, the Reich Government had been untiring in their efforts to come to an amicable settlement with Poland and thus to stabilize the peace of Europe, the pro-war and rearmament campaign announced by Mr. Chamberlain in his statement in the House of Commons on 3 October 1938 was being continued without interruption. This is proved, for example, by a speech made in the House of Commons by Mr. R. S. Hudson, Secretary for the Overseas Trade Department, in which he inveighed against the economic position of Germany in Central and Southeastern Europe. Mr. Duff Cooper, formerly First Lord of the Admiralty, was even more outspoken when he delivered a lecture in Paris on 10 December. On 5 January, the very day on which the Fuehrer received M. Beck, the Polish Minister for Foreign Affairs, in the most friendly fashion at Berchtesgaden, the German Ambassador in London found himself compelled to protest against the growing and unbridled pro-war agitation indulged in by the British Press and by certain widely-read and well-known British writers.

No. 20 (229)

Extract

. . . . Finally, we come to the question of Germany. The hon. Member asked why we did not refuse to extend the most-

favoured-nation treatment to Germany, following the example of the United States. The answer is that Germany is refused most-favoured-nation treatment by the United States because she is discriminating against American goods in Germany. Germany is not discriminating against British goods in Germany. Our complaint is that Germany is, by her methods, destroying trade throughout the world. We thus have no case for taking away most-favoured-nation treatment, which depends upon how Germany treats our goods in Germany, and the question is the very much broader one of how to meet the new form of German competition throughout the world.

No. 21 (232)

The German Ambassador in Paris to the German Foreign Office
Report

(Translation)

Paris, 10 December 1938

On 7 December, Mr. Duff Cooper gave a lecture in the Théâtre des Ambassadeurs in Paris on the subject of "Anglo-French Friendship and Peace". In the course of his remarks which were of a war-mongering nature and directed throughout against Germany, at times even in an insulting manner, the speaker emphasized the necessity for an Anglo-French coalition for the safeguarding of the interests of both countries. He said that although Germany was strong, these two peoples together were a match for her and that there was absolutely no reason to assume that the outcome of any conflict which might take place would be in Germany's favour. Mr. Duff Cooper found consolation in stating that in case of war, America would remain in the background as the staunch friend of the Western Democracies. In another war, he said, it was not so much the fate of Britain and France which would be at stake but the fate of civilization as a whole. All past civilizations, he asserted, with a subtle reference to Germany, had been destroyed by peoples who, although superior in numbers and in strength, were culturally inferior.

By Order Bräuer

No. 22 (233)

The German Ambassador in London to the German Foreign Office

(Translation)

London, 5 January 1939

I did not untertake the step advised in instructions until to-day so that I might speak in person to Lord Halifax who has been absent on Christmas leave until now. I protested very strongly against the grave insults to the Fuehrer and to leading German statesman contained in Wells' article published in the News Chronicle, and I pointed out that the Embassy during the past few months had unfortunately been forced to complain, on an increasing number of occasions, about affronts to the Fuehrer. I reminded Lord Halifax of these complaints and their cause by quoting individual instances. The most serious affront of all was that which appeared in Wells' New Year article in the News Chronicle, in which the author appeared to be aiming less at criticism in which abusive terms were not avoided, than at intentionally heaping grave insults on the Fuehrer and his closest collaborators.

matters, at any rate in the ruture.

Lord Halifax replied that he had no hesitation in describing the article mentioned, which he had seen, as the most outrageous abuse of the Fuehrer that he had as yet read in the press. He said that he wished to express to me his unbounded regret at this affront to the Fuehrer and begged me to convey to the German Government this expression of his regret. It was, he continued, extremely regrettable that during the last months numerous lapses had again occurred, the explanation for which, although not constituting an excuse, was that abusive articles of this type, as for example that under discussion, were written chiefly for reasons connected with home politics and were aimed against the British Government. The general unsettled political atmosphere prevailing must also, he said, be taken into consideration.

Lord Halifax promised, as far as his possibilities of using his influence went, to do his best to prevent such insults to the Fuehrer in future.

These documents provide ample proof that Britain's systematic preparations for war had been begun long before the existence of the pretext offered by the final dissolution of what remained of Czecho-Slovakia. As far back as 7 December, the British Secretary of State for the Colonies deemed it necessary to deprive the Munich Declaration of any real value by his point-blank refusal to discuss the question of colonies and mandated territories, thus preventing Germany from entering upon negotiations in this sphere. At the end of January, Mr. Chamberlain felt called upon to declare that he would, in given circumstances, have to play the same part towards Adolf

No. 23 (240)

Extract

It is for this purpose, for the purpose of defence and not of attack, that we are pursuing the task of rearmament with unrelenting vigour and with the full approval of the country.

None of these subjects is, indeed, being neglected, but their

development is necessarily hampered and slowed up by the demands of national security.

No. 24 (236)

The German Chargé d'Affaires in Ankara to the German Foreign Office

Report

(Translation)

Ankara, 17 January 1939

Kroll

Report

(Translation)

Teheran, 4 March 1939

rent change when other European Powers, in the first instance Germany, began to pay marked attention to the new Iran, and to consolidate and to develop their relations with this country in an economic direction in particular. It was further accepted with equanimity that Germany should, within a few years, have moved up from the fifth to the second place as a supplier to and purchaser from Iran, while Great Britain, which in 1936/37 still occupied the second place, was now relegated to the fourth. Even the establishment of a German air-route to the Near East, extending to Afghanistan close to the Indian frontier, and having as its original aim a further extension to China, thus providing for ports of call in important British spheres of interest in Central Asia, met at first with only slight opposition on the part of Great Britain. The relations between the German and the British diplomatic missions, as well as the personal relations between German and British nationals resident here, were as friendly as they could possibly be, and expressions of sympathy and admiration for the new Germany could often be heard in British circles.

The return of Austria to the Reich, received here with evident uneasiness, caused the first chill in these relations. Whilst the diplomatic missions of other countries expressed their satisfaction at the fact that one section of a nation had been reunited with another, and that a serious menace to European peace had thus been removed without bloodshed, severe criticism of the methods adopted by Germany was expressed in British circles, and thence spread further, even as far as leading government departments. The solution of the Sudeten-German problem, that acid test for the Berlin-Rome axis, as well as the great success of German statesmanship shown in the result of the Munich negotiations and recognized throughout the world, called forth in British circles here an attitude definitely hostile to Germany, which found free expression in conversations, correct enough in

their form, conducted with the staff of the delegation, and even with the Minister himself.

Since then, anti-German feelings prevailing in British circles here have increased considerably. All the paraphernalia connected with the rearmament drive, as manifested to-day in the British Press, over the wireless, in public speeches made by the spokesmen of the war party—all directed against Germany—are accurately reflected in the attitude of the British diplomatic mission and of the British colony here. If, in the course of conversations with British people, attention is attracted to the reprehensible and dangerous character of these methods, the only answer is a deprecating shrug of the shoulders or a frosty reply that the armaments race between the nations is bound ultimately to end in war. For these people, Messrs. Eden, Churchill, and Duff Cooper are the real representatives and the future leaders of the British nation.

No. 26 (267)

Mr. A. Henderson asked the Prime Minister whether the recent statement by the French Foreign Minister that in the case of war the forces of Great Britain would be at the disposal of France, just as all the forces of France would be at the disposal of Great Britain, were in accord with the views of His Majesty's Government?

The Prime Minister: According to my information, Monsieur Bonnet stated in the Chamber of Deputies on 26 January that in the case of a war in which the two countries were involved all the forces of Great Britain would be at the disposal of France just as all the forces of France would be at the disposal of Great Britain. This is in complete accordance with the views of His Majesty's Government. It is impossible to examine in detail all the hypothetical cases which may arise, but I feel bound to make plain that the solidarity of interest, by which France and this country are united, is such that any threat to the vital interests of France from whatever quarter it come must evoke the immediate co-operation of this country.

No. 27 (268)

(Translation)

Recently and prior to the information concerning the anti-German excesses in Poland, the Embassy received news from an absolutely reliable source which points to certain tendencies towards a revival of the Franco-Polish Alliance and, in line with this, to the intention to allow German-Polish relations to become gradually worse. As the chief reason for this our informant mentions the deep impression made on the Polish Government by the strengthening of the Entente Cordiale between France and Britain as well as the various statements by Mr. Chamberlain with regard to English aid for France, to which must be added a remarkable British activity in Poland.

Welczeck

Thus we come to the most important phase of the events leading up to the present war. After the collapse of Czecho-Slovakia, Britain's efforts to encircle Germany were openly acknowledged and the Government declared this to be their policy. In this connection, the attitude adopted by Britain with regard to the dissolution of Czecho-Slovakia is worthy of note. On 15 March, i. e., after the signing of the German-Czech Agreement, Mr. Chamberlain declared in the House of Commons that the British guarantee to Czecho-Slovakia did not apply, since the declaration of independence of Slovakia put an end by internal disruption to the State whose frontiers Britain had proposed to guarantee. "His Majesty's Government cannot accordingly hold themselves any longer bound by this obligation." This official British statement not only coincided with the German view but also with the historical fact that about mid-day on 14 March the disintegration of

Czecho-Slovakia was completed by the Proclamation of Independence by the Slovak Diet.

At this juncture the British pro-war party started a counterthrust and retained the upper hand. Mr. Chamberlain
abandoned his own policy and gave way to the Opposition,
which, from that time onwards, took over the reigns of foreign
policy, co-operating in complete harmony with the bureaucrats
of the Foreign Office. Poland, having up till then hesitated
to allow herself to be persuaded to abandon finally the method
of amicable settlement with Germany, now definitely identified
herself with the encirclement front which was now taking form.
It was only as a result of coupling the Polish complex with the
British policy of encirclement that problems such as those of
Danzig and the Corridor, which although not simple in
themselves were yet capable of being solved, became charged
with the explosive matter which eventually wrecked the peace
first of Eastern and then of Western Europe. Mr. Chamberlain's speech in Birmingham was the final proof of the Prime
Minister's capitulation to the political views of the Opposition
whose object was to achieve the complete annihilation of
Greater Germany. The policy of encirclement which had
already been systematically prepared was now applied to its
fullest extent.

No. 28 (269)

Speech by Mr. Chamberlain, British Prime Minister, in Birmingham, 17 March 1939

Extract

But the events which have taken place this week seem to fall into a different category, and they must cause us all to be asking ourselves:— "Is this the end of an old adventure, or is it the beginning of a new?"

"Is this the last attack upon a small State, or is it to be

followed by others? Is this, in fact, a step in the direction of an attempt to dominate the world by force?"

In our own country we must all review the position with that sense of responsibility which its gravity demands. Nothing must be excluded from that review which bears upon the national safety. Every aspect of our national life must be looked at again from that angle. . . . .

No. 29 (271)

.... But if and when it becomes plain to States that there is no apparent guarantee against successive attacks directed in turn on all who might seem to stand in the way of ambitious schemes of domination, then at once the scale tips the other way, and in all quarters there is likely immediately to be found a very much greater readiness to consider whether the acceptance of wider mutual obligations, in the cause of mutual support, is not dictated, if for no other reason than the necessity of self-defence. His Majesty's Government have not failed to draw the moral from these events, and have lost no

time in placing themselves in close and practical consultation, not only with the Dominions, but with other Governments concerned upon the issues that have suddenly been made so plain....

No. 30 (272)

The German Chargé d'Affaires in London to the German Foreign Office

Telegram

(Translation)

London, 20 March 1939

No. 31 (274)

The German Chargé d'Affaires in London to the German Foreign Office

Telegram

(Translation)

The proposed declaration provides that in cases in which there is reason to apprehend aggression the signatories of the declaration bind themselves to immediate consultation, "to resist aggression".

Kordt

No. 32 (277)

The German Chargé d'Affaires in London to the German Foreign Office

Report

(Translation)

London, 29 March 1939

Mr. Greenwood wanted to know whether the declaration which had been presented to certain Powers dealt solely with consultation, or whether mutual assistance, under certain circumstances even of a military kind, were envisaged.

Mr. Dalton desired to know whether it had been made clear to Poland that the British Government were willing, in conjunction with other Governments, to come to Poland's assistance in the event of her being the next victim of "German aggression". The Prime Minister answered that he felt compelled to maintain a certain reserve on this point, but he was prepared to state that the British Government had left no possibility of doubt in the minds of the Governments with which they stood in consultation, about what the British Government were prepared to do in given circumstances.

By Order

From now onwards it is easy to realize that the British encirclement policy coincided absolutely with an exceedingly provocative attitude on the part of Poland. No reply had as yet been received from Poland regarding the German proposals. On 21 March, therefore, the Reich Minister for Foreign Affairs again received the Polish Ambassador in order to bring up once more the matter of the German proposals and to inform him that the Fuehrer would welcome another discussion with M. Beck. Although, at this juncture, the British encirclement policy was already being officially pursued, and although, as Documents 29 and 30 (Nos. 272, 273) show, the catchword 'Poland' had already been uttered in the House of Commons, the Reich Government adhered

to their moderate proposals. Poland had no occasion to feel herself threatened in any way by Germany. On the other hand, as early as 9 March, Herr von Moltke, the German Ambassador, was compelled to talk very seriously to M. Beck, the Polish Foreign Minister, with regard to Polish excesses. In spite of this, Poland commenced partial mobilization only a few days later, and on 26 March, the Polish Ambassador finally handed the Reich Minister for Foreign Affairs a document which was tantamount to a final rejection of the German proposals. On the very next day, the Reich Minister for Foreign Affairs was forced to complain to the Polish Ambassador about serious excesses in Bromberg. As is proved by reports and memoranda received at this time from German diplomats, those in power in Warsaw had completely frustrated the efforts hitherto made by Germany to pursue a policy of amicable understanding with Poland. Poland was co-operating wholeheartedly in the British encirclement policy and made no attempt to put a stop to the provocative excesses against the German minority about which detailed reports are given in the third chapter.

No. 33 (155)

The German Ambassador in Warsaw to the German Foreign
Office

Report

(Translation)

Warsaw, 9 March 1939

M. Beck appeared to be considerably affected by these statements and declared again how very much he had regretted the incidents before the German Embassy. He admitted that the police had failed and declared that the guilty police

officer would be put on trial. Apart from this, he was of the opinion that one should not take a too pessimistic view of things. The policy of coming to an understanding was indeed not always easy to carry out, and he was by no means blind to the difficulties. He had had for instance in the year 1936 a great struggle to get this policy, which had been inaugurated by Pilsudski, recognized; since then, however, he was meeting with increasing understanding for it in political circles. The reasons for the feeling having got worse during the last months were, he believed, chiefly connected with the question of the Carpatho-Ukraine, as blame was being attributed to Germany for a common Polish-Hungarian frontier not having been established.

No. 34 (203)

Conversation of the Reich Minister for Foreign Affairs with the Polish Ambassador, 21 March 1939

Memo

(Translation)

I presumed that the settlement which had, meantime, been reached in connection with the Carpatho-Ukrainian question had caused great satisfaction in Poland. The establishment of the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia meant the final pacification of this area in conformity with historical principles, and would eventually prove of benefit to all.

Ambassador Lipski then expressed antiety with regard to the fact that Germany had taken over the protection of Slovakia. This news had created a strong impression in Poland, for the man in the street could not help regarding such a step as primarily directed against Poland. The Slovaks, he said, were a people linguistically related to the Poles. Polish interests in that area were also historically justified, and, from a purely realistic political standpoint, it had to be admitted that the proclamation of a Protectorate could only be regarded as a blow at Poland.

factory course; in this connection Poland's participation in the guarantee of the Slovak State might be considered. Unfortunately, however, I had been compelled to recognize that a gradual constraint had manifested itself in German-Polish relations. This development had begun several months ago. In Germany, 'surprise had been felt at the peculiar attitude displayed by Poland in the Minorities Commission. The Danzig incidents provoked by Polish students had likewise given us food for thought. Ambassador Lipski denied emphatically that incidents of the kind had been caused by Polish students. He likewise denied with spirit my observation that in the Fuehrer's opinion the posters which had led to the incidents had been displayed by Polish students, and maintained that Polish students had not participated in the affair in any way.

I further drew the Polish Ambassador's attention to the continuous press attacks, to the anti-German demonstrations on the occasion of Count Ciano's visit and to the public press campaign now being carried on. This press campaign seemed to me entirely unjustified. The Fuehrer had always worked for a settlement and an understanding with Poland. The Fuehrer was still pursuing this aim, he was, however, increasingly surprised at the Polish attitude. Up to now I had imposed a certain restraint upon the German Press with regard to Poland, as the Polish Ambassador could see for himself by glancing at the German newspapers. It would, however, be impossible for me in the long run to allow such attacks to go unanswered. The probable result of such a reciprocal press campaign would soon be that our mutual relations would touch zero. It seemed to me necessary to make a fresh attempt to put German-Polish policy on the right track, and it appeared to me right and proper that a personal discussion between German and Polish statesmen should take place at an early date.

I added that I should be glad if M. Beck, the Foreign Minister, would shortly visit Berlin, as the Fuehrer had told me that he, too, would warmly welcome such a discussion. Concerning the possible subject of such an exchange of views, M. Lipski declared that he had to admit that Germany was not without a share in the creation and the present existence of Poland, and that Poland owed her present territorial expansion to Germany's greatest misfortune, namely, the fact that Germany had lost the Great War.

Ambassador Lipski promised to inform M. Beck accordingly, and then to give me an answer.

von Ribbentrop

(Translation)

Warsaw, 24 March 1939

Three or four classes of reservists, i.e., 1911—1914, in addition 1906 and 1907, were called up at short notice from different districts; definitely confirmed. Reserve officers of technical troops called up.

Moltke

No. 36 (206)

The German Ambassador in Warsaw to the German Foreign Office

Telegram

(Translation)

Warsaw, 24 March 1939

The calling up of reservists already reported points to the growing influence of military circles upon the conduct of

As to British suggestions in connection with which the British Ambassador repeatedly called at the Ministry for Foreign Affairs during the past few days, nothing definite has so far become known. It is, therefore, impossible to say whether Polish mobilization measures were influenced by this British action. In this connection, a remark made by M. Arciszewski, Under-Secretary of State, to several diplomats here seems worth repeating. In the course of various deprecative remarks about Britain and France, who time and again, without running any risks themselves, had attempted to utilize Poland for ends other than her own, he declared that Poland would never fight merely for the interests of other Powers. In other respects, too, it may be inferred from the general lines of M. Beck's policy that Poland would only unwillingly join any general combination or allow herself to be involved in actions which would compel her to define her position prematurely and clearly. This, of course, does not mean that Poland would not accept British proposals if, as a result of the present negotiations, the possibility were to present itself of obtaining from Great Britain firm promises which would augment her security.

Moltke

No. 37 (207)

Memo by the Director of the Political Department in the German Foreign Office

(Translation)

Berlin, 25 March 1939

The High Command of the Army telephoned me at 11 a.m. yesterday and gave me the following information regarding Polish mobilization measures: —

• 3. Poland has mobilized three classes.

No. 38 (208)

Conversation of the Reich Minister for Foreign Affairs with the Polish Ambassador, 26 March 1939

Memo

(Translation)

Ambassador Lipski handed me the Polish Government's Memorandum attached hereto, which I read in his presence.

Having taken note of its contents I replied to Ambassador Lipski that, in my personal opinion, the Polish attitude could not be considered a suitable basis for a solution of the Ger-

I replied to Ambassador Lipski that I would first of all report to the Fuehrer. My chief concern was to prevent the Fuehrer from gaining the impression that Poland simply did not want to come to an understanding.

No. 39 (209)

(Translation)

The Polish Ambassador declared that he had no knowledge of the incidents mentioned, but promised to make immediate enquiries. He, too, regretted the excesses but explained them away by the state of tension prevailing in Poland at the time. Moreover, he promised, for his part, to do everything in his power to prevent a repetition of such incidents.

In conclusion the Reich Minister for Foreign Affairs remarked that he no longer knew what to make of the attitude of the Polish Government. They had given a negative answer to the generous proposals which Germany had made to Poland. The Reich Minister for Foreign Affairs could in no wise regard the proposal submitted by the Polish Ambassador yesterday as a basis for the settlement of existing

problems. The relations between the two countries were therefore becoming more and more critical.

No. 40 (349)

The German Foreign Office to the German Ambassador in Warsaw

Order

(Translation)

Berlin, 27 March 1939

According to a report from the German Passport Office at Bromberg, an anti-German demonstration organized by the notorious Polish West Marches Society and attended by about 10,000 persons took place at Bromberg at noon on 26 March. The semi-military organizations in Bromberg, including those of the railway and postal officials, played a prominent part in this demonstration. In the course of this demonstration both the German Reich and the German minority in Poland were the subject of violent attacks in two speeches. From the participants came shouts such as: "Down with Hitler", "We want Danzig", "We want Königsberg". According to the Passport Office the Polish police had difficulty in protecting German property from the violence of the excited mob.

By Order Bergmann

No. 41 (210)

Report

(Translation)

Warsaw, 28 March 1939

have been requisitioned. In addition the Government have made the present situation a pretext for raising an internal State Loan for the expansion of the Air Force and the Antiaircraft Artillery.

von Moltke

No. 42 (211)

The German Ambassador in Warsaw to the German Foreign Office

Telegram

(Translation)

Warsaw, 29 March 1939

that I would refer to the matter again after having received more detailed information.

Beck tried to justify the mobilization measures by stating that after the events in Czecho-Slovakia and in the Memel district, the claim raised at this very moment with regard to Danzig had been interpreted as a danger-signal by Poland. The fear that difficulties might arise from these measures was unfounded. As yet he knew nothing of the incidents at Liniewo. The incident at Bromberg where, by the way, the police had energetically intervened, had been made the subject of a ministerial conference. Subsequently the Premier had given the strictest orders to all administrative authorities to avoid everything that might be the cause of incidents, and particularly to forbid meetings and demonstrations.

Beck added that he did not wish to conceal the fact from me that he was more and more under the impression that German-Polish relations had reached a turning point. — I reminded him of the conversation at Berchtesgaden, in which the Fuehrer had expressly emphasized the maintenance of a policy of understanding, and explained that the very aim of the present proposals was to put German-Polish relations on a sound and lasting basis; it is true, we expected a better understanding on the Polish side.

Moltke

No. 43 (354)

Report

(Translation)

Thorn, 30 March 1939

In the course of recent demonstrations, in which police officials frequently took part, the crowd repeatedly shouted demands, such as, "Kick the Germans out", and "Danzig and Flatow must become Polish". In many places the window-panes of German houses were smashed, an act in which officials, such as parish magistrates, also took part. In reply to protests made by a German, one of these magistrates said that he could not help it, and that he had not been the instigator of such demonstrations on his own account, but that orders to that effect had been received, and that the men in higher positions, while pretending to be negotiating in Berlin and Warsaw, had secretly given orders to make a clean sweep.

No. 44 (355)

The German Consul-General in Posen to the German Foreign Office

Report

(Translation)

Posen, 31 March 1939

No. 45 (212)

Memo by the State Secretary at the German Foreign Office

(Translation)

Berlin, 6 April 1939

To-day the Polish Ambassador, whom I had asked to call on me, of his own accord turned the conversation to M. Beck's conversations in London. M. Lipski said that he had had no

• 1. Poland wished to stand by the 1934 Agreement.
• The Polish-British arrangements were of a bilateral and purely defensive character; there was no question of Poland's joining a bloc.

in favour of the anti-German policy (No. 28), and on 20 March, Lord Halifax referred to the consultations which had already taken place with those Powers which were regarded as possible supporters of the encirclement policy, among whom Poland was singled out to play an important part (No. 29). On 24 March, the German Ambassador in Warsaw reported that the British Ambassador had paid several visits to the Polish Foreign Office during the past few days (No. 36), and on 26 March, Poland rejected the German proposals (No. 39). The Polish Government suddenly chose to regard these moderate German proposals, which Poland had, hitherto, by no means regarded as a menace to herself, as constituting a threat and adopted a provocative tone (No. 41). On 31 March, however, Mr. Chamberlain formally gave Poland carte blanche by making that notorious declaration to the House of Commons by which, as Mr. Duff Cooper wrote at the time, the fate of the British Empire and the responsibility for peace or war was "entrusted to a handful of unknown persons in Poland."

No. 46 (279)

Statement made by Mr. Chamberlain, British Prime Minister, in the House of Commons, 31 March 1939

there should be no question incapable of solution by peaceful means, and they would see no justification for the substitution of force or threats of force for the method of negotiation.

I may add that the French Government have authorized me to make it plain that they stand in the same position in this matter as do His Majesty's Government.

No. 47 (283)

Extract

.... If, as I hope may be the case, the result of this Debate is to show that fundamentally and generally this House is

unanimous in its approval of the declaration which I made on Friday, and is united and determined to take whatever measures may be necessary to make that declaration effective, the Debate may well serve a very useful purpose. The declaration that I made on Friday has been described, in a phrase so apt that it has been widely taken up, as a cover note issued in advance of the complete insurance policy. I myself emphasized its transitional or temporary character, and the description of it as a cover note is not at all a bad one so far as it goes; but where I think it is altogether incomplete is that, while of course, the issue of a cover note does imply that it is to be followed by something more substantial, it is the nature of the complete insurance policy which is such a tremendous departure from anything which this country has undertaken hitherto.

It does really constitute a new point—I would say a new epoch—in the course of our foreign policy.

Sir John Simon, Chancellor of the Exchequer, speaking on the same day, expressed similar views:

..... With one or two exceptions, which only emphasize the general unity, we may mark this day as a date in our history when there has been accepted and approved in every part of the House this immensely significant statement. I am not disposed to belittle its importance. It is a statement which commits us specifically in a quarter of the world in which we have hitherto been freed from specific commitments, and it presages commitments in other quarters also. It is writing a chapter in our history which carries us further than the catalogue of commitments which my right hon. Friend set out in a classic speech at Leamington. Here we are registering that in taking this stand the country as a whole is more united than on any other contemporary question of policy. That is a most tremendous fact which we shall all have occasion to remember hereafter, and I consider it to be the duty of all of us not to minimize this change in the least, but to recognize it and acknowledge it to the full extent of its application. It proclaims a definite course of action if need arises, and from that decision there can be no looking back.

It is the most serious commitment because it not merely threatens the possibility in certain events of war, but it binds us in certain events to undertake war. . . . . .

The obligation to undertake war was intentionally entered upon wherever Britain needed it as a pretext for gaining control in Central and Eastern Europe and as a means for bringing about a preventive war. This was fully confirmed on 6 April at the meeting of the House of Lords and the House of Commons. At the same time, M. Beck's visit to London was utilized for the purpose of replacing the unilateral guarantee given to Poland by Britain on 31 March by a bilateral agreement. Once again, Britain, in full cognizance of the importance of her action, empowered Poland to decide unconditionally on the issue of peace or war. At the same time, Britain was endeavouring to include other countries apart from Poland in the encirclement front. Thus, on 13 April 1939, Britain made a unilateral guarantee declaration in favour of Greece and Roumania. In addition, Mr. Eden and Mr.

Churchill attempted to induce Russia to join the encirclement front, a move which proved popular in Britain. The Roumanian-Polish alliance, the objective of which had hitherto been Eastern Europe, was also to be transformed into an instrument directed against Germany.

During the month of April, Britain's encirclement policy and Poland's determination not to come to an amicable settlement with Germany, had become so obvious that the Reich Government were compelled to take certain steps, rendered inevitable by the Anglo-Polish policy, with regard to both parties. Consequently, in his speech to the Reichstag on 28 April 1939, the Fuehrer was forced to declare that the British and Polish Governments had unilaterally terminated the Anglo-German Naval Agreement and also the German-Polish Agreement of 1934. The most important sections of the Fuehrer's speech referring to Poland and Britain are quoted in the following extract:

No. 49 (214, 295)

Speech by the Fuehrer to the Reichstag, 28 April 1939. Extract

(Translation)

..... There is little to be said as regards German-Polish relations. Here, too, the Treaty of Versailles—of course intentionally—inflicted a most severe wound on Germany. The strange way in which the Corridor, giving Poland access to the sea, was marked out was meant above all to prevent for all time the establishment of an understanding between Poland and Germany. This problem is—as I have already stressed—perhaps the most painful of all problems for Germany. Nevertheless I have never ceased to uphold the view that the necessity of free access to the sea for the Polish State cannot

The late Marshal Pilsudski, who was of the same opinion, was prepared to go into the question of taking the sting out of German-Polish relations, and finally to conclude an Agreement whereby Germany and Poland expressed their intention of renouncing war altogether as a means of settling the questions which concerned them both. This Agreement contained one single exception which was in practice conceded to Poland. It was laid down that the pacts of mutual assistance already entered into by Poland—the pact with France was meant—should not be affected by the Agreement. But it was obvious that this could apply only to the pact of mutual assistance already concluded beforehand, and not to any new pacts which might be concluded in the future. It is a fact that the German-Polish Agreement contributed to a very remarkable détente in the European situation.

Nevertheless there remained one open question between Germany and Poland, which sooner or later quite naturally had to be solved—the question of the German city of Danzig. Danzig is a German city and wishes to belong to Germany. On the other hand, this city has treaties with Poland which, it is true, were forced upon it by the dictators of Versailles. But since the League of Nations, formerly the greatest fomenter of trouble, is now represented by a High Commissioner of extraordinary tact, the problem of Danzig must in any case come up for discussion, to be solved at the latest when this calamitous institution finally comes to an end. I regarded the peaceful settlement of this problem as a further contribution to a final relaxation of European tension. For this détente is assuredly not to be achieved by the agitations of demented war-mongers, but by the removal of real elements of danger.

After the problem of Danzig had been discussed several times some months ago, I have now made a concrete offer to the Polish Government. I will reveal this offer to you, members of the Reichstag, and you yourselves shall judge whether it does not represent the greatest concession conceivable in the interests of European peace. As I have already pointed out, I have always seen that an outlet to the sea was absolutely necessary for Poland and have consequently taken this necessity into consideration. I am no democratic statesman, but a National Socialist and a realist. I consider it however necessary to make it clear to the Government in Warsaw that just as they desire access to the sea, so Germany needs access to her province of East Prussia. Now these are all difficult problems. It is not Germany who is responsible for them however, but rather the jugglers of Versailles, who in maliciousness and thoughtlessness deposited hundreds of powder barrels all over Europe, each equipped with a hardly extinguishable lighted fuse.

In return Germany is prepared:

• z. to recognize all Polish economic rights in Danzig,

• 3. thereupon to accept the frontiers between Germany and Poland and to regard them as final.

• to negotiate concerning the question of a substitute for the League Commissioner and

• to consider facilities for transit traffic through the Corridor.

I sincerely regretted this attitude of the Polish Government which was incomprehensible to me, but that alone is not the decisive factor. Far worse is the fact that Poland, like Czecho-Slovakia a year ago, now believes, under the pressure of lying international agitation, that she must call up troops, although Germany on her part has not called up a single man and has not thought of taking any kind of action against Poland. As I have said, this is in itself very regrettable and posterity will one day decide whether it was really right to refuse this proposition made this once by me. This—as I have said—was an endeavour on my part to solve a question, intimately affecting the whole German people, by a truly unique compromise, and to solve it to the advantage of both countries.

Germany's alleged aggressive intentions, a mere figment of the international press, led, as you know, to the so-called guarantee offers and to Poland's incurring an obligation for mutual assistance, which would also under certain circumstances compel her to take military action against Germany in the event of a conflict between Germany and any other Power, in which Britain, in her turn, would be involved.

A subsequent extension of these obligations is contrary to the terms of the German-Polish non-aggression pact.

and not the success of the methods as such, but rather the general good which has accrued form such methods.

I hope that all British people understand that we do not possess the slightest feeling of inferiority to Britishers. Our historical past is too tremendous for that!

Britain has given the world many great men, and Germany no fewer. The severe struggle to maintain the life of our people has in the course of three centuries cost us a sacrifice in lives which, given only for the defence of the Reich, far exceeds that which other peoples have had to make in order to maintain their existence. If Germany, a country which was for ever being attacked, was not able to retain her possessions, but was compelled to sacrifice many of her provinces, this was due solely to her political misdevelopment and resulting impotence! That condition has now been overcome. Therefore, we Germans do not feel in the least inferior to the British nation. Our self-esteem is just as great as an Englishman's pride in England. In the history of our people, now of some two thousand years' standing, there are deeds and events enough to fill us with sincere pride.

be possible. This will and this conviction are still mine to-day.

I am, however, now compelled to state that the policy of Britain is both unofficially and officially leaving no doubt but that such a conviction is no longer shared in London, and that, on the contrary, the opinion prevails there that, no matter in what conflict Germany might some day be entangled, Great Britain would always have to take her stand against Germany. Thus a war against Germany is taken for granted in that country. I profoundly regret such a development, for the only claim I have ever made, and shall continue to make, on Britain is that for the return of our colonies. But I made it perfectly clear that this would never become the cause of a military conflict. I have always held that the British, to whom those colonies are of no value, would one day appreciate the German position and would then value German friendship higher than the possession of territories which, while yielding no real profit whatever to them, are of vital importance to Germany.

Apart from this, however, I have never advanced a claim which might in any way have interfered with British interests or have become a danger to the British Empire and thus have done any kind of harm to Britain. I have always kept within the bounds of such demands as are most intimately connected with Germany's living space and thus with the eternal property of the German nation. Since Britain to-day, both through the press and officially, expresses the view that Germany should be opposed under all circumstances, and confirms this by the policy of encirclement known to us, the basis for the Naval Treaty has been removed. I have, therefore, resolved to send to-day a communication to this effect to the British Government.

This is to us not a matter of practical material importance—for I still hope that we shall be able to avoid an arma-

ments race with Britain—but a matter of self-respect. Should the British Government, however, wish to enter once more into negotiations with Germany on this problem, no one would be happier than I at the prospect of perhaps still being able to come to a clear and straightforward understanding.

In his speech in the Reichstag on 28 April, the Fuehrer wrote 'finis' to six years of sincere and patient endeavour to secure the friendship of Poland. Nevertheless, even at this moment, he once again made offers of peace and declared himself prepared, in the name of Germany, to discuss a new treaty. Poland did not make use of this opportunity, but chose to reply by a haughty speech from M. Beck on 5 May, by increased anti-German agitation and by an unending stream of war-mongering speeches and newspaper articles. Finally it was admitted in well-informed Polish circles that M. Beck had capitulated not only to Polish chauvinism but also to the British encirclement policy.

No. 50 (216)

Report

(Translation)

Warsaw, 23 May 1939

Some days ago I had an opportunity of conversing with the Under-Secretary of State, M. Arciszewski. The following points of the conversation struck me as noteworthy:

This version may be slightly coloured. Yet various observations made coincide in so far as M. Beck, in the course of the last few months, had lost more and more followers in pursuing the policy towards Germany initiated by Marshal Pilsudski. When later on there was the possibility of obtaining a British guarantee for the Polish western frontiers, it was obviously military circles who brought about this change of policy. M. Beck then saw himself forced to join in this policy, if only for the reason that otherwise he could not have kept his position.

In May, Poland finally rejected Germany's proposal for an amicable agreement. Britain allowed four months to elapse without doing anything to persuade Poland to take steps with regard to the resumption of negotiations with Germany. On the contrary, the effect of Britain's support made itself felt in the overhearing attitude of the Poles. At the beginning of May, this state of affairs was the subject of a conversation between M. Coulondre, the French Ambassador, and Baron von Weizsäcker, State Secretary, who drew attention to the Polish attitude. Meantime, however, Britain was relentlessly pursuing her policy of encircling the Axis Powers. As early as 12 May, Mr. Chamberlain intimated in the House of Commons that a temporary Anglo-Turkish agreement of mutual assistance had been reached whilst, on the other hand, Britain and France were carrying to the verge of self-abasement their efforts to win over the Soviet Union. At that time, a telegram sent by the German Consul-General in New York to the German Foreign Office made it perfectly clear that the conviction existed in American circles that Britain intended in any case to strike.

No. 51 (304)

Telegram

(Translation)

New York, 25 May 1939

The business man is said to have mentioned September as a favourable time for British action, while other reports from Wall Street mention a later date, perhaps October.

A recent declaration of the British Chancellor of the Exchequer in the House of Commons, warning British business circles from further investment of capital in American securities, lest it should denude the British money market, is looked upon as a confirmation of these views by circles in close touch with Wall Street.

During June, a final agreement was reached between Mr. Chamberlain, that is to say the British Government, and the Churchill-Eden faction, the only possible basis for such an agreement being a preventive war waged by Britain against Germany. Finally, on 23 June, a Franco-Turkish declaration of

No. 52 (313)

Report

(Translation)

London, 29 June 1939

The final result is not known. One is justified in assuming, however, that the Chief Command in Western Europe will be placed in French hands. The question of the Commander-in-Chief's responsibility to an inter-allied body has, however, apparently not yet been settled. As questions put in Parliament prove, great importance is attached to this on the part of Britain. In the House of Commons, on 14 June, the Prime Minister confined himself to imparting only very guarded information on the subject, from which it may be assumed that the question of the Command-in-Chief was not finally settled at that time. From what I hear, the French are said

to have proved very difficult, making exaggerated claims, so that the British are by no means entirely satisfied.

By Order von Selzam

No. 53 (252)

The German Ambassador in London to the German Foreign Office

Report

(Translation)

London, 10 July 1939

The campaign of hate against Germany roused by the coup that Germany is alleged to be planning against Danzig has, after a few days, subsided by reason of its mendacity.

This should, in itself, indicate the close of this latest chapter in the efforts of our enemies to involve Germany in a world war, but the last few days have revealed a state of public feeling in Britain which deserves serious attention.

cinema, theatre and wireless. The only question on which some slight difference of opinion exists is whether war is inevitable or not. The average Englishman is guided by his feelings and thinks it is, but the more thoughtful minority answers "No", perceiving that the existing relations between Germany and England are such that with goodwill, it should be possible to settle all questions at issue, and that even a victorious war would not advantage anyone. These in themselves sensible circles are, however, influenced by their knowledge of the measures taken by Great Britain's armed forces:—The Fleet is to be in readiness by the end of July; military training and organization measures are to be completed by the same date. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

No. 54 (319)

Telegram

(Translation)

London, 15 July 1939

According to a report from a very reliable source, the fear evinced in leading political circles here of an arrangement between Germany and Russia has lately increased to a considerable degree. It is feared above all that the logical result of such a compromise would be an endeavour on the part of Poland to approach Germany now, since she can no longer reckon on the support of Russia.

From the point of view of home politics it is feared here that a German-Russian arrangement and a mitigation of the German-Polish controversy would cause unpleasant reactions which would be exceedingly detrimental to the effects of the Government's election slogan. The voters would ask why the Government had for so many months encouraged a pro-war atmosphere and had tried to build up a political front against Germany in spite of the fact that there had ceased to be any inner justification for such a procedure, owing to the development of a calmer atmosphere in the relations of Germany towards Russia and Poland respectively.

Dirksen

Towards the end of July, Britain declared herself prepared to enter upon military negotiations in order to secure the conclusion of an alliance with Soviet Russia at all costs, even before political negotiations had come to a conclusion. This was a proceeding concerning which Mr. Chamberlain remarked in the House of Commons that it was unprecedented in character.

No. 55 (323)

Telegram

(Translation)

Paris, 28 July 1939

From sources usually well-informed I have heard the following in regard to the Moscow negotiations:—

• 1. Britain and France want to avoid at any cost the postponement or breaking-off of the negotiations, because they believe that, as long as negotiations are being carried on, Germany will not undertake anything in Danzig. Political negotiations had reached a certain satisfactory stage after an agreement had been arrived at on all points apart from the definition of indirect aggression and the details regarding the rendering of assistance. So many military considerations are involved in the last point that it is impossible to proceed further without simultaneous military talks.
• 3. By means of a possible understanding to be arrived at between the military representatives, the politicians further hope to exert pressure with the object of overcoming the final difficulties, although it is felt that in military discussions Russia will broach not only the problem of the Border States but also the awkward problem of the tolerating of military assistance by Poland and Roumania.
• II. The conclusion of an Anglo-Japanese Agreement is said to have been utilized by the British in the course of the Moscow negotiations in the following manner:—

iong run, be exposed to steadily growing pressure on the part of Japan.

THIRD CHAPTER

Whilst German diplomatic and consular representatives in Poland were continually compelled to report to their Government fresh instances of violation of rights by the Polish authorities and excesses against the German minority, the representatives of the German minority attempted once more to check the worst injustices by submitting a petition to the President of Poland.

No. 56 (369)

(Translation)

12 May 1939

In the name of the German minority in Poland we appeal to you, Mr. President, in whom is vested the united and indivisible supreme power of state, to secure for the German minority respect for, and enforcement of, those rights guaranteed to it by the Constitution and the Law. We feel incumbent upon us to take this step because the almost innumerable representations made to the Government by word of mouth and in writing, although backed by conclusive evidence, have proved unavailing, and because we are mindful of the words which you, Mr. President, addressed on 5 November 1937 to the undersigned on the occasion of the agreement reached between the Polish and the German Governments concerning the treatment of the respective minorities. You emphasized at the time that mutual respect for the customs, habits and traditions of these two minorities was the most important prerequisite for harmonious co-existence of Poles and Germans.

Agrarian Reform affects German landowners to an incomparably greater degree than the Polish, whereas the allotment of land to Germans for settlement is an extremely rare occurrence. Even in case of direct inheritance, a German is not automatically entitled to possession of landed property.

The cultivation of spiritual, cultural, economic and personal relations, and intercourse with our mother-country are hindered. Adherence to the National-Socialist ideology is regarded as inimical to the interests of the Polish State. Anti-German elements frequently hinder, and in some cases even prevent Germans of the Roman Catholic faith from exercising their religious duties in their mother tongue and no protection is afforded them by the police. As regards Protestant churches, especially The United Protestant Church in Upper Silesia and The Protestant Augsburgian Church, the Germans, although constituting the overwhelming majority of Protestant congregations, have been deprived of their privileges.

in addition to the existing State Laws, with the object of preventing the granting of permission for the establishment of new German private schools and of barring pupils from attendance at such schools. Linguistic examinations, for which there is no legal justification, are held in the voivodeship of Silesia. German parents who refuse to send their children to Polish schools are heavily fined or imprisoned. Despite many years of endeavour to obtain a ruling, the question of textbooks in German private schools is still undecided. Teachers are frequently refused permission to give instruction. School supervision is exclusively in the hands of the Poles. The school supervisory authorities neither understand nor take into account the specific character of the German schools.

A summary of all these points has been before the Government for years in the form of memoranda and petitions. They are informed in full detail on all matters concerning the German minority. Ever since the promulgation of the Constitution on 17 March 1921, the representatives of the German minority have endeavoured to prevail upon the Government and the legislative bodies to pass supplementary laws for the enforcement of Article 109*. The ideal conception expressed in Article 109 has remained purely declaratory. The present conditions are due to the absence of clear legal provisions applicable to the minority. The German minority is firmly convinced that the treatment meted out to it is contrary to the Constitution and, in many cases, to the intentions of the legislator.

We are, &c. . . .

In the name of the German Minority

Dipl.-Ing. Rudolf Wiesner

* Article 109 of the Polish Constitution reads as follows:

Every citizen has the right to retain his nationality and to cultivate his mother-tongue and national characteristics.

As regards the activities of such associations, the State reserves the right to control or supplement their financial resources in case of necessity.

No. 57 (370)

(Translation)

odz. 15 May 1939

Sunday was peaceful, until in the evening the excesses began anew, and the crowd destroyed all German private property which had been left intact on the previous day.

No. 58 (385)

Report

(Translation)

Warsaw, 19 June 1939

On Tuesday the 13th inst., Senator Hasbach again called upon the Premier in order to make another attempt to bring about an improvement in the situation. Immediately afterwards, the heaviest blow so far was struck at the German minority, namely, the confiscation of the German House in Bromberg, the closing down and confiscation of the German House in Lodz, the Evangelisches Vereinshaus in Posen, and the German House in Tarnowitz. Investigations are still going on concerning the extensive action aimed at the suspension of the activity of all organizations in Volhynia.

Needless to say I shall discuss these extraordinarily grave measures taken by the authorities with the Polish Ministry for Foreign Affairs. On the strength of recent experience, I doubt, however, that they will feel inclined to alter their attitude towards the German minority. In my previous conversation with Count Szembek, on which I reported on 15 June, I most emphatically drew his attention to the threatened acumination of the situation as a whole, and the tremendously grave position of the German minority. I also expressed my astonishment at the fact that despite the already prevailing anti-German feeling of the population, which again and again resulted in new incidents, the author-

ities themselves took a part in rigorous administrative measures directed against the German minority.

Count Szembek referred to the confiscation of the Polish House at Ratibor, whereupon I replied to him that he knew very well that that was only a reprisal for the confiscation of the German Houses in Karwin and Oderberg, and that we were prepared to rescind the confiscation at Ratibor the moment the Polish authorities on their part rescinded the confiscations in Karwin and Oderberg. I told him that we were sliding downhill, and that we viewed future developments with great anxiety. In answer to my question as to whether he did not consider it advisable to put a stop to the dangerous policy of the home authorities, Count Szembek merely replied by a resigned shrug of his shoulders. He referred with regret to the rapid deterioration in the situation, but showed no initiative whatever as regards bringing about an abatement of hostilities as suggested by me.

It is a regrettable symptom that even a man like Count Szembek, who hitherto has always shown his willingness to remove difficulties, obviously no longer sees any possibility of counteracting the dangerous development. It is difficult to say whether this is due to the fact that the Ministry for Foreign Affairs do not want to intervene, or whether they cannot assert themselves in opposition to the Nationalist tendencies of the military. In my previous reports I have again and again drawn attention to how difficult the position of M. Beck, the Minister for Foreign Affairs, has become during the past few months, and how the military circles have gained increasing influence on Polish foreign policy. I have not gained the impression that the situation has changed in any way.

No. 59 (400)

During the month of June the Polish authorities carried out severe measures against the German organizations in Volhynia. Economically the Germans were hit by the closing of numerous German co-operative societies. The measures taken by the Polish police against the German organizations, which are fought with the same means as the political and economic corporations of the Ukrainians, are especially brutal. Generally the Polish police proceeds in such a manner that the leaders of the local groups are ill-treated until they sign an obligation to dissolve the local group. The leader of the local group in Haraždže near Luck was subjected to particularly cruel ill-treatment. Similar cases have become known to me from the following German settlements in Volhynia: Wicentówka, Stanisławka, Stary Zapust, Podhajce, and Ochocin.

No. 60 (407)

(Translation)

Lemberg, 9 August 1939

The German employees and workmen both in state-owned and private Polish works have been systematically dismissed during the last few months. Even the manager of a paper mill owned by a member of the German minority has been already officially reprimanded by the starosta, because too many Germans were employed. Thus even in works owned by members of the German minority the opportunities for finding work are limited. The second and third sons of farmers are gradually finding every prospect of work blocked.

In the villages with a mixed population, the Germans are under constant pressure, owing to the hostile attitude of the Poles. In the case of an aggravation of the German-Polish tension they will have to expect the worst, even incendiarism and danger to life. Some weeks ago nearly the whole village of Schönthal was wilfully destroyed by fire. At another place an attempt was made to set fire to the crops. Young Germans in Galicia see that the future no longer contains possibilities for them; they are ruthlessly oppressed by being subjected to chicanery, flogging, etc. Consequently, about two months ago an unrestrained exodus set in, which deprived some German settlements e. g. Josefsberg of almost their entire young male population.

No. 61 (410)

Berlin, 16 August 1939

Vice-Consul Schüller of the German Consulate-General in Kattowitz just telephoned from Beuthen as follows:

Schliep

No. 62 (412)

The German Consul-General at Kattowitz to the German Foreign Office

Telegram

(Translation)

Nöldeke

No. 63 (415)

Memo by an official in the Political Department of the German Foreign Office

(Translation)

Berlin, 20 August 1939

During the last few months the German Foreign Office has continually received reports from the German Consulates in Poland about the cruel maltreatment to which members of the German minority are subjected by the Poles who have been more and more lashed to fury and have abandoned themselves to unbridled fanaticism. In the annex thirty-eight especially grave cases have been collected, in which the remarkable similarity is to be noticed with which the assaults on minority Germans are staged. This seems to justify the question to what degree these excesses are tolerated or fomented by the authorities. In spite of the assurances repeatedly given to the German Embassy in Warsaw by competent Polish authorities, according to which the Polish Government were exerting all their influence in order to prevent the persecutions of Germans, one cannot but get the impression that the excesses against the Germans are fomented as far as possible by official quarters in order thus to maintain the war spirit of the Polish nation.

Bergmann

Annex

(Translation)

• 3. On 19 April 1939, the minority Germans Peter Kordys and Richard Mateja, of Kattowitz, were attacked by about forty Insurgents. The two Germans were so beaten that Kordys fled covered with blood, and Mateja was left lying there, seriously injured. He was carried away by the police, and thrown into prison, without medical examination or treatment.
• 6. On 28 April, Fritz Köppke, of Zbiczno in the district of Strasburg, a minority German, was attacked by members of the Polish Reservists Association, and so brutally manhandled that he had two ribs fractured. For weeks he had to stay in bed and was unfit for work.

8. On 3 May, Franz Hybiorz, a minority German, of Bijasowice, was attacked by about twenty Poles in Reservist's uniforms and so brutally beaten with rubber truncheons that he remained lying unconscious in the street.

there was little hope of their recovery, numerous other minority Germans were more slightly injured.

• 14. On 16 May 1939, Leo Krawczyk, an Insurgent, attacked Adelheid Cichy, a minority German, in Kattowitz. He kicked her in the groin with his boot and tried to throw her down the stairs of the house. Frau Cichy received numerous injuries in the head, thigh, groin, and hands.
• 17. On 27 May, Josef Mazur, of Kobior, a minority German, was attacked by a large group of Poles. He was knocked unconscious with rubber truncheons. In the medical examination, numerous effusions and cuts in the head, face, and ears were found, as well as numerous welts of a reddish blue colour and covered with clotted blood on the chest, back and buttocks.
• 18. On 29 May, Albert Kränk, a country labourer, of Kzywka, was attacked by two Poles, who had disguised their faces, while working in the fields. His penis and left testicle were so severely injured by stabs and blows that he had to be taken to the hospital of Lessen for treatment.
• 19. On 29 May 1939, Stühmer, of Neudorf in the district of Briesen, a minority German, was arrested and struck dead by the Poles when he was about to cross the frontier. His body, very badly mutilated, was identified by his relatives in the hospital of Graudenz.
• 21. On 2 June, Theodor Stehr, a minority German of Konstantynow, was attacked by a Pole. When he offered resistance, four more Poles hastened to the spot and beat him to such a degree that he collapsed and had to be taken to hospital with a fractured rib and other injuries.
• 24. In the night of 11 June 1939, the minority German Anton Podszwa, of Trzyniec, an innkeeper, was shot dead on his way home by persons unknown.
• 26. On 17 June, the minority German, Fritz Reinke, of Tonowo in the district of Znin, was knocked down from behind by two Polish farm hands with battens taken from a wooden fence. The Poles continued beating Reinke when he was lying on the ground, so that he had numerous deep cuts and effusions in the head, face, shoulders, arms, and hands, and is incapacitated for work for the time being.
• 28. On 20 June 1939, the minority Germans, Völpel, Dilk, and Sawadski, all leading members of the Haraždže branch (district of Luck) of the Young German Party, were summoned to the chief of police. Völpel was so maltreated with blows that his lower lip was cut through; then a policeman kicked him in the abdomen several times and dragged him about by the hair till he signed his resignation from the Young German Party and, together with his friends, brought in a motion on the following day that the whole local branch should be voluntarily dissolved. A short time afterwards, the Polish Press reported that local branches of the Young German Party were being dissolved voluntarily on the grounds of their general outlook (Weltanschauung).
• 33. On 23 July, three Polish soldiers forcibly entered the home of the minority German Ewald Banek, of Sypiory in the district of Schubin, and asked for food and drinks. After having received them free of charge, they insulted the members of the family present and set upon them. Banek was badly wounded in the left shoulder and right arm by stabs with a bayonet. At the same time Polish soldiers forced their way into the home of the minority German Arthur Pahlke and tried to rape Frau Pahlke. When Pahlke tried to protect his wife, he was very severely maltreated.

tortured by applications of electric current. After a long stay in hot rooms they were given salt water as a beverage. The minority German Schienemann, still resident in Sieradz, has had his health completely ruined, and during the inquisition lost nearly all his teeth.

(Translation)

Berlin, 23 August 1939

Bergmann

No. 65 (417)

Report

28 August 1020

These minority Germans have, in all probability, been driven into one of the numerous concentration camps.

von Küchler

The German Ambassador in Warsaw to the German Foreign Office

Report

(Translation)

Warsaw, 1 August 1939

The greatest part of the Polish intelligentsia comes from classes which before and during the Great War fought the revolutionary struggle against the so-called Partition Powers. To-day this Polish intelligentsia administer the State, their posts as civil servants being their only source of subsistance. They consider themselves the mainstay of Polish nationalism and of the Polish State, and their nationalistic revolutionary tradition has filled them with a national fanaticism which is not easily shaken by hostile propaganda. The great landowners and the upper middle class, though too unimportant in numbers to be reckoned as a special factor, are intimately connected with French culture and therefore do not fall far short of the rest of the intelligentsia in their dislike of Germany.

Special attention must be paid to the activities of the Polish clergy, whose influence is extremely great because of the strong religious feeling prevalent in all classes. As far as their personal influence on the population is concerned, they put themselves the more willingly and unreservedly at the disposal of the Polish anti-German propaganda as their own aims completely coincide with those of the State. They preach to the nation that Poland is on the verge of waging a holy war against German neo-paganism, and they can hardly be surpassed in their chauvinism. Thus some priests in rural districts are reported to have already held services of intercession for Polish victory and to have declared that they could not pray for peace because they were all for

for a Polish victory.

its share to parry the blow. It is better therefore not to exaggerate these occurrences and their consequences.

Just as the Polish campaign of extermination against the German minority was gradually approaching a climax, Polish acts of provocation against Danzig increased in number and seriousness. Poland having declared any alteration of the status of Danzig as constituting a casus belli, and being supported by Britain in this matter, Danzig was prepared for the worst, in view of the fact that Britain had given Poland carte blanche. As early as May 1939, Polish aircraft and Polish soldiery were responsible for frontier incidents. The Polish garrison on the Westerplatte was strengthened in violation of existing treaties, and troops were concentrated on the Danzig frontier. At Kalthof, a citizen of Danzig was killed on 20 May by shots fired from a car belonging to the Polish Diplomatic Agency. This murder was then actually made the subject of an exchange of notes by Poland, in which she adopted a highly provocative tone. At the same time Poland systematically increased the number of Polish customs inspectors, a step which forced the Danzig Senate to make a protest. Poland replied by threats and by a further increase of the Polish customs personnel.

was to subject Danzig to an economic blockade. The representative of the Polish minority in the Danzig Diet openly declared at a demonstration at Gdynia on 29 June, "that the Polish population of Danzig would, with the aid of the Polish army, achieve the reunion of Danzig with the mother-country." Tension reached a climax as a result of a Polish ultimatum issued on the night of 4 August, the pretext given for which was a decree falsely alleged to have been issued by the Danzig Senate.

No. 67 (432)

The Diplomatic Representative of the Polish Republic in Danzig to the President of the Senate of the Free City of Danzig

Herr Arthur Greiser, Danzig

I learn that the local Danzig customs officials stationed on the frontier between the Free City of Danzig and East Prussia have declared in an unparalleled statement to the Polish customs officials, that the Danzig executives intend from 7 o'clock a. m. on 6 August onwards to oppose a certain number of Polish inspectors in the exercise of their normal duties, which functions are a part of the prerogatives of the Polish Government on the customs frontier. I am convinced that this act on the part of the local authorities depends either on a misunderstanding or on an erroneous interpretation of the instructions of the Senate of the Free City of Danzig.

In view of the fact that the above-mentioned action is one of a series which have taken place on the frontier, I am forced to warn you, Mr. President of the Senate, that all Polish customs inspectors have received the order to appear for duty in uniform and bearing arms, on 6 August of the current year and on subsequent days, at every point on the frontier which they consider necessary for examination of the customs. Every attempt made to hinder them in the exercise of their duties, every attack or intervention on the part of the police will be regarded by the Polish Government as an act of violence against the officials of the Polish State in the pursuance of their duties.

If the above-mentioned illegal actions should take place, the Polish Government will take retaliatory measures (retortions) without delay against the Free City, as the responsibility for them will rest entirely on the Senate of the Free City.

No. 68 (433)

(Translation)

Danzig, 4 August 1939

replying to so simple a matter. In the interest of avoiding threatening consequences, I note for the time being that no act of violence will be undertaken against our customs inspectors and that they will be able to proceed in a normal way with their duties. I must repeat nevertheless that the admonitions contained in my note of 4 August, 11.40 p. m. remain in force.

I have etc.,

Chodacki

No. 69 (434)

The President of the Senate of the Free City of Danzig to the Diplomatic Representative of the Polish Republic in Danzig

(Translation)

Danzig, 7 August 1939

Sir

In reply to your two notes dated the 4th of this month, the second of which I received on 5 August, I must express my astonishment to you that you should make a completely unverified rumour a pretext for sending the Danzig Government a short-term ultimatum from the Polish Government, and thus in this time of political unrest conjure up unfounded danger which may result in inconceivable disaster. The sudden decree of the Polish Government that all Polish customs officials on duty are to appear in uniform and bearing arms, is a breach of the arrangement agreed upon and can be understood only as an intentional provocation to bring about incidents and acts of violence of the most dangerous nature.

According to facts which I have since ascertained and concerning which I immediately telephoned to you on Saturday morning, the 5th inst., no order announcing that the Danzig executives from 6 August at 7 a. m. onwards are to oppose a certain number of Polish inspectors in the exercise of their

I refer you further to my letter of 3 June of this year, in which I already carefully defined the relationship of the Danzig customs officials and the Polish customs inspectors on the frontier.

I have etc.,

Greiser

No. 70 (436)

(Translation)

Berlin, 24 August 1939

Apart from the shelling of the Luft Hansa plane D-APUP off Hela which we reported yesterday two further reports regarding the shelling of aircraft have been received.—

No. 71 (437)

The German Consul-General in Danzig to the German Foreign Office

(Translation)

More detailed information following this morning.

Should the Polish Government insist on further lending their support to such measures, there would, in the opinion of the Reich Government, be no choice left to the Free City of Danzig, as matters lie, but to seek other export and consequently import possibilities.

Whatever discussions on the Danzig problem may have taken place between the Polish Government and the Government of the Reich, these had their foundation merely in the good will of the Government and did not arise out of any obligation whatsoever.

In reply to the aforesaid declaration of the Government of the Reich, the Polish Government are compelled to point out to the German Government that, as hitherto, they will in the future oppose by such means and measures as the Polish Government alone consider adequate, any attempt made by the authorities of the Free City of Danzig to jeopardize the rights and interests that Poland possesses in Danzig, on the basis of the agreements to which she is a part, and that the Polish Government will consider as an aggressive act any possible intervention of the Government of the Reich which may endanger these rights and interests.

A report from the High Command of the German Armed Forces to the German Foreign Office dated 3 November 1939,

The following is the result of an investigation of the military condition of the Westerplatte and of the former Polish buildings in Danzig carried out after the conclusion of military operations in Danzig:—

As regards fortifications ** on the Westerplatte, there were, apart from an old German open gun emplacement dating from 1911, in which three or four machine-guns with at least 10,000 rounds of ammunition were found, 5 concrete bunkers for machine-guns which had obviously been prepared before-hand by the Poles and built according to a well-planned system of reciprocal flanking. Moreover, the new barracks had been built so as to allow of easy defence on all sides, and the basement as well as the cellars in the so-called non-commissioned officiers' quarters had been built of concrete and equipped for defence. Finally there were found among other things:—one 7.5 centimetre gun and two anti-tank guns as well as a number of pill-boxes, palisades, and gunners' pits, ready for immediate action.

2. The following were the Polish bases within the precincts of Danzig: —

• 1. Polish Post Office, Heveliusplatz,
• 3. Head Office of the Polish Railways,
• 4. Polish Diplomatic Agency, Neugarten,
• 7. Polish residential flats, Neufahrwasser, Hindoriusstrasse,
• 9. Polish Secondary School,

Among other things the following war material was found and secured when the buildings were occupied:—

• In the Main Railway Station:— 1 light machine-gun and small arms.

• 6. In the Polish Customs Inspection Office, Opitzstrasse:—
     15 rifles and 1,000 rounds of ammunition.
• 7. In the Polish Boy Scouts' Home:— 1 machine-gun with ammunition and 20 rubber truncheons.

The Chief of the High Command of the German Armed Forces.

By Order Bürkner

• * According to the Resolution of 9 December 1925, the Council of the League of Nations granted Poland the right to keep a military guard of 2 officers, 20 non-commissioned officers and 66 men on the Westerplatte.
• ** By virtue of the Resolution of the Council of the League of Nations of 14 March 1924, referred to in § 2 of the Provisional Agreement of 4 August 1928 between Danzig and Poland regarding the Westerplatte, the latter was placed exclusively at the disposal of the Polish Government for the storage of war material. Apart from this, the sovereignty of Danzig over this territory remained unimpaired, a fact also recognized by the Polish Government (cf. the Advisory Opinion of the jurists, Sir Cecil Hurst and Signor Pilotti, submitted to the Council of the League of Nations on 8 December 1927 by the Rapporteur of the Council. League of Nations, Official Journal 1928, pp. 161—162).

Berlin, 15 August 1939

To-day the French Ambassador called on me after his return from leave. The Ambassador calmly and firmly expressed approximately the following views on the present situation: France had taken up her position. Her relations to Poland and Britain were known. A conflict between Germany and Poland would automatically involve France. That was a fact and not the wish of France. On the contrary, there was nothing France desired more urgently than a German-Polish compromise, especially with regard to Danzig. He hoped that a settlement of this special question would also bring about a general German-Polish détente. This, in short, was the impression he had received during his last conversation with M. Daladier and M. Bonnet. His latest impression in Berlin, however, was that of a certain aggravation in the situation. He was especially disturbed by the fact that the latest German utterances repeatedly mentioned the question of honour; that obviously meant a serious aggravation of the situation.

I thereupon confirmed M. Coulondre's impression that the situation had changed since his going on leave in July. I then went back rather far and expounded the necessary arguments to characterize the unbridled suicidal policy of Poland. I spoke to M. Coulondre of Poland's Note to Danzig of the Saturday before last, which amounted to an ultimatum, of the aggressive tone in the exchange of opinions between Berlin and Warsaw last week, of the provocative utterances of the inspired Polish Press, of the continuous measures for suppressing, impeding, banishing Germans etc. adopted by Polish subordinate authorities (in this connection I showed M. Coulondre a list which had just arrived). I interpreted all this as being the practical

As instructed, I then spoke in a very grave and warning tone and disputed M. Coulondre's statements most emphatically. The Polish Government, I pointed out, did not really govern the country. Paris apparently did not know what "Polish mismanagement" meant. The Polish Government must be out of their wits, otherwise threats amounting to an ultimatum, as lately applied to Danzig, could not have been pronounced by Polish diplomats. Such excesses only proved Poland's implicit confidence in her two big brothers in the West, who would surely help her. We could and would no longer stand the continuation of such an attitude on the part of Poland. Poland was running amok and thus bringing her fate upon herself. Poland's folly, like every other folly, I continued, had certain merits:

• r. Poland's friends could see what they themselves had brought about and

I urgently requested the Ambassador to inform himself of Poland's real attitude and to rid himself of his completely erroneous idea regarding the behaviour of his ally. He would surely draw the correct conclusions.

Finally the Ambassador said that his Government would not consent to bringing any pressure to bear on Warsaw as they had done on Prague last year. The situation had changed since then.

Berlin, 15 August 1939

After a long interval the British Ambassador to-day came to see me to discuss the situation. He asked me without much preamble about the result of Count Ciano's visit to Salzburg.

When we were discussing the question of the customs inspectors, Sir Nevile Henderson made an assertion about German smuggling of arms and an extensive militarization of Danzig. He said that Polish rights and interests were affected by this without Poland having remonstrated. I most emphatically contested his view that the military measures taken in Danzig were unjustified. Danzig was only protecting itself against its protector. This I hoped was still permitted. I further explained how British policy had granted a jester's licence to the Polish Government, of which the Poles were now making full use. Britain would now have to realize where her policy of encirclement had led her, and would, I suppose, hardly be inclined or obliged to allow her Polish friends, who had completely lost their heads, to lead her to disaster.

The Ambassador then asked whether we could not take the initiative in arranging German-Polish negotiations. I there-

As far as I was concerned I said I was unable to offer any advice except that Poland should see reason as soon as possible with regard to the acute problem of Danzig and her general attitude towards us.

Sir Nevile Henderson left me, conscious of the gravity and precariousness of the situation.

Weizsäcker

Neither Britain nor France was willing to bring Poland to reason as regards her attitude towards the Reich and Danzig. Not even after the warning implied by the historic announcement of the conclusion of a non-aggression pact between Germany and the Soviet Union, was Britain prepared to bring her influence to bear upon Poland for the sake of peace. Mr. Chamberlain replied to this warning publicly and in a communication to the Fuehrer by repeating that Great Britain had no intention of withdrawing the carte blanche which she had granted to Poland and openly threatening declaration of war by the British Government in the event of German-Polish conflict.

10 Downing Street, Whitehall, 22 August 1939

Your Excellency will have already heard of certain measures taken by His Majesty's Government, and announced in the press and on the wireless this evening.

It has been alleged that, if His Majesty's Government had made their position more clear in 1914, the great catastrophe would have been avoided. Whether or not there is any force in that allegation, His Majesty's Government are resolved that on this occasion there shall be no such tragic misunderstanding.

success on any one of the several fronts on which it will be engaged should have been secured.

We have been, and at all times will be, ready to assist in creating conditions in which such negotiations could take place, and in which it might be possible concurrently to discuss the wider problems affecting the future of international relations, including matters of interest to us and to you.

At this moment I confess I can see no other way to avoid a catastrophe that will involve Europe in war.

Neville Chamberlain

From this letter and the comments made on it by the British Ambassador during a conversation with the Fuehrer at Berchtesgaden on 23 August, it became clear that Britain was not prepared to do anything beyond pronouncing a few noncommittal phrases in order to create the basis necessary in Warsaw for the resumption of direct negotiations between Germany and Poland. Nearly five months had been allowed to slip past, Poland had been encouraged in her overbearing attitude and now the task of bridging the gulf and thus enabling Poland to come to terms was foisted on Germany. In the course of this conversation, the Fuehrer left no room for doubt as to Britain's responsibility for the crisis in the Polish problem. He pointed out that Britain had always rejected Germany's friendly advances and would "rather have war than anything to Germany's advantage."

No. 78 (455)

Memo by Herr von Loesch, Interpreter

(Translation)

The British Ambassador began by saying that he was bringing a letter on behalf of the British Government. Originally a more prominent person was to have done so, but the course of events had called for prompt action, especially as the British Government had been much surprised by the news of the German-Soviet pact.

The Fuehrer replied that this should have been realized sooner. When the Ambassador raised the objection that the British Government had given guarantees and had to abide by them, the Fuehrer answered that he had made it clear in his reply that Germany was not responsible for the guarantees given by Britain, but that Britain was responsible for the consequences arising from these obligations. It was Britain's business to be clear on this point. He had informed the Polish Government that every further persecution of the Germans in Poland would result in immediate action on the part of the Reich. On the other hand, as he had heard, Mr. Chamberlain had provided for increased military preparations in Britain. German preparations had been limited to purely defensive measures. "Should I", said the Fuehrer, "hear of

When the Ambassador remarked that war would then be unavoidable, the Fuehrer repeated his statement about mobilization.

He pointed out that people in Britain were always talking about the "poisoned atmosphere". The fact was that the "atmosphere" had been "poisoned" by Britain. Had it not been for Britain he would have come to a peaceful understanding with Czecho-Slovakia last year, and the same would have certainly been achieved this year with Poland in the Danzig question. Britain alone was responsible—of this the whole of Germany was firmly convinced. To-day in Poland hundreds of thousands of minority Germans were ill-treated, dragged away to concentration camps and driven from their homes. He had extensive documentary evidence on the subject, which, so far, he had refrained from publishing. Britain had given a blank cheque for all this, and now she would have to pay up. Now that Britain had given a guarantee, he, the Fuehrer, had seen himself compelled to take up a firm attitude on this question. He could not permit tens of thousands of fellow Germans to be slaughtered just because of a British whim.

The Fuehrer continued by saying that Mr. Chamberlain could not have devised a better plan to make all Germans rally round him, the Fuehrer, than that of standing up for Poland and for a pro-Polish settlement of the Danzig question. He saw no possibilities in negotiations, because he was convinced that the British Government were not at all interested in a settlement. He could only repeat once more that a general mobilization would be proclaimed in Germany if further military measures were adopted by Britain. The same held good for France.

The Fuehrer then explained that at the least attempt on the part of Poland to take further action against Germany or against Danzig, he would immediately intervene, and furthermore, that a mobilization in the West would be answered by a German mobilization. The Ambassador: "Is this a threat?"—The Fuehrer: "No, a protective measure!"—

Against this the Ambassador protested, stating that Britain did not want to destroy Germany.

Sir Nevile Henderson drew attention to the fact that the change in the British attitude dated from 15 March, to which the Fuehrer replied that Poland had become excited on her own account over the Carpatho-Ukraine. Moreover the internal state of affairs in Czecho-Slovakia had become unbearable for Germany. Bohemia and Moravia, after all, owed their culture and civilization to Germans and not to Englishmen. He was convinced that the best possible solution had been reached in Czechia. President Hacha had been happy to find a way out of the crisis; it did not, of course, matter to Britain whether or not there was shooting in the heart of Europe.

Finally the Fuehrer assured the Ambassador that he had no wish to reproach him and that he had always appreciated what the British Ambassador personally had done for German-British friendship.

Sir Nevile Henderson remarked that according to Clause-

The Fuehrer said that Germany had never undertaken anything that could harm Britain; in spite of that Britain was taking sides against Germany. He once more referred to the question of Danzig and Poland, in which the British point of view was "rather to have war than anything to Germany's advantage".

Sir Nevile Henderson then stressed the fact that he personally had never believed in a pact between Britain, France and Russia. His opinion was that Russia by the delay only wanted to get rid of Mr. Chamberlain, in order ultimately to profit by a war. He personally would sooner see Germany conclude a treaty with Russia than that Britain should do so.

The Fuehrer answered: "Make no mistake. It will be a treaty lasting for many years."

The conversation ended with the Fuehrer's statement that the Ambassador would receive a written reply in the afternoon. von Loesch The German point of view is clearly summarized in the written reply sent by the Fuehrer to Mr. Chamberlain on 23 August 1939, in which he referred not only to the absence of any direct cause for dispute with Britain, the moderation and justice of the German demands to Poland, the repercussions of the British guarantee, the critical turn in the Danzig situation, the persecution of the German minority in Poland and the realization of Britain's determination to force a war, but also to Germany's determination to meet the threatening force of Britain with the force of the Reich and to reply to military measures on the part of Britain by German mobilization. The communication reads as follows:—

No. 79 (456)

23 August 1939

Your Excellency,

I beg to reply to your letter as follows:

2. The German Reich, however, has, like every other state, certain interests which it is impossible for it to renounce and which lie within the category which Germany's past history and her economic necessities have rendered of vital importance. Certain of these problems were, and are, of the utmost importance to any German government both from a national and from a psychological point of view.

One of these problems is that of the German City of Danzig and the problem of the Polish Corridor connected therewith. Only a few years ago this fact was recognized by numerous statesmen, by authorities in historical research and literary men, even in Britain. I should like to add that the civilization of all those areas which come within the sphere of German interests aforementioned, and especially of those provinces which have returned to the Reich within the past 18 months, was developed not by Englishmen but exclusively by Germans, and, in part, over a thousand years ago.

• 3. Germany was prepared to settle the problem of Danzig and of the Polish Corridor by a very generous proposal, made once only, and by means of negotiations. The assertions disseminated by Great Britain with regard to the mobilization of German troops against Poland, the assertion concerning aggressive intentions with regard to Roumania, Hungary, etc., as also the more recent so-called guarantees given to Poland, effectually destroyed any inclinations on the part of Poland to negotiate on a basis which would at the same time be acceptable to Germany.

• a wave of unspeakable terror against the 1½ million Germans domiciled in Poland. The atrocities which have taken place there since that time were terrible indeed for those on whom they were inflicted, but intolerable for the German Reich, which, as one of the Great Powers, was expected to watch them idly. In regard to the Free City of Danzig, Poland has, on countless occasions, infringed its rights, sent demands which were in the nature of an ultimatum and begun a process of economic strangulation.

• 5. The Reich Government informed the Polish Government a short time ago that they were not inclined to accept these developments in silence, that they would not tolerate the dispatch of further Notes couched in the form of an ultimatum to Danzig, that they would not tolerate a continuance of acts of violence inflicted on the German section of the population, nor would they tolerate the ruin of the Free City of Danzig by means of economic pressure, that is to say, the destruction of the very existence of the population of Danzig by a form of customs blockade, nor would they tolerate the continuance of such acts of provocation against the Reich. Regardless of the above, a solution must and will be found for the problem of Danzig and of the Polish Corridor.
• 6. Your Excellency informs me in the name of the British Government that in the event of any act of interference on the part of Germany, you will be compelled to support Poland. I have taken due note of your statement and can assure you that it can in no way shake the determination of the Reich Government to protect the interests of the Reich as set forth in § 5. I likewise agree with your assurance that the ensuing war would, in this case, be a long one. If Germany is attacked by Britain, she is prepared and determined to fight. I have often declared to the German people and to the whole world that there can be no doubt as to the determination of the New German Reich to accept privation and misfortune in
• 7. The Reich Government have received information of the fact that the British Government intend to carry out mobilization measures, which in their nature are solely directed against Germany, as is stated in Your Excellency's note addressed to me. This is stated also to apply to France. As Germany never intended to adopt military measures other than those of a purely defensive nature against either Great Britain or France and, as has already been emphasized, never intended nor in the future intends to attack either Great Britain or France, the announcement which Your Excellency confirmed in your note can only constitute an intended threat against the Reich. I must, therefore, inform Your Excellency that in the event of such military measures being taken, I shall order the immediate mobilization of the German armed forces.
• 8. The question of a settlement of European problems in a peaceful spirit cannot be decided by Germany but chiefly by those who, since the crime of the Treaty of Versailles was committed, have steadily and obstinately opposed any peaceful revision of its terms. Only a change of attitude on the part of the Powers responsible for the Treaty can bring about a change for the better in the existing relations between Britain and Germany. During my whole life-time I have struggled to achieve a friendship between Britain and Germany, but the attitude adopted by British diplomacy, up to the present at least, has served to convince me of the hopelessness of such an attempt. If the future were to bring a change in this respect, none would welcome it more than I.

Adolf Hitler

Although the British Prime Minister's communication of 22 August and the speeches made on the following day by British statesmen betrayed a complete lack of comprehension

No. 80 (457)

Statement made by the Fuehrer to the British Ambassador, 25 August 1939, at 1.30 p. m.

(Translation)

• civil aeroplanes had been fired on. If the Polish Government declared themselves not responsible, this merely proved that they were unable to keep control over their own people.
• 3. The problem of Danzig and the Corridor would have to be solved. The British Prime Minister had made a speech which had done nothing towards bringing about a change in the German attitude. This speech might, if anything, give rise to a desperate and incalculable war between Germany and Britain, a war which would cause far greater bloodshed than that of 1914. In contrast to the last world war, Germany would not have to carry on a war on two fronts. The agreement concluded with Russia was unconditional and represented a turning point in the foreign policy of the Reich for the longest conceivable time. In no circumstance would Russia and Germany again take up arms against one another. Apart from this fact the agreements made with Russia would safeguard Germany, in economic respects also, for a war of the longest duration.

to give a personal undertaking for its existence and to stake the might of the German Reich to that end, provided that

• his colonial demands, which were limited and could be settled by peaceful negotiations, were fulfilled, for which he was prepared to concede a most protracted time-limit;
• he wished also to emphasize Germany's unalterable resolution never again to enter into a conflict with Russia.

The Fuehrer would then be prepared to enter into agreements with Great Britain which, as he had already emphasized, would not only, on the German side, in any case safeguard the existence of the British Empire, but if necessary would guarantee German assistance for the British Empire, irrespective of where such assistance might be required. The Fuehrer would then also be ready to accept a reasonable limitation of armaments, in accordance with the new political situation and economic requirements. Finally the Fuehrer renewed his assurance that he was not interested in western problems and that he did not for one moment consider any frontier correction in the west. The western line of fortifications, which had cost milliards, was the final frontier of the Reich in the west.

No. 81 (459)

Desiring to place on a permanent basis the collaboration between their respective countries resulting from the assurances of mutual assistance of a defensive character which they have already exchanged;

Have resolved to conclude an Agreement for that purpose and have appointed as their Plenipotentiaries:

His Excellency Count Edward Raczyński, Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the Polish Republic in London;

Who, having exchanged their Full Powers, found in good and due form, have agreed on the following provisions: —

Article 1

Should one of the Contracting Parties become engaged in hostilities with a European Power in consequence of aggression by the latter against that Contracting Party, the other Contracting Party will at once give the Contracting Party engaged in hostilities all the support and assistance in its power*.

Article 2

• (1) The provisions of Article 1 will also apply in the event of any action by a European Power which clearly threatened, directly or indirectly, the independence of one of the Contracting Parties, and was of such a nature that the Party in question considered it vital to resist it with its armed forces.

Party, the provisions of Article 1 will apply, without prejudice, however, to the rights of the other European State concerned.

Article 3

Article 4

Article s

Article 6

• (2) Should either of the Contracting Parties intend to give such an undertaking after the coming into force of the present

Agreement, the other Contracting Party shall, in order to ensure the proper functioning of the Agreement, be informed thereof.

Article 7

Should the Contracting Parties be engaged in hostilities in consequence of the application of the present Agreement, they will not conclude an armistice or treaty of peace except by mutual agreement.

Article 8

• (2) Unless denounced six months before the expiry of this period it shall continue in force, each Contracting Party having thereafter the right to denounce it at any time by giving six months' notice to that effect.

In faith whereof the above-named Plenipotentiaries have signed the present Agreement and have affixed thereto their seals.

Done in English in duplicate, at London, the 25th August, 1939. A Polish text shall subsequently be agreed upon between the Contracting Parties and both texts will then be authentic. (L. S.) Edward Raczyński (L. S.) Halifax

took place between M. Daladier, the French Premier, and the Fuehrer. In his reply, the Fuehrer once again explained in detail the German point of view on the German-Polish question and reiterated his firm resolve to recognize the existing German-French frontier as final.

No. 82 (460)

M. Daladier, the French Premier, to the Fuehrer, 26 August 1939

(Translation)

Paris, 26 August 1939

Your Excellency,

The French Ambassador in Berlin has brought your personal message to my knowledge.

Both convictions are fully compatible with one another.

To this day there is nothing which might prevent a peaceful solution of the international crisis in a spirit of honour and dignity for all nations as long as the same will for peace prevails on all sides.

Together with the good will of France I proclaim that of all her allies. I personally guarantee the readiness always shown by Poland to have mutual recourse to methods of free conciliation such as can be envisaged between the Governments of two sovereign nations. With a perfectly clear conscience I can give you an assurance that among the differences which have arisen between Germany and Poland with regard to the Danzig question, there is not a single one which could not be submitted to such a procedure with a view to finding a just and peaceful solution.

At so critical a moment I sincerely believe that no nobleminded person could understand how a war of destruction could be waged without a final attempt at a peaceful settlement between Germany and Poland having been undertaken. Your desire for peace could exercise its influence with full determination towards this end without detracting anything from Germany's honour. As Head of the French Government, desirous of attaining full harmony between the French and the German nation, yet bound on the other hand to Poland by ties of friendship and my pledged word, I am prepared to make every effort that an honourable man can make to bring this endeavour to a successful end.

Should French and German blood once more have to flow, just as it did twenty-five years ago, in an even longer and more murderous war, each nation will fight fully confident of its ultimate victory. Yet we can be sure that ruin and barbarity will be the most certain victors.

Daladier

No. 83 (461)

The Fuehrer to M. Daladier, the French Premier, 27 August 1939

(Translation)

Berlin, 27 August 1939

Your Excellency,

I appreciate the concern you have expressed. I have always been equally conscious of the grave responsibility placed upon those who must decide the fate of nations. As an ex-soldier, I know as well as you do the horrors of war. This spirit and knowledge have guided me in a sincere endeavour to remove all causes of conflict between our two nations. I once told the French people quite frankly that the return of the Saar territory would be the basis for the achievement of this aim. Once that territory was returned, I immediately solemnly renounced any further claims which might affect France. The German people approved of my attitude. As you were able to see for yourself when you were in Germany last, the German people, conscious of the way they themselves behaved,

The British attitude to the Fuehrer's proposals made on 25 August is contained in the Memorandum which was not handed to the Fuehrer by the British Ambassador until 10.30 p.m. on 28 August, after three precious days had been lost. In it the British Government refused to make any distinction between future German-British relations and the pacification of Europe on the one hand, and Polish intransigence on the other. They showed themselves fully aware, however, of the danger implied by the present situation on Germany's eastern frontier and agreed with Germany on the urgent necessity of reaching a speedy settlement. They therefore proposed that the next step should be the initiation of direct discussions between the German and Polish Governments and added that they had received definite assurances from the Polish Government that they were prepared to enter into discussions with the German Government con-

terning the German-Polish problems and that any settlement arrived at must be guaranteed by other Powers. We now know that in this statement the British Government did not scruple to mislead the Reich Government intentionally. The correspondence which passed between the British Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs and the British Ambassador in Warsaw, and which has since been published, proves that the assertion made in the British Memorandum of 28 August to the effect that the British Government had received a definite assurance of Poland's readiness to enter into direct discussions did not correspond with the actual facts.

No. 84 (463)

Memorandum from the British Government, handed to the Fuehrer by the British Ambassador, 28 August 1939, 10.30 p.m.

• 2. The Chancellor's message deals with two groups of questions: those which are the matters now in dispute between Germany and Poland, and those affecting the ultimate relations of Germany and Great Britain. In connection with these last, His Majesty's Government observe that the German Chancellor has indicated certain proposals which,

subject to one condition, he would be prepared to make to the British Government for a general understanding. These proposals are of course stated in very general form and would require closer definition, but His Majesty's Government are fully prepared to take them, with some additions, as subjects for discussion and they would be ready, if the differences between Germany and Poland are peacefully composed, to proceed so soon as practicable to such discussion with a sincere desire to reach agreement.

• 3. The condition which the German Chancellor lays down is that there must first be a settlement of the differences between German and Poland. As to that, His Majesty's Government entirely agree. Everything, however, turns upon the nature of the settlement and the method by which it is to be reached. On these points, the importance of which cannot be absent from the Chancellor's mind, his message is silent, and His Majesty's Government feel compelled to point out that an understanding upon both of these is essential to achieving further progress. The German Government will be aware that His Majesty's Government have obligations to Poland by which they are bound and which they intend to honour. They could not, for any advantage offered to Great Britain, acquiesce in a settlement which put in jeopardy the independence of a State to whom they have given their guarantee.

But, as was stated by the Prime Minister in his letter to the German Chancellor of the 22nd August. His Majesty's Government consider it essential for the success of the discussions which would precede the agreement that it should be understood beforehand that any settlement arrived at would be guaranteed by other Powers. His Majesty's Government would be ready if desired to make their contribution to the effective operation of such a guarantee.

If, as His Majesty's Government hope, such discussion lead to agreement the way would be open to the negotiation of that wider and more complete understanding between Great Britain and Germany which both countries desire.

• 5. His Majesty's Government agree with the German Chancellor that one of the principal dangers in the German-Polish situation arises from the report concerning the treatment of minorities. The present state of tension, with its concomitant frontier incidents, reports of maltreatment and inflammatory propaganda, is a constant danger to peace. It is manifestly a matter of the utmost urgency that all incidents of the kind should be promptly and rigidly suppressed and that unverified reports should not be allowed to circulate, in order that time may be afforded, without provocation on either side, for a full examination of the possibilities of settlement. His Majesty's Government are confident that both Governments concerned are fully alive to these considerations.

That such a settlement should be achieved seems to His Majesty's Government essential, not only for reasons directly arising in regard to the settlement itself, but also because of the wider considerations of which the German Chancellor has spoken with such conviction.

The Fuehrer, in his reply handed to the British Ambassador at 6.45 p.m. on 29 August, accepted the British proposal. He drew Britain's attention, however, to the fact that the situation on Germany's Eastern frontier was intolerable for a Great Power and that a state of affairs had now been reached in which continued acquiescence or even passive spectatorship was no longer possible. The Fuehrer further pointed out that perhaps only a few hours yet remained for the elimination of the state of acute tension. The Reich Government had for a long time past been attempting to open up a way for peaceful negotiations without, however, meeting with the support of the Polish Government. Despite their sceptical judgment of the prospects of the proposed direct negotiations, the Reich Government accepted the British proposal and agreed that through the mediation of the British Government, a Polish representative invested with plenipotentiary powers whose arrival they expected on Wednesday, 30 August, should come to Berlin. They would immediately draft proposals for a solution acceptable to themselves and would, if possible, make these proposals available for the British Government before the Polish negotiator arrived.

No. 85 (464)

The Fuehrer's Reply to the British Government, handed to the British Ambassador, 29 August 1939, 6.45 p.m.

(Translation)

Since the autumn of 1938 and for the last time in March 1939, verbal and written proposals have been submitted to the Polish Government, which, in consideration of the friendship then existing between Germany and Poland, might have led to a settlement of the questions under dispute which would have been acceptable to both parties. The British Government are aware that the Polish Government saw fit to reject these proposals finally in March of this year. At the same time the Polish Government made their rejection a pretext or an occasion for the adoption of military measures which have since then been continued on an ever-increasing scale. Poland had, in fact, mobilized as early as the middle of last month. In connection with the mobilization, numerous incidents took place in the Free City of Danzig at the instigation of the Polish authorities, and demands of a more or less threatening character amounting to an ultimatum were addressed to the Free City of Danzig. The closing of the frontier, which was at first in the nature of a customs measure, was afterwards carried out on military

lines and was extended to affect traffic with the object of bringing about the political disintegration and the economic ruin of this German community.

Furthermore, the large group of Germans living in Poland was subjected to atrocious and barbarous illtreatment and to other forms of persecution which resulted in some cases in the death by violence of many Germans domiciled there or in their deportation under the most cruel circumstances. Such a situation is intolerable for a Great Power and has now forced Germany after months of inactive spectatorship to undertake the necessary steps for the protection of her rightful interests. The German Government can only most seriously assure the British Government that a state of affairs has now been reached in which continued acquiescence or even passive spectatorship is no longer possible.

The Reich Government note with satisfaction that the British Government are also convinced on principle that some solution must be found for the state of affairs which has now developed. They further consider they may assume that the British Government entertain no doubt on the fact that this is a state of affairs which can no longer be remedied in a matter of days or even weeks but for the elimination of which perhaps only a few hours yet remain. For in view of the disorganized state of Poland we must at any moment be prepared for the possibility of events occurring which Germany could not possibly tolerate.

unable to share such an opinion. They have already tried to open up a way for peaceful negotiations of this nature, without meeting with the support of the Polish Government, and only seeing their efforts rejected by the abrupt initiation of measures of a military character in accordance, with the general development indicated above.

There are two factors which the British Government con-

To that, the Reich Government desire to make the following statement:

Despite their sceptical judgment of the prospects of such direct negotiations, the Reich Government are nevertheless prepared to accept the English proposal, and to enter into direct discussions. They do so solely because—as already emphasized—the written communication from the British Government, which they have received, gives them the impression that the latter also desire a friendly agreement along the lines indicated to their Ambassador, Sir Nevile Henderson. The German Government desire in this way to give to the British Government and to the British people a proof of the sincerity of the German intention of arriving at a state of permanent friendship with Great Britain.

The Reich Government nevertheless feel bound to point out to the British Government that in the case of a reorganization of the territorial conditions in Poland, the Reich Government are no longer in a position to take upon themselves any guarantees, or to participate in any guarantees, without the co-operation of the U. S. S. R.

The Reich Government in their proposals moreover never had the intention of attacking vital Polish interests or of

The German Chargé d'Affaires in Warsaw to the German Foreign Office

Telephone message, 30 August 1939, 5.30 p.m.

(Translation)

Britain therefore allowed more than twenty-four hours to elapse without establishing direct contact as suggested by herself and agreed to by Germany.

The only course left open to the Reich Minister for Foreign Affairs in these circumstances was to state that Poland's reply had been to order general mobilization and that Germany had waited in vain for the arrival of a Polish representative. In order to show what Germany had intended to propose to the Polish plenipotentiary, the Reich Minister for Foreign Affairs read aloud the German proposals which had been drawn up meantime and which, tabulated in the form of sixteen points, represented the fairest possible solution of the questions under dispute and were intended by the German Government to form a basis for negotiation.

No. 87 (466)

Conversation of the Reich Minister for Foreign Affairs with the British Ambassador, 30 August 1939, at midnight

(Translation)

Memo by Dr. Schmidt, Minister Plenipotentiary

Complete restraint was only to be expected from the Polish Government if the German Government adopted the same attitude on their side of the frontier and if no provocation by the German minority in Poland took place. Reports were current to the effect that the Germans in Poland committed acts of sabotage which would justify the adoption of the most severe counter-measures by the Polish Government. The Reich Minister for Foreign Affairs objected strongly to this remark. Germany, he said, was aware only of acts of provocation committed by the Poles, but Polish propaganda appeared to have done its work with the British Government. The most outrageous acts of sabotage were committed by the Poles. He refused to discuss this matter at all with the British Government.

Sir Nevile Henderson's further instructions referred to the German Government's reply of the previous day, in which the German Government had declared themselves prepared to establish direct contact with Poland if the Polish Government would immediately despatch a plenipotentiary. The British Government were not in a position to advise the Polish Government to accept this procedure. They suggested that the German Government should adopt the normal diplomatic way i. e. hand their proposals to the Polish Ambassador in order to set matters going and make it possible for the Polish Ambassador to co-operate with his Government in preparing for direct German-Polish negotiations. If the German Government would also communicate these proposals to the British Government and the latter were of the opinion that the proposals constituted a reasonable basis for a settlement of the problems to be dicussed, they would use their influence in Warsaw to achieve a settlement.

The Reich Minister for Foreign Affairs replied in the first place that British intervention had up till now led to only one tangible result, namely, general mobilization on the part of Poland, and secondly that Germany had been counting on the arrival of a Polish representative that day. This had not constituted an ultimatum, as the British Ambassador had erroneously assumed, but, as the Fuehrer had already explained on the previous day, a practical proposal dictated by prevailing conditions. By midnight Germany had received no answer from Poland. The question of a possible proposal therefore no longer existed. In order to show, however, what proposals Germany had intended to make if the Polish representative had come, the Reich Minister for Foreign Affairs read aloud the German proposals contained in the Annex** and explained them in detail.

Sir Nevile Henderson replied that the statement of the Reich Minister for Foreign Affairs that in consequence of the non-arrival of the Polish representative by midnight on Wednesday the proposals which the German Government had originally intended to make no longer held good, seemed to confirm his interpretation of the proposal as an ultimatum.

The Reich Minister for Foreign Affairs once more emphatically opposed this conception and referred to the statement made by the Fuehrer on the previous day that this urgency was the outcome of the fact that two fully mobilized armies were standing face to face within firing distance of each other and that at any moment some incident might lead to serious conflict.

In conclusion, Sir Nevile Henderson suggested that the Reich Minister for Foreign Affairs should ask the Polish Ambassador to call on him and hand him the German proposals.

The Reich Minister for Foreign Affairs rejected this suggested procedure as far as he personally was concerned and

• * Cf. Annex I.
• ** Cf. Annex II.

Annex 1

Memorandum from the British Government, handed to the Reich Minister for Foreign Affairs by the British Ambassador, 30 August 1939, at midnight

• 6. His Majesty's Government must make an express reservation in regard to the statement of particular demands put forward by the German Government in an earlier passage in their reply. They understand that the German Government are drawing up proposals for a solution. No doubt these proposals will be fully examined during the discussions. It can then be determined how far they are compatible with the essential conditions which His Majesty's Government have stated and which the German Government have expressed their willingness to accept.
• 7. His Majesty's Government are at once informing the Polish Government of the German Government's reply. The method of contact and the arrangements for discussions must obviously be agreed with all urgency between the German Government and the Polish Government, but in His Majesty's Government's view it would be impracticable to establish contact so early as to-day.
• Further His Majesty's Government would suggest that a temporary modus vivendi might be arranged for Danzig.

Berlin, 30 August 1939.

Annex II

Proposal for a settlement of the problem of Danzig and the Polish Corridor and of the German-Polish Minorities question (Translation)

The causes of this development are to be found in

• the intolerable treatment of the minority in the territories cut off from the Reich.

The Reich Government feel convinced that it is indispensable that economic and personal damage inflicted since 1918 should

• By reason of its purely German character and the unanimous will of its population, the Free City of Danzig shall be returned forthwith to the German Reich.

out the territory. To that end, the territory shall be evacuated by the Polish military forces, by the Polish police and by the Polish authorities within the shortest possible time to be agreed upon.

The details of the boundaries of this Polish port shall be decided on by Germany and Poland, and if necessary established by an International Court of Arbitration.

such a manner that Polish lines of communication are not affected thereby, i. e. they are to be overbridged or underbridged. This zone shall be one kilometer in width and shall be German territory.

• 12. The Peninsula of Hela, which according to the result of the plebiscite would be allocated either to Poland or to Germany, shall also be demilitarized in any case.
• 14. In order to free the Germans remaining in Poland, as well as the Poles remaining in Germany, from the feeling of being deprived of the benefits of International Law, and above all to afford them the certainty of their not being made to take part in actions and in furnishing services of a kind not compatible with their national convictions, Germany and Poland mutually agree to safeguard the rights of their respective minorities by most comprehensive and binding agreements for the purpose of warranting these minorities the preservation, free development and cultivation of their national customs, habits and traditions, to grant them in particular and for that purpose the form of organization considered necessary by them. Both parties undertake not to draft the members of the minority into military service.

It had to be admitted in the official German report made at 9 p.m. on 31 August, however, that Germany, after having waited in vain on 30 August for the arrival of a Polish plenipotentiary, had vainly expected him to arrive in the course of the ensuing twenty-four hours, since the Polish Ambassador, who had called at the German Foreign Office, was not authorized to negotiate but had merely stated that Poland "was weighing favourably the British Government's suggestion."

No. 88 (468)

Official German Communication, 31 August 1939, 9 p.m.
(Translation)

Owing to the non-arrival of the Polish delegate who was expected by the Reich Government, the primary condition for informing the British Government, who had themselves recommended direct negotiations between Germany and Poland, of the standpoint taken by the Reich as to the basis for such negotiations, no longer existed. Nevertheless, Herr von Ribbentrop, the Reich Minister for Foreign Affairs, acquainted the British Ambassador, when the latter handed over the last British Note, with the exact wording of the German proposals as prepared for the expected arrival of the Polish pleni-potentiary.

In the meantime a démarche by the Polish Ambassador has again shown that not even he is authorized to enter upon any discussion whatsoever, much less to negotiate.

Thus the Fuehrer and the German Government have now waited for two days in vain for the arrival of an authorized Polish delegate.

No. 89 (469)

(Translation)

The publication to-day of the official German communiqué has clearly revealed the aims and intentions of German policy. It proves the undisguised aggressive intentions of Germany towards Poland. The conditions under which the Third Empire is prepared to negotiate with Poland are: Danzig must immediately return to the Reich. Pomorze together with the cities of Bromberg and Graudenz are to be subjected to a plebiscite, for which all Germans who left that territory for any reason whatsoever since the year 1918 may return. The Polish military forces and the police force shall be evacuated from Pomorze. The police force of England, France, Italy and the U.S.S.R. will be placed in charge of the territory. The plebiscite is to take place after twelve months have elapsed. The territory of the Hela Peninsula will also be included in the plebiscite; Gdynia as a Polish town is excluded. Irrespective of the result of the plebiscite an exterritorial road one kilometre wide is to be constructed.

No. 90 (470)

List of officially reported serious frontier incidents on the German-Polish frontier between 25 and 31 August 1939, compiled by an official in the Political Department of the German Foreign Office

(Translation)

Berlin, 1 September 1939

1. Report of the State Police-Station at Elbing.

Report of the State Police-Station at Elbing.

3. Report from the State Police-Station at Elbing.

Report from the State Police-Station at Köslin.

8. Report of the President of the Provincial Revenue Office, East Prussia.

In the night of 25 August, Polish soldiers blew up and completely destroyed the parts situated on German territory of the highway bridge and the railway bridge Zandersfelde-Neuliebenau.

26 August

1. Report of the Head Customs-House, Neidenburg.

Afterwards it was ascertained that the soldier belonged to a group of six Polish soldiers who had crossed the German-Polish frontier at that spot.

2. Report of the State Police-Station at Elbing.

3. Report of the Head Customs-House at Meseritz.

27 August

r. Report of the State Police-Station at Elbing.

In the early hours a fire destroyed the farm of the

peasant Guzinski of Klein Heyde, district of Rosenberg, West Prussia, near the German-Polish frontier. It was ascertained that the Polish incendiaries had come across the frontier.

2. Report from the State Police-Station at Elbing.

3. Report of the Customs-House at Lindenhorst.

4. Report of the Head Customs-House at Neidenburg.

5. Report of the Head Customs-House at Kreuzberg.

At about 8.15 p. m. the Customs-House assistant Scheffler was fired on by Poles seven or eight times near Reidenwalde.

7. Report of the President of the Provincial Revenue Office, East Prussia.

Towards 12.30 a.m. a German field guard posted near the railway bridge Deutsch-Eylau (Neumark) sighted several Polish soldiers on German territory. When the field guard opened fire, the Poles disappeared in the woods while replying to the fire.

4. Report of the State Police-Station at Elbing.

29 August

I. Report of the State Police-Station at Elbing.

2. Report of the State Police-Station at Köslin.

3. Report of the State Police-Station at Breslau.

4. Report of the Customs-House at Beuthen.

5. Report of the Head Customs-House at Gleiwitz.

6. Report of the State Police-Station at Elbing.

Towards 12.30 a.m. the Customs-House building at Neukrug, district of Rosenberg, West Prussia, was attacked from the woods by Polish regulars. The Poles obviously intended to attack the men stationed there from the rear. Behind a garage not very far away they had placed a light machine-gun in position. When the Poles were shot at by the German field guard from a room in the upper storey of the Customs-House building, the Polish machine-gun position was moved into dense undergrowth, which again was immediately taken under fire. The fight lasted until about 5 a.m. A member of the German field guard was fatally wounded. The Customs-House building had several window-panes smashed and the telephone wiring destroyed.

2. Report of the State Police-Station of Elbing.

Towards 12.45 a. m. near the saw-mills at Alt-Eiche, the German frontier guard sighted there to four Polish soldiers at they tried to creep up to the mill. They were driven back by the frontier guard.

3. Report of the State Police-Station at Breslau.

was shot at from Polish territory by anti-aircraft artillery firing from the direction of Oderberg and Wurbitz. Shrapnel pieces were found and kept as evidence.

31 August

1. Report of the State Police-Station at Elbing

2. Report of the Head Customs-House at Gleiwitz.

   Report of the District Customs Commissioner at Deutsch-Eylau.

Towards 3 a.m. near Scharschau on German territory an attack was made by Polish troops on a patrol of the German frontier guard. When reinforcements arrived and the fire was answered, the Poles withdrew.

4. Report of the Chief Constable at Gleiwitz.

Towards 8 p. m. the German Broadcasting Station at Gleiwitz was attacked by a troop of Polish Insurgents and temporarily occupied. The Insurgents were driven off by German frontier police officers. One of the Insurgents was fatally injured.

Report of the President of the Provincial Revenue Office at Troppau.

In the night of 31 August the Customs-House at Hoflinden was attacked by Polish insurgents and temporarily occupied. By a counter attack on the part of an S. S. formation the insurgents were driven off. 6. Report of the State Police-Station at Elbing

About 12.30 a.m. the customs building at Neukrug was attacked by 30 Polish soldiers armed with machineguns and rifles. The attack was repulsed by the German field guard.

7. Report of the State Police-Station at Liegnitz.

In the night of 31 August a German customs official near Pfalzdorf, district of Grünberg, at a distance of about 75 metres from the Polish frontier, was fatally injured by Polish troops.

9. Report of the State Police-Station at Liegnitz.

10. Report of the State Police-Station at Liegnitz.

Thus every possibility of reaching a peaceful settlement of the German-Polish crisis was exhausted. Poland had, as the foregoing documents prove, already resorted to force, thereby creating a situation which compelled the Reich Government to resist force by means of force. The provocative attitude of Poland, which, during the last few days of the crisis, had exceeded every tolerable limit and made an amicable settlement impossible, rendered further delay inadvisable. On the morning of 1 September, the German Armed forces received orders to meet the continuous Polish attacks on German territory by counter-attacks. In his speech to the Reichstag on the morning of 1 September, the Fuehrer finally expounded the German point of view and thereby justified Germany's action in the eyes of the world.

No. 91 (471)

Speech by the Fuehrer to the Reichstag, 1 September 1939
(Translation)

Members of the German Reichstag,

For months we have been tormented by a problem once set us by the dictated Treaty of Versailles, which has now assumed such a character as to become utterly intolerable. Danzig was and is a German city. The Corridor was and is German. All these districts owe their cultural development exclusively to the German people, without whom absolute barbarism would prevail in these eastern tracts of country. Danzig was separated from us. The Corridor was annexed by Poland. The German minorities living there were ill-treated in the most appalling manner. More than a million persons with German blood in their veins were compelled to leave their homes as early as 1919/1920. Here, as always, I have attempted to change this intolerable state of affairs by means of peaceful proposals for a revision. It is a lie when the world alleges that we always used pressure in attempting to carry out any revision. There was ample opportunity for fifteen years before National Socialism assumed power to carry through revisions

In the case of Danzig and the Corridor I have again tried to solve the problems by means of peaceful proposals suggesting a discussion. One thing was obvious: they had to be solved. That the date of this solution may perhaps be of little interest to the Western Powers is conceivable. But this date is not a matter of indifference to us. First and foremost, however, it was not and could not be a matter of indifference to the suffering victims. In conversations with Polish statesmen, I have discussed the ideas which you have heard me express here in my last speech to the Reichstag. No one can maintain

that this was an unjust procedure or even unreasonable pressure,

I then had the German proposals clearly formulated and I feel bound to repeat once more that nothing could be fairer or more modest than those proposals submitted by me. And I now wish to declare to the whole world that I, and I alone, was in a position to make such proposals. For I know quite definitely that I was thereby acting contrary to the opinion of millions of Germans.

Those proposals were rejected. But more than that, they were replied to by mobilization, by increased terrorism, by intensified pressure on the German minorities in those areas and by a gradual economic and political strangulation of the Free City of Danzig, which during the past few weeks found its expression in military measures and traffic restrictions. Poland virtually began a war against the Free City of Danzig. Furthermore she was not prepared to settle the problem of the Corridor in a fair manner satisfying the interests of both parties. And lastly, Poland has never thought of fulfilling her obligations with regard to the minorities. In this connection I feel it necessary to state that Germany has fulfilled her obligations in this respect. Minorities domiciled in Germany are not subject to persecution. Let any Frenchman get up and declare that French citizens living in the Saar territory are oppressed, ill-treated or deprived of their rights. No one can make such an assertion.

respect he Germany of to-day is not to be confused with post-wa. Germany.

Attempts have been made to justify the action against the German minorities by declaring that they had given provocation. I am at a loss to know what "provocation" those women and children are supposed to have given who have been ill-treated and deported, or what was the nature of the provocation given by all those who were tortured in the most inhuman and sadistic way before they were finally put to death. One thing I know however: there is not one single Great Power possessed of a feeling of honour, which would countenance such conditions for any length of time.

Members of the Reichstag, if such treatment could be meted out to the German Reich and its Head, and if the German

If there are statesmen in the West who declare that their interests are involved, I can only regret the fact. Their opinion, however, cannot for one single minute persuade me to deviate from the execution of my duties. I have solemnly declared and repeat once more that we have no claims at all on these Western States, and shall never demand anything from them. I have declared that the frontier between Germany and France is final. I have repeatedly offered Britain our friendship, and if necessary closest co-operation. Love, however, is not a one-sided affair, but must be responded to by the other side. Germany has no interests in the West, our fortifications in the West (Westwall) are for all times to become the frontier of the Reich. We have no other aims in the future, and this attitude of the Reich will remain unchanged.

Some of the other European states understand our attitude. First of all I would thank Italy for having supported us

all this time. You will also understand that we do not want to make an appeal for any foreign help in this struggle. This task of ours we shall solve ourselves.

I feel very much gratified at being able to inform you here of an event of special importance. You are aware that Russia and Germany are governed by two different doctrines. There was only one single question to be cleared: Germany has no intention of exporting her doctrine, and as long as Soviet Russia does not intend to export her own doctrine to Germany, I no longer see any reason why we should ever be opponents again. Both of us are agreed on this one point: any struggle between us would only result in the benefit of others. We have therefore resolved to enter into an agreement which will exclude any application of force between us in the future, which imposes on us an obligation to consult with each other in certain European questions, which facilitates economic collaboration and above all warrants that the energies of our two great states are not consumed by mutual enmity.

I believe that the whole German people will welcome this political attitude. In the Great War, Russia and Germany fought against each other and were both of them ultimate sufferers. That shall and will never happen again! Yesterday, the Non-aggression and Consultation Pact, which came

into force the day it was signed, was ratified in Moscow and in Berlin.

In Moscow the Pact was acclaimed just as you have acclaimed it here. I approve of every word in the speech made by M. Molotow, the Russian Commissar for Foreign Affairs.

Our aims: I am determined to solve,

tirstly, the Danzig question, secondly, the Corridor question, thirdly, to see to it that a change taker

thirdly, to see to it that a change takes place in

Germany's relations to Poland, which will ensure a peaceful co-existence of the two States.

I am determined to eliminate from the German frontiers the element of insecurity, the atmosphere which permanently resembles that of civil war. I shall see to it that on the eastern frontier the same peaceful conditions prevail as on our other frontiers.

That is, I will not wage war against women and children! I have instructed my Air Force to limit their attacks to military objectives. But should the enemy think this gives him carte blanche to fight in the opposite way, then he will get an answer which will drive him out of his senses!

In the night Polish soldiers of the regular Army fired the first shots in our own territory. Since 5.45 a.m. we have been returning their fire. And from now onwards every bomb will be answered by another bomb. Whoever fights with poison gas will be fought with poison gas. Whoever disregards the rules of human warfare can but expect us to do the same.

For more than six years now I have been engaged on building up the German armed forces. During this period more than 90 milliard Reichsmark have been expended in creating our armed forces. To-day, they are the best equipped in the world and are far superior to those of 1914. My confidence in them can never be shaken.

As a National Socialist and a German soldier I enter upon

As for the rest of the world, I can only assure them that November 1918 shall never occur again in German history.

I expect of you, as deputies of the Reich, that you will do your duty in whatever position you are called upon to fill. You must bear the standard of resistence, cost what it may. Let no one report to me at any time that his province, his district, his group or his cell are losing heart. It is you who are responsible for public feeling. I am responsible for public feeling throughout Germany and you are responsible for public feeling in your provinces and districts. No one has the right to shelve this responsibility. The sacrifice that is demanded of us is not greater than the sacrifice which has been made by many generations in the past. All those men who before us have trodden the

German Youth, needless to say, will fulfill heart and soul what is expected and demanded of them by the nation and by the National-Socialist State.

Germany-Sieg Heil

Even after the cannon had begun their thunder, Germany hoped and endeavoured to localize the conflict and prevent other countries from becoming involved in a general war. The decision lay with the Western Powers—would they burden themselves with the responsibility of unconditionally fulfilling the obligations undertaken on behalf of an arrogant Poland and thus allow the German-Polish conflict to assume the proportions of a European war? That Great Britain was determined to do so, is finally proved by the Note which Sir Nevile Henderson handed to the German Foreign Office at 9 p. m. on 1 September. In this Note the British Government demanded the suspension of "all aggressive action against Poland" as well as assurances that the Reich Government were "prepared promptly to withdraw their forces from Polish territory", otherwise Great Britain would "without hesitation

fulfil her obligations to Poland", that is to say, make war on Germany. An hour later, the French Ambassador presented a Note couched in identical terms.

No. 92 (472)

Conversation of the Reich Minister for Foreign Affairs with the British Ambassador, 1 September 1939, 9 p. m. Memo by Dr. Schmidt, Minister Plenipotentiary

(Translation in part)

On behalf of his Government Sir Nevile Henderson handed over the following Note, to which he also added an unofficial written translation in German:

Your Excellency,

On the instructions of His Majesty's Principal Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs I have the honour to make the following communication.

Early this morning the German Chancellor issued a proclamation to the German Army which indicated clearly that he was about to attack Poland.

In these circumstances it appears to the Governments of the United Kingdom and France that by their action the German Government have created conditions (viz. an aggressive act of force against Poland threatening the independence of Poland) which calls for the implementation by the Governments of the United Kingdom and France of the undertaking to Poland to come to her assistance.

I am accordingly to inform Your Excellency that, unless the German Government are prepared to give His Majesty's Government satisfactory assurances that the German Government have suspended all aggressive action against Poland and are prepared promptly to withdraw their forces from Polish territory, His Majesty's Government in the United Kingdom will without hesitation fulfil their obligations to Poland.

Nevile Henderson

He would submit the Note handed to him by the British Ambassador to the Fuehrer and then reply at once. The Reich Minister for Foreign Affairs added that if the British Government had been as active in Poland as they now apparently intended to be in Germany, a settlement with Poland would have been reached long ago.

Sir Nevile Henderson replied that be would communicate these remarks to his Government and asked that the Fuehrer might be informed of the contents of the Note. He asked for as speedy an answer as possible.

Schmidt

No. 93 (474)

(Translation)

• 1. An armistice, leaving the armies where they now are;
• 2. The calling of a conference within two or three days;

Information from the Havas News Agency, 2 September 1939

(Translation)

The above message was afterwards withdrawn, under pressure, as it transpired, from Britain. Meantime, Britain had forced the French Government to adopt the British attitude, i. e., insistence on the withdrawal of the German troops, which attitude was announced by Lord Halifax in a statement made in the House of Lords on the same afternoon, 2 September.

No. 95 (476)

.... Up to the present no reply has been received to the warning message delivered to Germany last night.

It was possible that delay had been due to proposals put forward by the Italian Government that hostilities should cease and that there would be immediately a conference between Great Britain, France, Poland, Germany and Italy.

A similar statement was made at the same time in the House of Commons by the Prime Minister.

No. 96 (477)

Note handed to the German Foreign Office by the British Ambassador, 3 September 1939, 9 a.m.

3 September 1939

In the communication which I had the honour to make to you on 1st September I informed you, on the instructions of His Majesty's Principal Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, that, unless the German Government were prepared to give His Majesty's Government in the United Kingdom satisfactory assurances that the German Government had suspended all aggressive action against Poland and were prepared promptly to withdraw their forces from Polish territory, His Majesty's Government in the United Kingdom would without hesitation fulfil their obligations to Poland.

I avail myself of this opportunity etc

Nevile Henderson

At 11.15 a. m. on the same day Lord Halifax informed the German Chargé d'Affaires in London that Britain regarded a state of war as existing between herself and Germany as from 11 a. m. on 3 September 1939.

No. 97 (479)

Memorandum from the Reich Government, handed to the British Ambassador by the Reich Minister for Foreign Affairs, 3 September 1939, 11.30 a.m.

(Translation)

The Reich Government acknowledges receipt of the British Government's ultimatum of 3 September 1939, to which the Reich Government has the honour to reply as follows:

5. The Reich Government therefore reject any attempt to force Germany, by an ultimative demand, to withdraw her troops, called up for the purpose of protecting the Reich, and thus to put up once more with the former unrest and injustice. The threat that war would otherwise be waged against Germany coincides with the intentions, for many years proclaimed, of numerous British politicians. On innumerable occasions the Reich Government and the German people have assured the British people of their desire for an understanding and even for close friendship with them. If the British Government have hitherto rejected these offers and now reply to them with an

open threat of war, the responsibility for this lies not with the German nation and its Government, but exclusively with the British Cabinet, especially with those men who for years have preached the destruction and extermination of the German people. The German people and the German Government do not intend, as does Great Britain, to rule the world, but they are determined to defend their own freedom, their indepedence and their very life. We take note of the intentions, made known to us by Mr. King Hall on behalf of the British Government, to deal the German nation a still more crushing blow than did the Treaty of Versailles and shall therefore reply to any act of aggression on the part of Great Britain with the same weapons and in the same way.

Berlin, 3 September 1939.

No. 98 (480)

Note handed to the Reich Minister for Foreign Affairs by the French Ambassador, 3 September 1939, 12.20 p. m.

(Translation)

Berlin, 3 September 1939

Your Excellency,

I have etc. Coulond

Conversation of the Reich Minister for Foreign Affairs with the French Ambassador, 3 September 1939, 12.20 p. m. Memo by Dr. Schmidt, Minister Plenipotentiary

(Translation)

M. Coulondre replied that he concluded from the statements made by the Reich Minister for Foreign Affairs that the German Government were not in a position to comply with the suggestion contained in the French Note of 1 September.

The Reich Minister for Foreign Affairs stated that this was the case.

M. Coulondre then replied that under these circumstances it was his painful duty to draw the attention of the Reich Government once more to the grave responsibility which they had taken upon themselves by the opening of hostilities against Poland without a declaration of war, and to inform them that the French Gouvernment saw themselves compelled to fulfil their obligations towards Poland as from to-day, 3 September 1939 5 p. m. At the same time M. Coulondre handed over a written communication. After having read it, the Reich Minister for Foreign Affairs added in conclusion that Germany had no intention of attacking France and that the present French Government bore the full responsibility for the suffering which would be brought upon both countries if France attacked Germany.

Schmidt

No. 100 (482)

(Translation)

After attempt of direct German-Polish discussion had failed, due to non-appearance of Polish Plenipotentiary in spite of two days' wait on part of German Government, and after we had been forced to answer Polish military encroachment by resorting to military action, Great Britain and France on I September demanded of us that we should withdraw German troops from Polish territory. Danger of war, as it seemed, could still be removed by intervention of Mussolini, who proposed armistice and subsequent conference to solve German-Polish conflict. This proposal has been answered in the affirmative by us and also by French Government; British Government, however, to-day, fixing time limit of two hours, repeated demand for withdrawal of German troops, and after this time had elapsed declared themselves at war with Germany. France followed suit by communicating that she saw herself compelled to assist Poland.

Secure in the knowledge that she had, up to the last, done everything in her power to do away with the most recent and most dangerous source of European conflict by peaceful means, Germany finally took up the British challenge. Yet once again, after the Polish campaign in which her armies had, with unparalleled success, performed their appointed task, on 6 October through the words of the Fuehrer, she proposed to the world, including her adversaries, a new order in Europe as a basis for a just and lasting peace. This suggestion, too, was rejected by Britain in a manner which rendered it plain that the British Government were concerned neither with the existence of the Poland which they had incited to war against Germany, nor with the establishment of a new and lasting order in Europe, but only with the defeat and ruin of Germany at all costs. History will pass judgment on both Britain and Germany. May the documentary evidence contained in this volume and selected from the official German White Book play its part in establishing a just verdict.