“The game with satan is very perilous, as those who serve him from collaborators become victims. Satan has no remorses, nor word, nor moral, nor sentiments, but only a well established purpose: changing the collaborators into victims easier to maneuver. In this world, it is not as the human wants, but as the Lord wants.” -- Dumitru BORDEIANU, former political prisoner
With this book, I present a hypothesis relative to the essence of the “Piteşti experiment” — the working out experimentally in the prison in Piteşti of a violent method of destroying the Legionary Movement in the early communist period in Romania — through the concept of “national conspirational imperialist organization,” as well as with the aid of the experiences, information, and theory of the former political prisoner Dumitru BORDEIANU. I consider the “Piteşti experiment” to be an evidence of the existence and actions of the national conspirational imperialist organizations.
When theorizing a subject of natural science of which object is equally accessible to anyone, anyone has a chance in creating the relatively best theory, and can make an experiment to corroborate that theory. This is not the case with human history. Historical events are by their nature directly accessible only to a relatively small number of humans, who can be considered privileged from the point of view of scientific cognition. Therefore, on theorizing a subject of human history a special attention must be paid to the ideas of humans who directly experienced the respective events. In case of the “Piteşti experiment,” Dumitru BORDEIANU is one of the few humans who not only suffered through that horrible event for a victim of it, but also had the exceptional spiritual power to theorize it. While Gheorghe GHEORGHIU-DEJ was the political ruler, Dumitru BORDEIANU was probably the scientific ruler of that juristical-political-historical event.
The author of this book, a Romanian born in Greek territory, went to Romania for his university education and there became a member of the anti-Communist organization that flourished in that nation before and during the tragic and fratricidal Second World War. After the Bolshevik conquest of Romania, the Soviets, undoubtedly on orders from their masters, maintained a pretence that their occupation was merely temporary and further disguised their purposes by keeping on the throne as King of Romania the legitimate heir, a young man who was merely a puppet in their hands, but served to give to the people an illusive hope that Romania, though devastated and impoverished, might again become a free nation. In this hope, of course, the Romanians (like many other captive peoples) were encouraged by the governments of the Western nations that had won the military victory. Those governments, especially in the United States, maintained a pretence that they were not the servants of the Bolsheviks' masters, and, whenever they deemed it expedient to administer a little verbal paregoric to their own population, manufactured oratory about "defending the Free World" and "containing Communism. " Americans, who were so charmed by those phrases that they did not notice what their own government was doing, cannot blame the Romanians (or the others) for having supposed that the official verbiage was an indication of national policy.
During the early years of Soviet occupation, therefore, the Romanian people entertained delusive hopes of eventual liberation, and the author of this book accordingly remained in Romania, his true fatherland. When he was at last arrested and imprisoned on suspicion of holding opinions inimical to Bolshevism, he, luckily, suffered only the excruciating tortures and hardships that are normal in what is called a Great Society. During his imprisonment, however, he had by chance an opportunity to learn of an experiment conducted on a select group of young men, and he had the acumen and patience to discover precisely what that experiment was. In this book he discloses for the first time the facts about a practice of which the peoples of the West still know nothing.
Bacu speaks only of what he knows -- of what he witnessed with his own eyes and learned from the lips of men who had, despite themselves, been stripped of their humanity by an infallible scientific technique. His subject, therefore, is what the Bolsheviks secretly did to human beings in the prison at Pitesti from 1949, when the experiment began, to 1951, when it seems to have been temporarily discontinued for some reason unknown.
What is described in these pages is not, however, an isolated event. Everyone who has had experience in military intelligence dealing with the Bolsheviks, or who has made a close study of information that is available from little known but authentic sources, will recognize in Bacu's pages a detailed description of a technique that
the implacable enemies of mankind have used in many lands -- perhaps in all countries that are officially Communist -- for many years.
The Police State Road Map (2005) by Michael Nield Cover
What is at stake is more than one small country; it is a big idea: a new world order, where diverse nations are drawn together in
common cause to achieve the universal aspirations of mankind --
peace and security, freedom, and the rule of law - George H.W. Bush,
State of the Union Address, 29 January 1991.There is a chance for the President of the United States to use this disaster to carry out what his father - a phrase his father used I think only once, and it hasn't been used since - and that is a new world order -- Senator Gary Hart, Council on Foreign Relations meeting, 12 September 2001
Noting that the European Union was coming to a turning point in
its existence, the European Council which met in Laeken, Belgium, on
14 and 15 December 2001 convened the European Convention on the
Future of Europe. The Convention was asked to draw up proposals on
three subjects: how to bring citizens closer to the European design
and European Institutions; how to organise politics and the European
political area in an enlarged Union; and how to develop the Union into a stabilising factor and a model in the new world order. Valéry Giscard d’Estaing, President of the Convention, Preface to the Draft Treaty establishing a Constitution for Europe, July 2003Once the legal and technological apparatus of totalitarianism is
established, there exists the very real prospect of a permanent
planetary dictatorship where human existence is micro-managed
from cloud cuckoo land by a tiny ruling elite who are themselves
above the law. - chapter 11,the book you are about to read...
A 'new world order' is a vision long shared by political leaders, industrialists, and intellectuals around the world. 'Peace and security, freedom, and the rule of law', what a wonderful idea! Strange then, that they have tried to conceal the reality of their vision from the wider public. For over thirty years, the European
project was sold to the British people as little more than a benign free-trade agreement, despite the fact most of our new laws originate in Brussels and we are being asked to relinquish most of our independence under the European Constitution. The same process is underway on the American continent: NAFTA and the Free Trade Area of the Americas are the basis for supra-national political bureaucracies based on the European model. Evolution rather than revolution is the chosen course because, as the Fabian Society noted, the wolf in sheep's clothing stands a better chance of getting lunch than his colleague openly salivating amongst the flock.
The end game is one-world government
"Charles Dickens (https://infogalactic.com/info/Charles_Dickens) (1812-70), a great White writer from an earlier era who portrayed Jews accurately as villains in his early work, was made to feel guilty for it by aggrieved Jews, and mistakenly tried to make amends in his final book. A Jewish master-criminal called Fagin was the central villain of Dickens’ Oliver Twist (1839) and was called “the Jew” over three hundred times in early editions." - https://www.unz.com/article/oppressed-jew-is-watching-you/
Also see: Racism in the work of Charles Dickens - Wikipedia
"The Geographical Pivot of History" is an article submitted by Halford John Mackinder in 1904 to the Royal Geographical Society that advances his heartland theory.[1][2][3] In this article, Mackinder extended the scope of geopolitical analysis to encompass the entire globe.
According to Mackinder, the Earth's land surface was divisible into:
- The World-Island, comprising the interlinked continents of Europe, Asia, and Africa (Afro-Eurasia). This was the largest, most populous, and richest of all possible land combinations.
- The offshore islands, including the British Isles and the islands of Japan.
- The outlying islands, including the continents of North America, South America, and Oceania.
The Heartland lay at the centre of the world island, stretching from the Volga to the Yangtze and from the Himalayas to the Arctic. Mackinder's Heartland was the area then ruled by the Russian Empire and after that by the Soviet Union, minus the Kamchatka Peninsula region, which is located in the easternmost part of Russia, near the Aleutian Islands and Kurile islands.Later, in 1919, Mackinder summarised his theory thus:
Who rules East Europe commands the Heartland;
who rules the Heartland commands the World-Island;
who rules the World-Island commands the world.
— Mackinder, Democratic Ideals and Reality, p. 150
Any power which controlled the World-Island would control well over 50% of the world's resources. The Heartland's size and central position made it the key to controlling the World-Island.
The vital question was how to secure control for the Heartland.
This was a series of pamphlets published in the USA during the 1970s, the series author being a Hungarian dissident by the name of Itsvan Bakony. The theme of the work was the history of jews and their relationship around the world within their Communism/Capitalism dialectic of The Cold War era.
This autobiographical effort is in two parts: the first deals with my experiences until I retired from the Veterinary Profession in 1928; the second, with events in the political pioneering career that I carried on after that year by opposing the secret Jewish Power. It was not until 1946 that I thought seriously of publishing it. On reading one of the numerous "smearing" articles about my- self in the political columns of newspapers, I learned that my career, "told in full, would read like an Oppenheim thriller", and then it struck me that although there was much doubt as to whether it was as bad as all that, there were possibly some rather unusual events in it which might interest the small proportion of the public that reads.
For political reasons I have not mentioned in this book the names of most of my friends; and I hope my readers will not, there- fore, attribute the fact that the word "I" too frequently occurs in the text to any want of modesty on my part; a man who has been in prison, with or without trial, for well over four years isn't likely to overestimate his own importance! I think that there will be many lovers of animals, veterinary surgeons amongst them, who may find something new to them, particularly in the first ten Chapters; whilst anyone concerned with political realism can learn a little from the experiences related in the second part of the book, since those experiences are rather unique. This, however, is neither a veterinary textbook nor a political treatise; it is simply an account of some of the things that happened to Your Humble Servant.
Germany and England is a little known pamphlet By Nesta Webster, 1938 The small book is about Germany under National Socialism, and specifically its Chancellor, Adolf Hitler. Here is a different perspective from Nesta on the Origins of World War. Quite hard to find. Contains useful appendixes.
THIS is the little book that opened my eyes about the mass of massive lies we've all been told about Germany under National Socialism, and specifically its Chancellor, Adolf Hitler.
To my mind the greatest lie was that "Adolf Hitler planned to conquer the world and enslave the inhabitants of all nations". In reality the ones making those accusations are the ones who plan to conquer the world.
The defeat of Germany was a defeat for all the inhabitants of the world, just as Adolf Hitler predicted.
The group promulgating that big lie was successful in its efforts to instill a deep sense of both fear and hatred of the man who wanted only to restore some of the areas of land that had been sliced out of
Germany by the Versailles Treaty after WWI, bring the German people back into the fold of their natural country borders, and protect western Europe from the Communist/Bolshevik tyranny threatening to wreak its havoc throughout the continent, and the world.
Since 1914 great historic events have taken place. There was the World War, the Russian revolution, and the upheavals in Europe and elsewhere. These historic events brought to mankind disillusionment and bitter disappointment. The World War, which was expected to end all wars, only prepared the ground for still more frightful wars ; the Russian revolution, which was expected to bring to the working masses freedom, emancipation and communism, only brought them an oppressive dictatorship, a more intense exploitation and state capitalism ; and the upheavals in Europe and elsewhere, which were conceived in democracy, internationalism and socialism, only brought fascism, an insane nationalism and Hitlerism. And whatever these events brought to other nations, to the Jews they brought only greater misery, suffering and despair. Anti-Semitism, which before 1914 found open outbursts among backward nations and in semi-civilized countries, since then has become the social philosophy and economic-political policy of the most cultured people in the
most civilized countries. Modern Balaams came to the fore and, in the name of culture, religion, science, art and philosophy, endeavored to prove that the Jews and Judaism are inherently wicked and evil, and a deadly menace to the Western nations, their culture and their civilization ; and that, to save the Western nations, their culture and civilization from decline and extinction, it is necessary to exterminate the Jews and Judaism. Hence the slogan : Death to the Jews and Judaism.
Following up the world events, reflecting on the new philosophies that came to the fore, I convinced myself that human society is irresistibly and inevitably moving towards state capitalism and fascism. Further reflection also convinced me that this social transformation would inevitably bring upon the Jews great suffering. How could the Jews face this world situation? This question occupied my mind for the last twelve years, and thesewere to me years of intellectual and spiritual agony. At last I reached the conclusion which I embodied in a program for the Jews. Since then I often spoke on this program. When the Jews declared war against Nazi Germany and fascism, I saw that that was a suicidal policy, which would bring to the Jews infinite suffering. I spoke against that policy, but no attention was paid to it. Thus passed more than five years of ever-increasing suffering for the Jews. When the situation became so grave that the Jews themselves began to realize the gravity of the situation, the members of the Spinoza Institute of America asked me to formulate my program. In an address delivered by me before the members of the Spinoza Institute on October 23, 1938, I presented to them, in brief, my program. As a result of this address, a committee organized itself under the name The Committee for the Preservation of the Jews, and this committee published my address under the title : A Program for the Jews. Ten thousand copies of that program were published and distributed. Thus far, this program met with universal condemnation. This I expected. But I soon realized that, if my program is to receive a more friendly hearing, it must be presented adequately. The following is a more adequate basis for my program.
Dated : Belle Harbor, New York, March 28, 1939. Harry Waton.
Classic anti-war pamphlet by a retired U.S. major general who reveals the truth about war from his own experiences and observations fighting around the world, and expose American Corporate Imperialism. Butler said, “I served in all commissioned ranks from second lieutenant to Major General. And during that period I spent most of my time being a high-class muscle man for Big Business, for Wall Street, and for the bankers. In short, I was a racketeer for capitalism. I suspected I was just part of the racket all the time. Now I am sure of it.” -
Chapter 1: War Is A Racket
Chapter 2: Who Makes The Profits?
Chapter 3: Who Pays The Bills?
Chapter 4: How To Smash This Racket!
Chapter 5: To Hell With War!
Discusses the Jewish Question from a Hungarian viewpoint following World War One.
This is one of those rare, banned books from a century ago which
has been since “memory-holed” to continue the Orwellian parlance,
and for good reason, as it presents and paints an uncomfortable
picture for those who presently continue their biblical mission to
dominate and rule over the world according to their biblical prophecy:
“For the nation and kingdom which will not serve you shall perish,
And those nations shall be utterly ruined.” - Isiah 60
It was produced using a machine-translation of a web page in
Hungarian, and then tweaked, the sources are here (probably likely to
disappear in the near future!):
The original URL is here:
http://www.hunnianet.hu/irodalom/A_ghett%C3%B3t%C3%B3l_a_tr%C3%B3nig_%281923%29
A scan of the original book is here:
https://www.scribd.com/document/18439998/Sziliczei-Varady-Gyula-A-ghettotol-a-tronig
This pamphlet is dedicated to all of the victims who have suffered
terribly in their efforts to bring forth the age-old Jewish Question to
the forefront of the sleeping public’s conscience.
You are gone, but never forgotten, and your memory will continue
to live on. May you all rest in peace, and be blessed in heaven.
Nesta Webster was a credible and respected historian. That is a fact.
A few years ago I pulled a small, forty-page book off the shelf that had been collecting dust for more than a year. The book title is Germany and England by Nesta Helen Webster which began the process of dispelling the myths surrounding WWII, and most especially the real reason Adolf Hitler was hated by the International Bankers; so hated that they decided in 1933 that “Germany must be destroyed”.
I came by way of the book from a newly made friend as a result of the Sweet Liberty radio broadcast that I’ve hosted for several years.
That small book was the beginning of a new phase in my lifelong search for ‘truth and understanding’, and my then new friend has since become an integral part of my life. We’ve laughingly considered that maybe we first met in that great library beyond this dimension. My love of reading, learning, knowing and understanding is surpassed only by hers.
While my search has always been of a spiritual nature, little did I know that a worldwide political plan cloaked in religion was the force that necessitated my search in the first place, for part of the plan itself is a form of spiritual vampirism. That is to say: spiritual truth known by the ancients has been blocked from our awareness by our religions, and in its place has been planted a perceived separation between us - each of us - and our Creator.
Miss Effie Burnthorn had the presence of mind as a young woman to purchase and read many historical books most of us didn’t even know existed. Why have we not known? Because no Zionist controlled publishing house would touch them. Most all of them are available today, thanks to courageous and dedicated Americans who dare to publish and make them available.
I am honored to have become the recipient of Miss Effie’s treasures; somehow she knew that one day I would discover the wealth of information awaiting my perusal and ‘do something’. The faith she placed in me by placing the books in my hands is the honor she bestowed upon me. I dedicate this work to her with deep affection and gratitude, for without her, it would never have happened. Thank you Effie ‘May’, from the bottom of my heart.
Your devoted friend – Jackie –
P.S. My thanks also to all of our listeners and friends who’ve sent books and material that have added to the treasure chest of truth and filled in many gaps. – J
The Solution of the Problem of
Democracy
"The Authority of the People"
The Solution of the
Economic Problem
Socialism
The Social Basis
of the Third Universal Theory
The thinker Muammar Qaddafi does not present his thought for simple amusement or pleasure. Nor is it for those who regard ideas as puzzles for the entertainment of empty minded people standing on the margin of life.
Qaddafi's ideas interpret life as it erupts from the heart of the tormented, the oppressed, the deprived and the grief stricken. It flows from the ever-developing and conflicting reality in search of whatever is best and most beautiful.
Part One of The Green Book heralded the start of the era of the Jamahiriyat (state of the masses).
The Green Book, Part II concentrates on finding an ultimate solution to the world's economic problems. For many years we have all been torn by conflicting kinds of theories, whether of liberalism, communism or capitalism.
After directing his attention to purely political matters as he did in Part I of The Green Book Colonel Muammar Al Qaddafi, the Leader of the Great 1st of September Revolution now offers his conclusions on the way in which the world's economic problems can be solved.
The author preaches the emancipation of servants in a social revolution against need which has made them the serfs of the twentieth century.
He emphasises the necessity for the partnership of all workers in the means of production, liberating them finally from exploitation.
Part Three of The Green Book launches the social revolution. It presents the genuine interpretation of history the solution of man's struggle in life and the unsolved problem of man and woman. Equally it tackles the problem of the minorities and the blacks in order to lay down the sound principles of social life for all mankind.
The living philosophy is inseparable from life itself and erupts from its essence. It is the philosophy of Muammar Qathafi.
-- The Publisher
Two Hundred Years Together is a monumental work of historical scholarship by Soviet dissident and 1970 Nobel literature laureate, Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn dealing with the relationship between Russians and Jews inside the Russian and Soviet Empires. Solzhenitsyn authored it in Russian and the original work was published in Russian in 2001/2, with published translations in German and French following soon after. However, for reasons that will be obvious to those who have read it, it has never found a full-English language translation until this unofficial version appeared. This is the first complete edition known to exist, compiled by the creator from freely-available public-domain sources on the web.
The compiled source document for this edition became known to me via a communication on social media from someone who had been keenly following my research into history, economics, politics, science, culture and various revolutionary movements which had led me to the occult (hidden) side of popularised world history - The Jewish Problem (or Question).
The provider made it known that he had spent considerable time and effort piecing together this book from various samizdat sources and felt that I was well-placed to handle the work of publication.
The initial version released was well-received but I felt that I had not done justice to this work by publishing it basically completely unedited and as-is, exactly how it was provided to me. I endeavoured to re-edit and re-format it in an attempt to make it more aesthetically pleasing, and also easier to publish in alternative digital formats, after the producer told me that the work from here-on is in my-hands. Thinking of other ways to add value to this work, I decided to include an interview with the author in a new Appendix section amongst other small tweaks and changes, such as quotes for each book.
In this time of increasing censorship and prohibition of free-speech across social-media and the wider-world in general, I hope that I have made reading this masterful work a more pleasurable experience.
My dedication:
To all of those who have the courage to not be cowed and speak-out the truth about history and the root causes of the problems the world faces today, in-spite of personal risks and the consequences for doing so.
Gran Victor
September 19th, 2019
WikiSpooks: "Two Hundred Years Together is a monumental work of historical scholarship by Soviet dissident and 1970 Nobel literature laureate, Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn dealing with the relationship between Russians & Jews inside the Russian & Soviet Empires"
https://wikispooks.com/wiki/200_Years_Together
Excerpt from opening chapter:
"It is almost a joke now in the Western world, in the 20th century, to use words like 'good' and 'evil'. They have become almost. old-fashioned concepts, but they are very real and . genuine concepts. These are concepts from a sphere which is higher than us. And instead of getting involved in base, petty, short-sighted political calculations and games, we have to recognise that the concentration of World Evil and the tremendous force of hatred is there and it's flowing from there throughout the world. And we have to stand up against it and not hasten to give to it, give to it, give to it, every- thing that it wants to swallow." - Alexander Solzhenitsyn.
Knowledge can be of two kinds: knowledge of the world outside ourselves, the macrocosm, and knowledge of the kingdom within, the microcosm, both of them boundless.
The better we know ourselves, the easier it will be to know the world, alternatively, the better we know the world, so much easier i t will be to know ourselves and our deepest and most enduring needs.
This is a hypothetical scenario designed to illustrate the public health risk communication challenges that could potentially emerge during a naturally occurring infectious disease outbreak requiring development and distribution of novel and/or investigational drugs, vaccines, therapeutics, or other medical countermeasures.
The infectious pathogen, medical countermeasures, characters, news media excerpts, social media posts, and government agency responses described herein are entirely fictional.
Bill Cooper, former United States Naval Intelligence Briefing Team member, reveals information that remains hidden from the public eye. This information has been kept in top-secret government files since the 1940s. His audiences hear the truth unfold as he writes about the assassination of John F. Kennedy, the war on drugs, the secret government, and UFOs. Bill is a lucid, rational, and powerful speaker whose intent is to inform and to empower his audience. Standing room only is normal. His presentation and information transcend partisan affiliations as he clearly addresses issues in a way that has a striking impact on listeners of all backgrounds and interests. He has spoken to many groups throughout the United States and has appeared regularly on many radio talk shows and on television. In 1988 Bill decided to "talk" due to events then taking place worldwide, events that he had seen plans for back in the early 1970s. Bill correctly predicted the lowering of the Iron Curtain, the fall of the Berlin Wall, and the invasion of Panama. All Bill's predictions were on record well before the events occurred. Bill is not a psychic. His information comes from top secret documents that he read while with the Intelligence Briefing Team and from over seventeen years of research.
Only one of the countless historical trials held at the Old Bailey in London is commemorated by a memorial in the present building. On a plaque near Court No. 5 are inscribed these words:
Near this site William Penn and William Mead were tried in 1670 for preaching to an unlawful assembly in Gracechurch Street.
This tablet commemorates the courage and endurance of the Jury, Thomas Vere, Edward Bushell and ten others, who refused to give a verdict against them although they were locked up with- out food for two nights and were fined for their final verdict of Not Guilty.
The case of these jurymen was reviewed on a writ of Habeas Corpus and Chief Justice Vaughan delivered the opinion of the court which established the Right of Juries to give their Verdict according to their conviction.'
All of the jurors in that celebrated case were fined and jailed until they ,paid their fines in full. Four of them spent months in prison and all were locked up without "meat, drink, fire and tobacco" for three days in an attempt to force them to change their verdict. Their courage, fortitude and dedication to the spirit of liberty has been institutionalized in our legal system under the doctrine of jury nullification.
According to this doctrine, the jurors have the inherent right to set aside the instructions of the judge and to reach a verdict of acquittal based upon their own consciences, and the defendant has the right to have the jury so instructed.
When the Russians ACTUALLY interfered with the workings of the US government over a period of many years. Well documented, thoroughly researched and logically presented. Burnham identifies numerous spy rings, espionage activities and the individuals responsible for this activity. His research is based on public testimony and other publicly available sources. This work is the opposite of how the so-called "McCarthy Era" is usually presented. All facts regarding espionage in the US government are usually downplayed by referencing Senator McCarthy, who has been denigrated to such an extent that the mere use of his name is enough to scare away otherwise objective readers. Contrary to this mythology, the research in Burnham's book has little or nothing to do with McCarthy. Much of this research also has been confirmed by the 1995 release of the long-suppressed Venona Papers. The same ideological side that has for so long ignored or denigrated the type of claims that Burnham documents is the side that now seeks to create the myth of collusion between President Trump and the Russians. This is why Burnham's book takes on new relevance. It is important to see what actual espionage looks like. It is important for the true agendas of so much of our establishment to be exposed. Works such as Burnham's (if widely known today) would force today's propagandists either to abandon their narratives or to finally allow us to learn what truly happened in the 1930's, 1940's and 1950's.
This volume contains the original statement of Mahatma Gandhi's Assassin made in the trial court which sentenced him to death. It is preceded by a brief statement of his brother. Both the statements seek to justify the murder of Mahatma Gandhi because of his agreeing to vivisection of India in 1947. Both being votaries of Hindu Mahasabha advocate Hinduism as religion of all Indians and accuse political parties of appeasing Muslims for vote-bank politics. They believe that only Hinduism can keep the Indian society united and India as one nation.
If you want to understand why Germans had no love for Jews and why Hitler was an incredible leader, read “Unfinished Victory.” Best first hand account, almost a blow by blow description, of how Jews screwed the Germans, started WWII, and how Hitler through sheer determination put Germans back on their feet after the disasters of the Versailles Treaty and the Weimar fiasco. After destroying Russia, Jewish Bolsheviks tried to overthrow Germany but their lies and terrorism were no match for the little Austrian. Only part left out is the World Jewish Boycott of Germany in 1933 which started WWII and resulted in 70 million casualties. One of the best parts is how the Jews from Poland and elsewhere descended on the Germans when they were starving and bought up all their real estate and businesses after the mark was destroyed during the Weimar years. Huge quantities of wealth passed from the Germans to the Jews overnight.. Arthur Bryant was perhaps the most popular writer of history in the U.K. in his day, and this book is no exception— he writes beautifully. This is an extremely difficult book to find.
From a review at: https://www.unz.com/book/arthur_bryant__unfinished-victory/
He stresses the fact that multitudes of German Jews, who are upstanding German citizens, are suffering because of the actions of a few Jews.
Douglas Reed (1895 – 1976) was a British journalist, playwright, novelist and author of a number of books of political analysis. He was The Times correspondent in South-eastern Europe during which he was witness to the prevailing political machinations and social conditions.
His book Insanity Fair (1938) was influential in publicising the state of Europe and Hitler’s “megalomania.” Its follow-up Disgrace Abounding (1939) suffered a different fate: Organised Jewry soon realised its truths were inconvenient to them and their cause and so ensured it was routinely condemned by the liberal press, reviewers and commentators.
Reed had witnessed the appalling conditions of the Christian people, especially the peasant, in what is now Ukraine and Moldova. Especially their condition of servitude to “the Jews.” Reed’s crime was that he reported it honestly, unlike many other Western observers who had witnessed the same evil but had reported the exact opposite. Reed reported on the dire conditions in Christian East Europe. The lands in which Khazarian Jews were a significant minority. The lands in which White Christians had a long, intimate relationship with “the Jews.”
Above text from: https://thegharqadtree.com/disgrace-abounding-the-jew-and-the-peasant/
Explains how Roosevelt's New Deal and The Great Depression was used to enact a "silent revolution" in the USA which went by unnoticed.
"There is no comfort in history for those who put their faith in forms; who think there is safeguard in words inscribed on parchment, preserved in a glass case, reproduced in facsimile and hauled to and fro on a Freedom Train.
"A government that had been supported by the people and so controlled by the people became one that supported the people and so controlled them. Much of it is irreversible.
"We have crossed the boundary that lies between Republic and Empire."
"Garrett's three trenchant brochures are indispensable to anybody who wishes to understand 'the strange death of liberal America' and desires to do something to check these dolorous and fateful trends in our political and economic life."
— PROFESSOR Harry Elmer Barnes, historian, 1952
"His keen perception and his forceful direct language are unsurpassed by any author."
— PROFESSOR LUDWIG VON MlSES, economist, 1952
"This triad is must material for those who would be informed of the past, aware of the present, and concerned about the future."
— STATE SENATOR JACK B. TENNEY, California, 1952
"The most radical view of the New Deal was that of libertarian essayist and novelist Garet Garrett..."
— Professor Murray Rothbard, economist and
historian, 1992.
"Today, 60 years after Garet Garrett's perceptive and prescient writings, we can easily agree with his diagnosis of our national malady. It is internationalism. By reading him today we can more fully understand not only how we went wrong but perhaps gain clues how we may extricate ourselves.""
— WA CARTO, founder of the Institute for Historical Review.
Garet Garrett was born in 1878 in Pana, Illinois. An accomplished journalist and financial expert by his thirties, he was a member of the editorial board of the New York Times, executive editor of the New York Tribune, and chief editorial writer for the Saturday Evening Post. Before publishing Burden of Empire (as The People's Pottage, in 1952), Garrett wrote several successful novels on business and financial themes, and a history of the 1929 crash (A Bubble That Broke the World, 1932); a biography of Henry Ford (The Wild Wheel, 1954); and a history of the American republic up to and including its demise (The American Story). He died on his farm in Tuckahoe, New Jersey in 1954.
For giving aid or, comfort to the enemy in time of war the penalty is death. Both civilians and soldiers share this punishment. If an American or a British or a French soldier in No Man’s Land had ever been caught giving a rifle or a grenade to a German, he would have been shot on the battlefidd. But the Allied armament-makers who not only before the war, but during the war, gave rifles and grenades and the comfort of food to the enemy, received baronetcies and the ribbons of the Legion of Honour while making a profit of millions of dollars.
REVERSING the conventions, Sir Basil Zaharoff is already a legend. Ordinarily mortals must die to achieve the aureole and usually they are a long time dead before the fact and fancy have merged sufficiently to form a foolproof legend: yet Zaharoff, with all modesty and dignity, accomplished the task before he had reached the half-century mark. That was thirty-four years ago. Not even the most, critical of historians will deny that thirty-four years is a long time in the life of a gun-maker.
I expect that the pacifists and those who make money in the anti-war business will seize upon this book and claim it as their own. At least it is worth a good wager that they will use its facts and implications as arguments for pacifism. Partly because of this possibility and partly because I enjoy a paradoxical state of mind, i wish to make it plain that I am not a pacifist. Furthermore, 1 would cheerfully engage in another war if it would end the business of making war for profit. My particular objection to the Zaharoffs is based upon the incredible cruelty of their political programs which stand vis-a-vis their martial aims but always in n shadow.
Yet wars will continue to be made and some of them will have ample excuse. Political and social alignments are already established in the modern world, each carrying high upon their banners their diverse dogmas, which make conflict inevitable since every major political premise must depend upon force to sustain and expand itself: and if they do not employ force for sustenance and expansion, they must use it for defense. The pacifists complicate such a situation no less than the militarists since it seems one of their principal characteristics to preach disarmament in one country while lauding militarism in another.
Zaharoff and all his crowd are bound to profit; by such a condition, and until the issues involved lire resolved there can be no rational excuse for disarming below the danger point. In the meantime we would do well to arm ourselves. Until the the Zaharoffs and that of international bandits who intend to profit by the world's disorder are exorcised by a thorough thrashing, we are in danger of assault.
The apocalyptic peace is one thing: the menace of a program of world violence ultimating in a new type of political domination is another.
G. D.
June 1934
Horrifying, hate-filled, Jewish-authored book advocating genocide of the German (Amalek) people.
"Peace hath her victories no less renowned than war", wrote John Milton.
The great tragedy of the twentieth century is that peace has suffered defeats even after wars have been won for her. In 1918 an agonized world laid down its guns. Peace was here, but we turned our backs on her as though she nourished herself, as though the same intense planning and torrents of energy which win wars are not necessary to maintain peace. The Germans were democratized, but not made safe for democracy. We were smug about the newly instituted Republic as though democracy were a mere format of government instead of an expression of the people's yearning for self-regulation. As a result, within twenty years, the peace so dearly won had been squandered. Only then did we discover that our unpreparedness for peace had made that period a prelude to another war. And ironically enough we were unprepared for that, too.
During a war there is no confusion of immediate objectives. One must win-or perish. Where choice is thus limited, the temptation to procrastinate and to compromise is likewise diminished. There is a penalty of death for error or even hesitancy. But peacemaking is leisurely. It permits all the devices of indecision-commissions, committees, experiments, debates.
The day is approaching when another chance, perhaps the last chance, will be given to us to win a renowned vic- tory for peace. On that day word that the war has ended will be flashed around the world and will be echoed by gleeful church bells and hysterical whistles. Millions of hearts will stop for a second in solemn prayer. Then a wave of ecstacy will sweep across the world. Emotional riots will break out everywhere. Hundreds of New Year celebrations will be crowded into one night of delirious joy. Children, astonished by the madness of their parents, will scream and dance in contagious imitation. Churches will be crowded with worshipers too stirred to pray. Men in fits of gratitude will indulge in philanthropic orgies. Women, too pained to cry during the war, will learn to cry with overwhelming joy. There will be bonfires in our hearts and from them will ascend a wave of religious gratitude to the heavens. Peace will be here. Peace ! We will go berserk with triumph and peace. And that will be the most dangerous moment in all history !
Will we again waste the sacrifice of millions of people because we are not prepared to think? Will we simply rearrange our prejudices and reclothe our demagoguery? Or will we, with knowledge of the causes of the disaster, grimly set ourselves to the task of winning the peace and preventing World War III now?
The definition of SARS and Corona or Covid-19 states that atypical pneumonia is considered to be the disease characterizing the disease. If known pathogens can be detected in pneumonia, pneumonia is said to be a typical, if not an atypical one. One of two factors that are decisive for the SARS and the corona crisis is that at least 20–30% of all pneumonia is atypical. The causes of atypical pneumonia are very well known and therefore must NOT be given as the cause of an unknown virus.
This fact is suppressed by infectious diseases and virologists and is the basis of current anxiety generation and panic, because it gives people, the general public and politicians the impression that atypical pneumonia would be particularly dangerous and more often fatal because of the lack of medication or Vaccines for the supposedly novel disease exist.
The number of cases is automatically increased from the time when a test procedure for the allegedly new virus is offered, which, what is concealed by those involved, also tests healthy people "positively". First, people with typical pneumonia are recorded, then more and more people with other diseases. This is considered practical evidence of the spread of the virus. More and more other diseases are automatically added to the original disease "atypical pneumonia" and this "syndrome" is output as "the new virus disease".
The other fact, which is not only decisive for SARS and the corona crisis, is that virologists who claim that they are pathogenic viruses suppress an obvious situation for understandable reasons. The virus test procedure offered is a genetic detection procedure. The gene sequences that they use for the detection test do not isolate them from a virus. They isolate typical gene sequences that are released when tissues and cells die. These generally short gene sequences, components of human metabolism, form the basis for further laboratory work. However, with the help of computer programs, virologists can only construct long strands of genetic material from many short gene sequences using computer programs. These are then issued as real, viral genome strands. That is the reason, So that these virologists do not refute themselves, they consistently disregard two rules prescribed in science. One is to consistently review all claims yourself. The other is to test all assumptions and methods used by means of control tests. If they carried out the control experiments, they would find that ALL of the short gene sequences that they only mentally link to a virus genome stem from human metabolism and not from the outside, from an alleged virus.
DISMANTLING THE VIRUS THEORY
The "measles virus" as an example
Why should we doubt the existence of viruses? What are viruses and what are they not?
How are viruses being scientifically demonstrated to exist?
Scientists must question everything and especially what they love the most, i.e. their own discoveries and ideas. This basic rule of scientific research helps avoid erroneous developments and reveals the ones that already exist. Also, we must all be allowed to question the status quo, otherwise we would live in a dictatorship. Moreover, science cannot be limited to a selected number of institutions and experts. Science can and must be conducted by anyone who has the necessary knowledge and the appropriate methods.
Science can be considered science only if its claims are verifiable, reproducible and if they allow predictions. Science also needs external control, because, as we will see, a part of the medical sciences has lost touch with reality for quite some time. Anyone who has knowledge of biology and the genesis of life, of the development and functions of the tissue, of the body and of the brain, will automatically question the assumptions about viruses.
In the reality of the body and of its mechanisms, there is no place for hypothetical malignant processes. All biological processes, including those that can end in suffering, pain and death, are originally meant to be useful.
A different approach to the virus phenomenon is possible and necessary: any layman with some background knowledge reading scientific papers about pathogenic viruses can realize that such viruses do not exist and what is being described are only typical components and characteristics of cells. This background knowledge will be provided in this article.
The book contains a large series of cuneiform texts, represent- ing the main divisions of Babylonian and Assyrian literature. They comprise examples of historical, mythological, religious, magical, epistolary, and other documents, and in selecting them care has been taken to include those which are of importance from a historical point of view. The principal Babylonian and Assyrian legends, including the Babylonian versions of the Creation and the Deluge, are also given at length. The texts are printed in cuneiform characters and are furnished with interlinear transliterations and translations, and a full Vocabulary. They thus furnish the beginner with a mass of material for philological study, while at the same time they enable him to acquaint himself at first hand with the most interesting and important literary compositions which the Babylonians and Assyrians have left us.
Remarkably detailed analysis of how India's Independence was anything but, with economic facts and figures showing how for all the bluster of Nehru, that it was firmly in the hands of foreign capitalists, the USA and Great Britain duelling for control and supremacy of the newly created industries and companies in India.
Stalin's official public comments on nuclear weapons.
A history of how Japan's "Meiji Restoration" transformed the economy and results of policy in the early Post-WW2 years.
Propaganda pamphlet with many photographs, describing about how how Britain and the USA are aiding and supplying the USSR in order to defeat the Axis Powers.
Permit me to extend my hearty good wishes to the Independent Order of B'nai B'rith and to wish it all success in continuing its work, in strengthening the ties between man and man and endeavoring to contribute to the uplift and betterment of humanity. It has been a great educational and enlightening factor in our American life.
THEODORE ROOSEVELT
I have great respect for the Order because of the good which it has done, the conservative attitude which it has occupied, the harmonizing eject it has had upon otherwise discordant elements and the general world fraternity which it has promoted. It is a body Jf representative American citizens that deserves the approval and encouragement of all their fellow-citizens.
WILLIAM H. TAFT
I follow from time lo lime with the greatest interest, the fine work of the Order, work which undoubtedly contributes to the uplift and betterment of the nation and I have been particularly interested in the work of education and philanthropy and the extort to destroy the Provincialism of prejudice as between races.
WOODROW WILSON
I hope that all America will catch the spirit of B'nai B'rilh in campaigning against all the movements aimed lo rend the concord of American citizenship. Fraternity must be the abiding Purpose of our People and the compensations that come to this consciousness of helping one's fellow-men contributes more to the happiness of self than success, distinction and all the other triumphs of life.
WARREN G. HARDING
For a long time, I have been quite familiar with the work and purposes of B'nai B'rith. As my acquaintance with theOrder has widened, my regard for its high aims and ejective methods has increased. Its ideal of practical usefulness is one which can not be too earnestly commended.
CALVIN C. COOLIDGE.
A loyal citizen.
Possessed of these convictions' Each Jew is a link in a chain, the forging of which began in the hoary past. No Jew comes into the world isolated; whether he would have it so or no, he is a party to a covenant sanctified by the sacrifices of countless generations. He may make this covenant either a joy or an accusation, but he can not escape it.
Permeated with the belief that Judaism is life. Feeling in every fibre of his being: "God signs the covenant, but we have to seal it-to seal it by a life of service."
Keenly conscious of the indissolubility of the household of Israel, and that the non-Jew scores all the vices and weaknesses of an individual Jew against the Jew as a whole; hence the weal or woe of Israel is in the keeping of each Jew, and that this harsh but inevitable judgment imposes an especial obligation on every Jew to live an upright life and thus deserve the affection and esteem of his fellow citizens.
A lover of mankind. A deliverer of the poor, the fatherless and the helpless. One deserving "the blessing of him that was ready to perish;" who "causes the widow's heart to sing for joy." Sympathetic in his contacts in every relation of life.
A proud protagonist of his faith and yet always noted for his humility. Is it not written in the covenant: all that the Lord requireth of man is that he "Shall do justly, love mercy and walk humbly before God?"
Affiliated with a synagogue, the fount whence How the spiritual waters of our religion.
The head of a home instinct with Jewishness-a home wherein the heart of the father turns to the children and the heart of the children turns to the parent; a home radiating the spirit of Judaism in rites and ceremonies. Who reared in such a home fails to recall with tenderest memory the blessing of the Sabbath lights? He is poorer who has no such sweet recollections.
Interested in the Jew, past and present, which will lead him to learn the history of his people and concern him in the solution of situations which constantly arise.
A regular attendant at lodge meetings, thus gaining and giving inspiration for the performance of duty. Each Ben B'rith is a unit of the great Order, and the strength of the latter is dependent on the Fidelity of the former.
Ever alert to remove prejudice of Jew against Jew, which usually has no deeper basis, than that the persons involved, emigrated from different countries.
Convinced that the B'nai B'rith while dealing with subjects that primarily interest the Jew, is concerning itself in matters, which in the final analysis, affect all mankind. If the B'nai B'rith is able to make of those affiliated with it, better men and higher types of citizens, is it not performing a truly genuine service for all? The peoples of the world will not come to a better under- standing en masse. This understanding will come only through individual and group effort. The time is far oft when all the children of a common Father will regard themselves as brothers. Now and then, however, we see a rift in the clouds. Evidence is plentiful that something like God's love exists in many creatures of His handiwork.
The ideal Ben B'rith thinks of God's love in the words of an Israelitish poet of the eleventh century:
Could we with ink, the ocean fill, Were every blade of grass a quill, Were the world of parchment made, And every man a scribe by trade,
To write the love Of God above
Would drain that ocean dry;
Nor would the scroll
Contain the whole
Though stretched from sky to sky!
and he prays for the coming of the day when God-love will H11 the hearts of all. On that blessed day every man will be an ideal Ben B'rith.
ALFRED M. COHEN
After a total suspension of news from Russia lasting between twenty-four and forty-eight hours, news reached England of the Revolution and the abdication of the Tsar. I remember going to my club and witnessing the enthusiasm of the members: Have you heard the glorious news from Russia?" My suggestion that it was a great disaster was received with pitying incredulity, and for months afterwards the censorship imposed upon the Press the obligation of "writing up" the Revolution.
Three months later, in a postcript to Birbeck and the Russian Church (S.P.C.K., 1917), I attempted to appraise the effect on the Church of the great change in its position. But neither I nor any other individual at that time could foresee the extent of the catastrophe or could believe that it presaged the most ferocious attack upon Christianity that the world has ever seen.
The surviving Bishops of Russia generally speak with quiet confidence of the future - they know their people, and the failure of the Bolsheviks, to tear Christianity out of their hearts is evident; the frontal attack on the Church has been largely abandoned.
The methods now followed are more sinister, if less direct. In the first place, all training of candidates for the ministry has been rendered impossible; what will happen when clergy and sacrament alike disappear?
A 1928 Workers Library pamphlet reprinted in 1960 to reveal Moscow's devious attempts to sow racial strife in the U.S.A.
The two major capitalist parties, the Republican and Democratic, and their small brother, the Socialist Party, have an unwritten "gentleman's agreement" on the Negro question. According to this sacred "gentleman's agreement," which no capitalist politician has dared to violate in the present election campaign, there is no Negro question in the United States, there are no problems of social and political equality, no questions of discrimination against the Negro masses. During the whole course of the election campaign there has been only one political party which has had the courage to violate this "gentleman's agreement" to keep a deathly silence on the Negro question. The Workers (Communists Party of America has come out in its election platform and in its whole election struggle as the fearless champion of the Negro masses.
The southern states are stirred up by the political struggle of the communist speakers and organizers for the Negro masses. Communist anti-lynching leaflets are being distributed everywhere.
The candidates of the Communist Party are everywhere putting up a courageous fight for the full social and political equality of the Negro race.
The meetings of the Communist Party have been broken up in Arizona, in Texas, in Delaware, and in other southern states, because the communist spokesmen dared to tackle the Negro question and were bold enough to call the Negro workers to their meetings.
The Ku Klux Klan, the American Legion, the forces of police and other organs of governmental terrorism are mobilized every- where against the communists, because the Communist Party is the only party of the working class and of the oppressed Negro masses.
One, if not the most outstanding, feature of the election campaign of 1928 is the fact that communist speakers, organizers, and candidates for President, Vice-President, and Governor are being jailed everywhere because of their uncompromising struggle for the Negroes.
To this brief foreword to the following essay on some of the basic Negro problems in America, we wish to add the principal demands for the oppressed Negro masses as embodied in the Plat- form of the Workers (Communists Party of America:
J.P.
In preparing this official Report of the jewish International Conference on the Suppression of the Traffic in Girls and Women, the Gentlemen's Committee of the Jewish Association for the Protection of Girls and Women, who were responsible for the organization of the Conference, have endeavoured to present it as fully and as accurately :is possible. From various causes much difficulty was found in obtaining a complete verbatim report, and the editors hope that no injustice has been done to any of the speakers, whether by commission or by omission.
The science of mine and thine-the science of justice-is the science of all human rights ; of all a man's rights of person and property; of all his rights to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.
It is the science which alone can tell any man what he can, and cannot, do; what he can. and cannot, have; what he can, and cannot, say, without infringing the rights of any other person.
It is the science of peace; and the only science of peace ; since it is the science which alone can tell us on what conditions mankind can live in peace, or ought to live in peace, with each other.
We are republishing this pamphlet, written by Trotsky Bt the end of 1934. It has long been out of print and was so rare that it had become a collector's item.
The subject matter treated is not only of great historic value but has become topical following the Twentieth Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union held in February, 1956. At the Congress Stalin's successors repudiated twenty years of his rule and have since been revealing his crimes, one after another.
Although they now reveal these crimes, Stalin's heirs fail to explain his rise to power or his bloody regime. By implication they attribute his crimes to a paranoic reaction to the Kirov assassination.
Kirov, one of Stalin's henchmen, became the head of the Leningrad Communist Party after the defeat of the Left Opposition, led by Trotsky. His assassin, Nicolaiev, was an obscure employee in the Soviet apparatus. What motivated Nicolaiev in his act has not been revealed by the Kremlin to this day. Stalin, however, seized on this event to intensify his tenor against all opposition in the Soviet Union and rise to absolute power.
May 1, 1956
Translated by John G. Wright
First Printing, February, 1935
A Study of Corporate and Banking Influence. Staff Report, Committee on Banking, Currency and Housing, House of Representatives, 94th Congress, 2nd Session, August 1976.
Advertisement in "His Last Passion" by Telemachus Thomas Timayenis, Feb 1891
“A WORLD all rollicking and plunging like that old Roman one, when the measure of its iniquities was full; the abysses and subterranean and supernal deluges, plainly broken loose ; in the wild dim-lighted chaos, all stars of Heaven gone out. No star of heaven visible, hardly now to any man ; the pestiferous fogs and foul exhalations grown continual, have, except on the highest mountain-tops, blotted-out all stars ; will-o’-wisps, of various course and color, take the place of stars. Over the wild surging-chaos, in the leaden air, are only sudden glares of revolutionary lightning ; then mere darkness with philanthropists phosphorescences, empty meteoric lights.”
It was after reading the above lines from Carlyle that the idea was first suggested to me of writing the present book, and pointing out those who are planning our catastrophe. This catastrophe is one that will surely overtake us all, unless we take measures and apply the remedy—a remedy that is plainly shown in the pages that follow.
The Jews and the Jewish press have of late more than once asserted that the author is himself a Jew. This is a malicious and unfounded statement. The author is not a Jew, and not a drop of Jewish blood flows in his veins. He is a Greek by birth and education, and his family, as regards respectability and learning, stands second to none in the kingdom of Hellas.
The Jews also make reference to my “antecedents.” There is nothing in my life, or to use their term, in my “antecedents,” that I am ashamed to have the world know. I arrived in America about twenty years ago, with $15 in my pocket, and by dint of hard work and perseverance, unaided, I created the position that I occupy to-day in the literary world. The Hellenic government, on account of my literary productions, bestowed upon me the Royal Cross, of which I have every reason to feel proud. Among my pupils I count the most distinguished teachers, professors, and ministers in this country. For more than ten years I directed one of the most successful private schools in the city of New York. There is nothing therefore in my "antecedents" that I am afraid to have the Jews or the world know.
Ever since I published “The Original Mr. Jacobs ” the Jews have hounded me and persecuted me day and night. Some time ago I was accused of embezzling the funds of the Minerva Publishing Company—a company which I founded myself, with my own money and brains. I was arrested, and for a time the Jewish press published the vilest calumnies against me. If there is any man in the United States towards whom I feel a debt of gratitude, it is the man who undertook my defence, and who won for me a brilliant victory. Although accused of a mean and contemptible act, I was appointed the receiver of the Minerva Publishing Company, and a few days after my appointment the entire concern passed into my hands.
Certainly no more complete vindication could have been given against the baseless accusations that were brought against me; no advocate ever obtained a more brilliant victory for a client than the one won by my friend and counsellor.
I know the Jews too well to fear their mutterings or their threats. I have undertaken a battle which I know I shall win, nor will I lay down my pen before the victory is mine.
The Author.
A novella of unrequited love, human arrogance, and deadly tragedy that predicted the legendary Titanic disaster…fourteen years before it happened. In 1898, Morgan Robertson penned The Wreck of the Titan, a love story set aboard the Titan, the most advanced steamship of the age. When the “unsinkable” passenger liner hit an iceberg, nearly all its passengers perished at sea. On April 15, 1912, the most advanced steamship of its age, the “unsinkable” Titanic, struck an iceberg and was lost to the ocean, becoming forever immortalized as a cultural touchstone. The similarities between the fact of the Titanic and the fiction of the Titan are more than just name-deep. Both stories tell the tale of real humans faced with an unfathomable disaster, and the hopes of humankind at the turn of a new century. As the 100th anniversary of the sinking of the Titanic is remembered, Robertson’s work of fiction gives great insights into the human scope of the tragedy…and the enduring power of love. Includes a special excerpt from the all-new Titanic thriller, The Titanic Secret, by Jack Steel—Available in stores and online now!
DURING the last ten years I have written on the subject of the Modern jew for various periodicals-notably in the Nineteenth Century, Contemporary Review, Chambers's Journal, and North American Review. With the exception of the Statistics relating to the Russian Jews-for the republication of which I have to thank the Editor of the Contemporary Review-the following pages now see the light for the first time.
In the course of my investigations I have received much assistance from friends and others. I desire especially to acknowledge the aid of Major Sharp Hume and of Mr. Randolph L. Hodgson. To the latter's knowledge of Austrian peasant life I am indebted. I also wish to thank Mr. W. Heinemann, my publisher, for his courtesy in kindly seeing the book through the press during my absence abroad beyond the reach of posts.
Careful study of the Dreyfus affair convinces me that in its main issues it illustrates the decadence of France rather than the phenomena of modern Israel ; and I have not, therefore, included any examination of the question in the following pages-the more especially as all unprejudiced people, who agree on the facts, are of one mind. Captain Dreyfus as a hero and a man adds one more to the long line of Jewish worthies whose annals adorn the history of the race.
With the exception of some chapters, viz., the Jewishness of U . N . O . , the alleged slaughter of 6,000,000 Jews, the trial of Cardinal Mindszenty, the betrayal at Pearl Harbour, lists of other Jewish- inspired Revolutions, and lists of unsuspected but still Communistic movements in our midst, and a few events of obviously quite recent happening—with these exceptions, this book first appeared in 1943 under a different title and different anonymous authorship.
The work went into many editions, each of thou- sands of copies, an incontestable proof of its intrinsic worth. It is now being republished after a lapse of some years. We have been strongly advised to keep the different original Prefaces. Some parts of the book could be out of date, but they could serve to show trends. Hence they are not omitted. If, for a moment, the grandiose Red plan is scoffed at as being fantastic, consider that one-fourth of the land surface of the world and one-third of the peoples of the earth are now controlled by the world-wide Communistic bloc.
The book is now being brought out again with the firm conviction of its paramount necessity. In his delightful little book—"Know Your Enemy"—Robert H. Williams goes behind the scenes and exposes some of the Jewish mischief makers of the present era.
In our book we are endeavouring to unmask Communism and point out who are the sinister forces working in the dark and leading the unsuspecting masses up the garden path. For the same diabolical forces are at work today as at the time of the original writing of this book.
The International Jew is a four-volume set of booklets originally published and distributed in the early 1920s by the Dearborn Publishing Company, owned by the great American industrialist Henry Ford warning about the dangers of Jewish power and influence to non-jews (or goyim as they refer to them).
THE succession of events which have led to the almost total loss of British prestige in the sight of the world, the failure in the lamentable Ethiopian affair, Britain's recognition of Bolshevism in Russia and Spain, and mistaken policy in India, Palestine,Egypt and elsewhere, make it imperative for every Briton to enquire into the causes of the rise and fall of the British Empire.
Those words" British Empire" have swelled the hearts of many Britons with patriotism, loyalty and devotion. Patriotic idealists believed that the term embodied the aspirations of a great people to spread the greatness of their acquired civilisation over the uttermost ends of the earth. To them, possessions, colonies, dominions meant the extension of that beneficent power.
For the sake of implanting or defending the reverenced flag in remote places, they cheerfully and nobly shed their blood and sacrificed their lives... And the British Empire, emerging from the small Kingdom of Great Britain, was born, developed and prospered. Eventually, the British flag waved proudly over islands and continents in all parts of the hemispheres; it crossed seas and oceans, commanded respect and even fear.
A two-sided foldable pamphlet in 4 parts.
Natural law, natural justice, being a principle that is naturally applicable and adequate to the rightful settlement of every possible controversy that can arise among men, being, too, the only standard by which any controversy whatever, between man and man, can be rightfully settled; being a principle whose protection every man demands for himself, whether he is willing to accord it to others, or not; being also an immutable principle, one that is always self-evidently necessary in all times and places, being so entirely impartial and equitable towards all; so indispensable to the peace of every human being; being, too, so easily learned, so generally known, and so easily maintained by such voluntary associations as all men can readily and rightfully form for that purpose--being such a principle as this, these questions arise, viz.: Why is it that it does not universally, or well nigh universally, prevail? Why is it that it has not, ages ago, been established throughout the world as the one only law that any man, or all men, could rightfully be compelled to obey? Why is it that any human being ever conceived that anything so self-evidently superfluous, false, absurd, and atrocious as all legislation necessarily must be, could be of any use to mankind, or have any place in human affairs?
Former Chief of the British Secret Intelligence Service in Soviet Russia
IF EVER there was a period when people blindly hitched their wagons to shibboleths and slogans instead of stars it is the present. In the helter-skelter of events which constantly outrun mankind, the essential meaning of commonly used words is becoming increasingly confused. Not only the abstract ideas of liberty, equality, and fraternity, but more concrete and more recently popularized ones such as proletariat, bourgeois, soviet, are already surrounded with a sort of fungous growth concealing their real meaning, so that every time they are employed they have to be freshly defined.
The phenomenon of Red Russia is a supreme ex- ample of the triumph over reason of the shibboleth, the slogan, and the political catchword. War-weary and politics-weary, the Russian people easily succumbed to those who promised wildly what nobody could give, the promisers least of all. Catchwords such as "All Power to the Soviets," possessing cryptic power before their coiners seized the reins of government, were after- ward discovered either to have no meaning whatsoever, or else to be endowed with some arbitrary, variable, and quite unforeseen sense. Similarly, words such as "workers," "bourgeois," "proletariat," "imperialist," "socialist," "cooperative," "soviet," are endowed by mob orators everywhere, with arbitrary significations, meaning one thing one day and another the next as occasion demands.
from La Civilta Cattolica, vol. VII, no. XIV. 1890 (Oct, Nov, Dec)
The nineteenth century will soon close upon Europe, leaving behind a very sad question, because of which, in the twentieth century, there will perhaps result such calamitous consequences that it will be definitively resolved and brought to a conclusion. We allude to the badly phrased "Semitic question", or more strictly speaking, the Jewish question, which is intimately linked to economic, moral, political and religious matters in Christian Europe.
"When ignorance reigns in society and disorder in the minds of men, laws are multiplied, legislation is expected to do everything, and each fresh law being a fresh miscalculation, men are continually led to demand from it what can proceed only from themselves, from their own education and their own morality." It is no revolutionist who says this, nor even a reformer. It is the jurist, Dalloy, author of the Collection of French law known as "Repertoire de la Legislation," And yet, though these lines were written by a man who was himself a maker and admirer of' law, they perfectly represent the abnormal condition of our society.
Author was for three years Military Observer of the U.. S. Embassy at Petrograd - one year under the Czar and two years under the Kerensky and Lenin and Trotsky regimes.
Out of Darkest Russia come facts that make an American's blood run cold.
The Soviet Socialist Republic that Lenin and Trotsky have set up in the name of Marxian socialism is an attempt to establish a human stock farm, with all the science that breeds cattle for the market, even up to the slaughter house and bloody shambles.
Religion and the family, God and home, manage and mother love, all are being wiped out.
Freedom of the press, freedom of speech, freedom of assemblage, the right to organize and strike all the great institutions of democracy- have disappeared.
"Any worded opposition or criticism of the Soviet form of government constitutes a lie," is the decree, and all newspapers, institutions or any person guilty of stating a lie in Soviet Russia is guilty of treason, and treason means jail or death.
THE evening of May 22, 1987, I boarded a train in Moscow to return to my post in The Hague as Chief of the Soviet Military Intelligence in Western Europe. I little realized then that I was seeing my last of Russia so long as Stalin is her master. For nearly twenty years I had served the Soviet government. For nearly twenty years I had been a Bolshevik. As the train sped toward the Finnish border I sat alone in my compartment, thinking of the fate of my colleagues, my comrades, my friends-arrested, shot or in concentration camps, almost all of them. They had given their entire lives to build a better world, and had died at their posts, not under the bullets of an enemy but because Stalin willed it.
Who is there left to respect or admire? What hero or heroine of our revolution has not been broken and destroyed? I could think of but few. All those whose personal integrity was absolutely above question had gone down as "traitors, spies," or common criminals. Pictures flashed through my mind-pictures of the Civil War when these same "traitors" and "spies" faced death a thousand times without flinching; of the arduous days that followed of industrialization and the superhuman demands it made upon all of us, of collectivization and famine when we barely had the rations to keep us alive. And then the great purge-sweeping all before it, destroying those who had labored hardest to build a state in which man should no longer exploit his fellow man.
Through the long years of struggle we had learned to repeat to ourselves that a victory over injustices of the old society can only be attained with moral as well as physical sacrifice, that a new world can not come into being until the last vestige of the habits of the old has been destroyed. But could it be necessary for a Bolshevik Revolution to destroy all Bolsheviks? Was it the Bolshevik Revolution that was destroying them, or had that revolution itself long since perished? I did not answer these questions then, but I asked them ...
WHEN the revolution broke out in Russia I was living in a provincial town, which since the war had become of considerable importance.
For some time before February 1917 the news- papers had been daily scanned with ever-increasing anxiety. Not only did it daily become more evident that there was much treachery and treason, but it seemed that the only one who could have put a stop to this state of affairs lacked either the wisdom or the courage, or both.
Each time that the name of a newly appointed minister was read out people looked at each other in amazement, and then came the never-varying exclama- tion, "What are they aiming at ? A revolution?"
Even before the date I speak of thoughtful Russians had foreseen a revolution " from below," but they hoped it would be staved off until the close of the war. The revolution which they now spoke of was one which they thought might prove merely a palace revolution.
The murder of Rasputin seemed to arouse expectancy in everyone. All thought that the monk's death meant a new chapter ; but what were the contents to be?
THE publication of this series of notes on the events in Russia during the first year of the Bolshevik regime should prove of advantage all round in helping the general public to understand, from the point of view of the details of daily life, what is happening in Russia to-day. In perusing this little volume it is necessary to bear in mind the fundamental difference in character between our own and the Russian race, as otherwise the reader will fail to comprehend how the various changes of opinion, as here set forth, could possibly take place.
The urgent assistance and sympathy of the whole British race is necessary to help this great nation in dire distress, -whose inhabitants were deceived' and znaltreated in the past as in the present, are thoroughly mystified by the enormity of what has occurred, and are utterly unable themselves to understand the series of events happening in their own country. Their very faith has been put up to blasphemy and declared to be a worthless relic of the old order of things, thus uprooting the beliefs of centuries , their characters have been unstablied by the ever changing and kaleidoscopic series of events , their lives. their very souls have become the playthings of a guilty minority, which jeers at the distraction of the mothers who by acts of murder show their inability to witness further the agony of their starving babes, and which claims as rightful recruits for prostitution all youth and innocence in the land.
Civilization has been uprooted in that unhappy country, the sufferings of all classes have never been so great, hunger, disease and unemployment stalk through the land, whilst one can safely predict that a continuation of the present methods of administration would eventually lead to the extermination of the entire population from the effects of starvation alone.
I HAVE been asked by the author and by the publishers also to write a foreword for Colonel Kalpaschnikoff's book A Prisoner of Trotsky's" and as I am familiar with the occurrences resulting in his arrest and five months' imprisonment, have consented to do so.
Colonel Kalpaschnikoff was in America when I arrived in Petrograd in April, 1916; he was delivering lectures in this country and soliciting funds for the purchase of motor ambulances for the "Siberian Regiments American Ambulance Society," of which he was Commissioner-General. He returned to Rus- sia immediately after the first revolution and on the same vessel from which Leon Trotsky (Bronstein) was taken at Halifax, and did some interpreting in connection with the detention of Trotsky. Upon arriving in Petrograd, Kalpaschnikoff visited the American Embassy several times. I remember receiving him on one or two occasions, also meeting him at several social functions. He told me that he had made an arrangement with the American Red Cross Mission to Rumania, of which Colonel Anderson of Virginia was the head, to transport to Jassy, the temporary capital of Rumania, seventy-two motor ambulances and eight light trucks enroute from America. This statement was confirmed later by Roger Griswold Perkins, connected with the American Red Cross Mission to Rumania, when he came to Petrograd enroute to America.
My commission as Ambassador to Russia was dated March 9th,1916. As I was so long in regaining my health and strength after leaving Russia, I offered to resign the Ambassadorship three or more times, but each time the Secretary of State or the Acting Secretary dissuaded me from presenting my resignation. I have drawn no salary as Ambassador since the 26th of April, 1919, but since then I have held myself subject to being sent back to Russia as American Ambassador in the event a stable government was established there. At no time was there any likelihood of our recognizing the Bolshevik Soviet Government. My resignation as Ambassador to Russia was presented on the 3rd of March, 1921, but I have not had advice of its acceptance up to the present writing. It will be seen, therefore, that my services have covered five years.
During this period I was credited to the Monarchy of Russia thirteen months. I represented the UnitedStates with the Provisional Government of Russia for eight months. I remained in Russia from the inception of Bolshevik usurpation and until within five days of the Armistice, when a surgical operation necessitated removal to a hospital in London.
Caricatures and descriptions of leaders of The Bolshevik Revolution.
AMERICAN EDITION REVISED AND ENLARGED
"For them (the peoples of the Soviet Union) We cherish the warmest paternal affection. We are well aware that not a few of them groan beneath the yoke imposed on them by men who in very large part are strangers to the real interests of the country. We recognise that many others were deceived by fallacious hopes. We blame only the system with its authors and abettors who con sidered Russia the best prepared field for experimenting with a plan elaborated years ago, and who from there continue to spread it from one end of the world to the other." (Encyclical Letter of Pius XI, Divini Redemptoris, on Atheistic Communism.)
I was born and raised in a conservative southern Wisconsin community.
While working on a weekly newspaper in 1935, I received a letter through the FERA informing me that I could attend without cost, a "Worker's School" at the University of Wisconsin. I accepted the offer, went to Wisconsin and enrolled. It was a typical New Deal project, completely Communist controlled.
We were daily taught in the class rooms how to organize a worker's society. The alleged advantages of a Socialist or Communist system were constantly discussed. In the evening, students would gather around the piano and sing revolutionary songs, such as the "The Internationale"
One night, a student invited a group of us to attend a closed Communist lecture. The meeting was held in the basement of the home of a Party member. The speaker was a young man from New York by the name of Cohen. He gave a report on the Seventh World Congress of the Communist Party.
He called us Liberals, and said we were like armies with- out generals, or plans to carry out our campaign, He said our hit-and-miss policy would lead the working classes to destruction. Only by developing trained leadership could we attain the goal of a new world order, or international Communism!
Cohen declared that the Communist Party was the van- guard of the masses and its membership comprised the generals for the coming revolution.
This book is a living record of personal experience of Russia among the Russians dating back nearly half a century. I claim no merit for it other than sincerity and freedom from race or party bias. I have no interest to serve except my British birthright, which is perhaps dearer to me bceause of my long exile. And in this feeling of love and reverence for England I associate Russia as the land of my childhood and France as the home of my dearest ties.
During the past fourteen years I have been an eye- witness of events in Russia, and able to study at first-hand the manifold aspects of Reaction and Revo- lution, as each in its turn was exploited by our relent- less foe. I was the only non-Russian civilian who participated in all the phases of the collapse of Soeialism as a national force in July last during the short-lived offensive and disastrous retreat of the armies in Galicia, which was also the death-knell of the Revolution. The men who have figured in Russian affairs during that long period are personally known to me, and thanks to my relations with the Army, I have been able to study the Russian soldier under all conditions of service.
The temptation to relate all I knew in book form has often been very strong, because few people realized more clearly how little was known about the Russians outside, and how much harm this ignorance caused to our relations with them. But the whole truth could not be told during the Old Regime, and I preferred not to produce a halting narrative-a half-truth. The obstacles to a frank state- ment of Russia as she was and as she is having been removed, I have lost no time in presenting her ease to my fellow-countrymen and allies according to the best of my knowledge and understanding without fear or favour.
My conclusions are set forth in the closing chapter. I do not propose to deal with them here, except to call attention to the character and lessons of Socialism as exemplified in the Russian Revolution. They are of momentous significance to every thinking man and woman of the Allied nations--to the working-man equally with his employer. They closely affect the great issues that we, through our blindness to the responsibilities of nation- hood, have been called upon to solve at such great cost of blood and treasure. Socialism has ever promised an easy path, but we have seen whither it has led Russia. No organization of the masses-not even the election of a popular Constituent Assembly-could there save Socialism from the dominance of Extremists and conse- quent Anarchy.
When the heroic struggle of the Nations for Freedom and Independence has drawn to a close, and war let us hope-becomes unknown for a long time, Russia, strengthened by her ordeal, will continue to engage our interest and attention. \Ve cannot do without her for many reasons. She is destined by the operation of natural and economic laws to figure as one of the greatest-if not Ihe greatest markets and food-producers in the world. So we would do well to study her more closely, and to neglect no opportunity of adding to our know- ledge of the Russian people. This message applies more particularly to us and to our American cousins.
In popularizing knowledge of a people allied to us by the strongest of ties, I have tried to follow in the foot- steps of my Chief, to whom my thanks are due for his inspiring example. To him and to the Editor and Manage- ment of The Times I am beholden for many facilities extended to mc in the production of this book. I also have to thank the Management of the Daily lllirror for the loan of' some excellent photographs.
In the rendering of Russian names and words I have adopted the simplest method of transliteration and accentuation available. Only the New Style is used in dates, and equivalents in sterling are given at the normal rate of exchange.
January 13, 1918.
R. W.
SOME time ago people who tried to prove to European public opinion that Russian Bolshevism was an imminent danger to the whole of the world's civilization invariably met with the ready objection, that Bolshevism belonged entirely and exclusively to Russia, and that it was no concern of any other country. Since then reflection and experience have taught people better, and we now often find that the word " Bolshevism " is applied to purely European phenomena which have little to do with Russian Bolshevism.
The truth is that Bolshevism has two aspects. One is international , the other is genuinely Russian. The international aspect of Bolshevism is due to its origin in a very advanced European theory. Its purely Russian aspect is chiefly concerned with its practice, which is deeply rooted in Russian reality and, far from brealdng with the " ancient regime," reasserts Russia's past in the present.
So many conflicting statements have been made in this country about the Bolsheviks, both in denunciation of them and in their favour, that a plain account of the facts in regard to the condition of those parts of Russia in which they are in power must be of interest to the general public. It is the aim of this pamphlet to present as objective and dispassionate a picture as possible of Bolshevik rule, based upon the evidence only of trustworthy eye-witnesses, and, as far as possible, of, the-Bolsheviks Official Press and publications. The short summary of the events which preceded the Bolsheviks' rise to power and of the ideas upon which the Bolsheviks' leaders base their legislation is inserted in order that readers may be acquainted with the position in Russia in November 1917, when the Bolsheviks overthrew Kerensky's Provisional Government.
On April 26th and 27th, 1922, The Morning Post of London published two articles by Mrs. Nesta Webster, entitled "Boche and Bolshevik," which received wide comment in the English press. Mrs. Webster was well qualified for the task. Her reputation as a student of history, particularly of the French Revolution and of the Revolutionary movement in Europe, was a guarantee of accuracy in statement of fact and in deduction.
The articles provoked an answer from Herr Kurt Kerlen of Neuvorpommern, which appeared in the same journal, June 10th and 11th. Herr Kerlen had been authorized by General Ludendorff to make some denials. The rebuttal by Mrs. Webster appeared June 15th and 16th.
The discussion is important in studying the causes of the Great War and of Bolshevism. It is with pleasure, therefore, that THE BECKWITH COMPANY is able to present the series to American readers in this form through the cooperation of the Editor of The Morning Post, and in order that the fundamental truths herein expressed may be brought more fully to perfect understanding, Mr. Peter Beckwith has prepared an addendum which will be of especial interest. June, 1923.
Webster's fundamental theme here is that the French Revolution resulted from a web of conspiracies, the primary of which was that of the Orleanist faction. Also involved were Illuminated Freemasonry, the Prussian Court, and English Jacobins. This work is both finely documented and significant in respect of hidden history. Any who would truly understand this terribly important epic of modern history would be well served by carefully reading this very important book.
"This book proves the existence of the Red Peril. We publish it to warn America. We ask the help of every American, organization and institution to put 'The Red Conspiracy' in every home, school and library in the land." - the National Historical Society, 1920.
While "The Red Conspiracy" will appeal strongly to all who are seeking a clear and comprehensive knowledge of Socialism, Bolshevism, Communism and I. W. W. 'ism, it will be of special value to the workingmen of America, as it will enable them easily to understand the fallacies of the Revolutionists and at the same time make them realize the serious dangers that would result from the adoption of any of the various radical programs.
Friendship, indeed, the "Knights of the Red Flag" profess for the laboring man. Such friendship, however, once it is understood will be spurned, for it is one which would plunge the sons of toil into a terrible abyss of injustice, deprivation and suffering—wrongs far greater than those endured from abuses of capitalism and partial corruption of some government officials
Much of the material in this little book has already been published, in one form or another, in Behind the News, a monthly newsletter produced by Ivor Benson and airmailed as a personal service to a widening circle of subscribers all over the world.
The book will, therefore, serve as an introduction to the newsletter which provides a running commentary on important news of the day, filling in some of the missing facts and combining all in a picture of the contemporary scene which makes sense.
So you see ... that the world is governed by very different personages to what is imagined by those who are not themselves behind the scenes. - Benjamin Disraeli, former Prime Minister of England.
THERE are only two ways of trying to explain contemporary history.
One is that history is the product of blind chance, or of forces entirely outside our control.
This has been called "the idiot theory of history" and is promoted most zealously by the mass media of the Liberal Establishment all over the world.
The other view is that while it is true accident or chance always have some contribution to make to the end rest-it, much of what has been happening in the world, and continues to happen, can only be explained as the product of ingenious long-range planning.
Leftists who continue to attack what they like to describe as "the much-discredited conspiracy theory" need to catch up with their own leftist reading.
What they don't seem to know is that one of the greatest living spokesmen of the left, Dr. Carroll Quigley, Professor of History at the Foreign Service School at Georgetown University, U.S.A., and a highly placed Liberal Establishment "insider", has bluntly admitted the truth of what conservatives have been saying for years.
In his massive book "Tragedy and Hope - a History of the World in our Time", Dr. Quigley writes:
"I know of the operations of this network because I have studied it for 20 years and was permitted for two years, in the early l 960's to examine its papers and secret records. I have no aversion to it or to most of its aims and have, for much of' my life. been close to it and to many of its instruments. I have objected both in the past and recently to a few of its policies ... but in general my chief difference of opinion is that it wishes to remain unknown, and 1 believe its role in history is significant enough to be known" (P 953).
Dr. Quigley speaks with authority when he admits that the super-capitalists of this "network" have worked in close partnership with Communists and Socialists in the United States, explaining, however, that "the power' these energetic leftists exercised was never their own power or Communist power but was ultimately the power of the international financial coterie".
This. too, leading conservatives have been saying for years Communism is not a power in its own right, but is only an instrument, or part of a much bigger conspiracy.
Another Liberal Establishment "insider", Dr. Nicholas Murray Butler, President of Columbia University, nominated for that post by J. P. Morgan and Co. of Wall Street, has made this interesting pronouncement: "The world is divided into three kinds of people - a very small group that makes things happen, a somewhat larger group that watches things happen, and a great multitude that never knows what has happened".
It is the purpose of this little book to increase the number of those who watch things happen and understand what they see.
These, after all, are the only ones who can hope to be able to influence the way things happen.
And it goes without saying that the few who make things happen would much rather not be watched at all.
Surely, then, we have only ourselves to blame if, knowing all this, we finish up confused, sick at heart and powerless, with that great multitude that never knows what has happened.
Extract:
LOCK STEP – A world of tighter top-down government control and more authoritarian leadership, with limited innovation and growing citizen pushback.
In 2012, the pandemic that the world had been anticipating for years finally hit. Unlike 2009’s H1N1, this new influenza strain—originating from wild geese—was extremely virulent and deadly. Even the most pandemic-prepared nations were quickly overwhelmed when the virus streaked around the world, infecting nearly 20 percent of the global population and killing 8 million in just seven months, the majority of them healthy young adults. The pandemic also had a deadly effect on economies: international mobility of both people and goods screeched to a halt, debilitating industries like tourism and breaking global supply chains. Even locally, normally bustling shops and office buildings sat empty for months, devoid of both employees and customers.
The pandemic blanketed the planet—though disproportionate numbers died in Africa, Southeast Asia, and Central America, where the virus spread like wildfire in the absence of official containment protocols. But even in developed countries, containment was a challenge. The United States’s initial policy of “strongly discouraging” citizens from flying proved deadly in its leniency, accelerating the spread of the virus not just within the U.S. but across borders. However, a few countries did fare better—China in particular. The Chinese government’s quick imposition and enforcement of mandatory quarantine for all citizens, as well as its instant and near-hermetic sealing off of all borders, saved millions of lives, stopping the spread of the virus far earlier than in other countries and enabling a swifter post- pandemic recovery.
China’s government was not the only one that took extreme measures to protect its citizens from risk and exposure. During the pandemic, national leaders around the world flexed their authority and imposed airtight rules and restrictions, from the mandatory wearing of face masks to body-temperature checks at the entries to communal spaces like train stations and supermarkets. Even after the pandemic faded, this more authoritarian control and oversight of citizens and their activities stuck and even intensified. In order to protect themselves from the spread of increasingly global problems—from pandemics and transnational terrorism to environmental crises and rising poverty—leaders around the world took a firmer grip on power.
At first, the notion of a more controlled world gained wide acceptance and approval. Citizens willingly gave up some of their sovereignty—and their privacy—to more paternalistic states in exchange for greater safety and stability. Citizens were more tolerant, and even eager, for top-down direction and oversight, and national leaders had more latitude to impose order in the ways they saw fit. In developed countries, this heightened oversight took many forms: biometric IDs for all citizens, for example, and tighter regulation of key industries whose stability was deemed vital to national interests. In many developed countries, enforced cooperation with a suite of new regulations and agreements slowly but steadily restored both order and, importantly, economic growth.
Across the developing world, however, the story was different—and much more variable. Top-down authority took different forms in different countries, hinging largely on the capacity, caliber, and intentions of their leaders. In countries with strong and thoughtful leaders, citizens’ overall economic status and quality of life increased. In India, for example, air quality drastically improved after 2016, when the government outlawed high- emitting vehicles. In Ghana, the introduction of ambitious government programs to improve basic infrastructure and ensure the availability of clean water for all her people led to a sharp decline in water-borne diseases. But more authoritarian leadership worked less well—and in some cases tragically—in countries run by irresponsible elites who used their increased power to pursue their own interests at the expense of their citizens.
!
Central Government is typified by Babylon. Babylonian type World Empires, based upon the concept of Central Government, are liberally strewn throughout the records of world history. Today, the epitome of Central Government is usually thought to be the Communist government of the Soviet Union. But, in all fairness, evidence shows clearly that the Soviet Union's government is NOT unlike other centralized governments in the world. The truth is, Marxism is merely a typical Central Government. And Marxism, like all centralized governments, is bad!
Ben Williams
Classic text on manipulating the masses from "The Father Of Public Relations", double-nephew of Freud.
The conscious and intelligent manipulation of the organized habits and opinions of the masses is an important element in democratic society. Thosewho manipulate this unseen mechanism of society constitute an invisible government which is the true ruling power of our country. We are governed, our minds are molded, our tastes formed, our ideas suggested, largely by men we have never heard of. This is a logical result of the way in which our democratic society is organized. Vast numbers of human beings must cooperate in this manner if they are to live together as a smooth- ly functioning society.
Our invisible governors are, in many cases, unaware of the identity of their fellow members in the inner cabinet.
They govern us by their qualities of natural leadership, their ability to supply needed ideas and by their key position in the social structure. Whatever attitude one chooses to take toward this condition, it remains a fact that in almcst every act of our daily lives, whether in the sphere of politics or business, in our social conduct or our ethical thinking, we are dominated by the relatively small number of persons — a trifling fraction of our hundred and twenty million — who understand the mental processes and social patterns of the masses. It is they who pull the wires which control the public mind, who harness old social forces and contrive new ways to bind and guide the world.
It is not usually realized how necessary these invisible governors are to the orderly functioning of our group life.
"One of the best books around for demystifying the deliberately mysterious arts of advertising." -- Salon
"Fascinating, entertaining and thought-stimulating." -- The New York Times Book Review
"A brisk, authoritative and frightening report on how manufacturers, fundraisers and politicians are attempting to turn the American mind into a kind of catatonic dough that will buy, give or vote at their command -- The New Yorker
The Hidden Persuaders is Vance Packard's pioneering and prescient work revealing how advertisers use psychological methods to tap into our unconscious desires in order to "persuade" us to buy the products they are selling.
A classic examination of how our thoughts and feelings are manipulated by business, media and politicians, The Hidden Persuaders was the first book to expose the hidden world of motivation research; the psychological technique that advertisers use to probe our minds in order to control our actions as consumers. Through analysis of products, political campaigns and television programs of the 1950s, Packard shows how the insidious manipulation practices that have come to dominate today's corporate-driven world began. Featuring an introduction by Mark Crispin Miller, The Hidden Persuaders has sold over one million copies, and forever changed the way we look at the world of advertising.
Vance Packard (1914-1996) was an American journalist, social critic, and best-selling author. Among his other books were The Status Seekers, which described American social stratification and behavior, The Waste Makers, which criticizes planned obsolescence, and The Naked Society, about the threats to privacy posed by new technologies.
Pamphlet about the post-WW2 social-engineering taking place across U.S. cities, disrupting established settled communities.
Communist and Zionist agents are moving a stream of racial "minorities" into American industrial cities and states for revolutionary purposes.
They plan to capture or destroy these industrial centers.
They have launched a powerful drive for more "mi forty" immigration to feed the Minority Machine and for an FEP Commission, by which they could
give your job to a political captive.
At the same time, they are trying to lure America into a world dictatorship, using "world peace" as bait.
What will you do about it?
The cover of this 1988 article in The Rothschild's Economist magazine has been displayed far more than the actual content was discussed amongst conspiracy theorists. Read it for yourself.
Paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the Association for Education in Journalism and Mass Comunication (67th, Gainesvile, FL, August 5-8, 1984).
Ivy Lee and Edward Bernays are generally regarded as the founding fathers of modern public relations. While Lee has been the subject of a full biography that included contemporary reaction to his ideas, there has been no similar work on how Bernays' ideas were received, though his ideas were in some ways more radical. He believed that propaganda was the modern instrument by which intelligent people could fight for productive ends and could help bring order out of chaos. He argued that public opinion war slow and reactionary, and that those who use the psychology of public persuasion to bring about changes in public opinion are performing a great public service. Initial reactions to Bernays' first book were enthusiastic, but by 1928 he was coming under heated criticism for his forthright work "Propaganda." By 1935 his techniques were being compared to those used by Nazis, but he weathered this period comparatively unscathed. During the 1940s, Bernays was noted as the most successful publicist in the country. He pioneered fellowships at United States universities for the study of public relations, and is now generally regarded as a man with a vision of authoritarian liberalism mixed with corporatism, and as a seminal thinker concerning the synthesis of a new Freudian perspective with the older practices of the publicists' trade. (CRH)
China, that immense country, a continent rather than a country, a sort of human continent, was for centuries regarded as being excluded, as it were, from any evolutionary process. Frozen in a tradition not dissimilar to the continuity among animal species, this human sea remained in a kind of interior viscosity which any internal movement or external impact had ever been powerless to disturb. If at any period she seemed agitated with superficial change, China began again to last on and on.
For several years I witnessed that immobility which was in course of developing into a survival. Stirred on all sides by fast-changing universe, the Empire had been led to self-examination which resulted in measures more and more opposed to somnolence. A final protest, a feeble and hopeless gesture, the Boxer insurrection, and all was at an end.
I once spent the whole evening talking to Sun-Yat-sen on board the ship which was taking him back from Hong Kong to Shanghai. One year later both the last Emperor and the last Empress died at the same time. Two years later the revolution broke out.
...
Paul Claudel of the French Academy.
Eagle and Swastika: CIA and Nazi War Criminals and Collaborators examines the Central Intelligence Agency's involvement with Nazis and their collaborators after World War II. It details the Agency's assistance to various US Government investigations, primarily by the Justice Department's Office of Special Investigation (OSI) and by the General Accounting Office (GAO), of dealings with Nazis from the 1970s to the present day. The study recounts the Agency's long involvement with Nazis — first as an enemy in World War II, then as a quasi-ally in the Cold War, and finally as the subjects of criminal investigations and prosecutions by Federal officials.
As a secret, intelligence agency in an open democratic society, historians, journalists, and politicians have long suspected the Central Intelligence Agency of maintaining clandestine relations with Nazis and non-Germans who aided the Third Reich. The story of escaped Nazis after the collapse of the Third Reich in 1945 has long gripped novelists and Hollywood screenwriters, as seen by such bestsellers and subsequent box office hits as The Salzburg Connection, The Boys from Brazil, Marathon Man, and The ODESSA File. Since the 1970s, the topic has also proven steady fare for historians and journalists.
In 1972, three scientists from MIT created a computer model that analyzed global resource consumption and production. Their results shocked the world and created stirring conversation about global 'overshoot, ' or resource use beyond the carrying capacity of the planet. Now, preeminent environmental scientists Donnella Meadows, Jorgen Randers, and Dennis Meadows have teamed up again to update and expand their original findings in "The Limits to Growth: The 30 Year Global Update,"Meadows, Randers, and Meadows are international environmental leaders recognized for their groundbreaking research into early signs of wear on the planet. Citing climate change as the most tangible example of our current overshoot, the scientists now provide us with an updated scenario and a plan to reduce our needs to meet the carrying capacity of the planet.Over the past three decades, population growth and global warming have forged on with a striking semblance to the scenarios laid out by the World3 computer model in the original "Limits to Growth," While Meadows, Randers, and Meadows do not make a practice of predicting future environmental degradation, they offer an analysis of present and future trends in resource use, and assess a variety of possible outcomes.In many ways, the message contained in "Limits to Growth: The 30-Year Update" is a warning. Overshoot cannot be sustained without collapse. But, as the authors are careful to point out, there is reason to believe that humanity can still reverse some of its damage to Earth if it takes appropriate measures to reduce inefficiency and waste.Written in refreshingly accessible prose, "Limits to Growth: The 30-Year Update" is a long anticipated revival ofsome of the original voices in the growing chorus of sustainability. "Limits to Growth: The 30 Year Update" is a work of stunning intelligence that will expose for humanity the hazy but critical line between human growth and human development.
In 1953, Russell published a seminal work, The Impact Of Science On Society. As is typical of Russell, the writing style is dull, at least in the beginning. The beginning of the book seems reasonable and humanitarian, and is intended to soften the reader up for the disgusting conclusions which are presented as desireable or inevitable. - Source: UK Column - Bertrand Russell - The Impact Of Science On Society
Russell was descended from an old establishment family. He was a propagandist, whose job it was to propogate certain ideas in the service of the monied elites. He was instrumental in the project to wreck European and American culture through his chairmanship of the CIA sponsored Congresss for Cultural Freedom. Far from being a pacifist, he was a promoter of the policy of Mutually Assured Destruction and was the founder of the Pugwash movement which used the spectre of Cold War nuclear annihilation to push for world government. - Source: UK Column - Bertrand Russell - The Impact Of Science On Society
INTRODUCTION TO 1977 EDITION
All Truth is eternal. Although first published over thirty years ago, Jame Guthrie's book on the truths concerning the relationship of the individual to government is more appropriate than ever. Warnings concerning the shape of things to come have been graphically confirmed by the shattering events which have taken place since the end of the Second World War. The mass media of the world is full of references to "democracy", which allegedly is more widespread than ever. The voting age has been reduced to eighteen. But the individual has less control over governments than he had 50 years ago.
The central theme of James Guthrie's book was stated by the distinguished British constitutional authority, Professor G. W. Keeton, in his prophetic work, The Passing of Parliament (1952): "The history of modern political society is in large measure the history of the struggle of the ordinary citizen to exercise some influence upon government and of his repeated failure to achieve that modest ambition."
One chapter in Keeton's work carried the chilling heading, "On The Road To Moscow." The people living under the Soviet tyranny have the "right" to put a mark on a piece of paper periodicall. But they can only select from candidates chosen for them by the Soviet totalitarians. In countries like Canada, Australia and Britain, electors have been brainwashed into passively accepting the view that democracy is functioning because they can Meet members of Parliament only from amongst candidates presented to them by the party machines. Parliaments of today in the English-speaking world are no longer the type of representative institutions originally evolved. A tyrannical party system has iNcreasingly excluded men and women of independent spirit from Parliament. But only because many electors blindly support the party game.
Of Scottish background, James Guthrie was an electrical engineer whose training is reflected in his extremely lucid and precise literary style. Although Our Sham Democracy is dated in the sense that it refers to Australian affairs towards the end of the Second World War, the truths and principles enunciated are relevant to all countries where at least the shell of constitutional government still remains. The example of electoral action suggested by James Guthrie indicate what is so desperately required today: initiative by electors, associating to use their social power to bring the elected, paid political servants under their effective control. The development of Votes' Policy Associations, Electors' Associations, and greater attention to the value of Municipal Government to resist the drive towards even greater centralization of power, was all foreshadowed by James Guthrie.
The tenets of the Christian Gospels are just as valid today as when first enunciated. But they must be applied in present circumstances. I was privileged to know the late James Guthrie over many years. He was a scholar who spent much time in studying the lessons of history. He believed that "practical Christianity" was essential if a society were to be developed in which the natural rights of all individuals are protected and the human personality can flower to the full. I commend a careful study, and then the application, of the truths outlined in Our Sham Democracy.
Erie D. Butler
Melbourne, Australia
Authorized translation from the Russian version by Florence Whyte and George Rapall Noyes. Philadelphia, The Jewish Publication Society of America, 1930. A play about one of the most influential in a long historical fake Jewish messiahs who had most of world jewry following him (according to Chabad.org) and his evil teaching of transgressing The Moral Law and "Redemption Through Sin".
The remarkable adventure of three Englishmen cycling around the world in the earliest days of bicycle touring, using their single-speed 'safety' bicycles.
The English version of my book The Trap was published in November 1994, a little over a year after it first appeared in French. The second chapter, 'The New Utopia: GATT and Global Free Trade', attracted considerable adverse comment, including a European Commission document handed for information to the British press and a booklet published by the Centre for Policy Studies in the series The Rochester Papers. Most of the other comments appeared in columns or reviews in the British press of either the French or the British edition.
I have regrouped the principal criticisms into eight chapters, quoted the most significant and answered them.
The full text of the relevant chapter of The Trap is reproduced for easy reference as an appendix. The illustrated story of global free trade, using charts, begins on page 121.
James Goldsmith
Many of the points in the book are covered in Goldmith's 15th November 1994 interview on The Charlie Rose talk show:
!
URL: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wwmOkaKh3-s
Published in CFR Magazine Foreign Affairs, April 1974
The quest for a world structure that secures peace, advances human rights and provides the conditions for economic progress—for what is loosely called world order—has never seemed more frustrating but at the same time strangely hopeful.
Certainly the gap has never loomed larger between the objectives and the capacities of the international organizations that were supposed to get mankind on the road to world order. We are witnessing an outbreak of shortsighted nationalism that seems oblivious to the economic, political and moral implications of interdependence. Yet never has there been such widespread recognition by the world's intellectual leadership of the necessity for cooperation and planning on a truly global basis, beyond country, beyond region, especially beyond social system.
The Regent of the School of Foreign Service at Georgetown University analyzes world Communism, with considerable stress upon geopolitics. The book also contains some notes on the author's experiences in Russia.
This book is concerned with the diplomacy relating to Poland, its frontiers, and the composition of a Polish government in the years of the Second World War and immediately thereafter. The author has enjoyed access to Stanislaw Mikolajczyk's files, which provide valuable information on the policy of the Western Powers, the Soviet Union and Polish government in exile.
On pages 209-210 (225-226 of the PDF document) there is the following infamous quotation regarding the British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC) aligning with the Government to produce and spread propaganda, along with higher British clergy:
"On February 29, 1944 the British Ministry of Information sent the I following note to the higher British clergy and to the BBC."
Sir,
I am directed by the Ministry to send you the following circular letter: It is often the duty of the good citizens and of the pious Christians to turn a blind eye on the peculiarities of those associated with us. But the time comes when such peculiarities, while still denied in public, must be taken into account when action by us is called for.
We know the methods of rule employed by the Bolshevik dictator in Russia itself from, for example, the writing and speeches of the Prime Minister himself during the last twenty years. We know how the Red Army behaved in Poland in 1920 and in Finland, Estonia, Latvia, Galicia, and Bessarabia only recently.
We must, therefore, take into account how the Red Army will certainly behave when it overruns Central Europe. Unless precautions are taken, the obviously inevitable horrors which will result will throw an undue strain on public opinion in this country.
We cannot reform the Bolsheviks but we can do our best to save them -and ourselves-from the consequences of their acts. The disclosures of the past quarter of a century will render mere denials unconvincing. The only alternative to denial is to distract public attention from the whole subject.
Experience has shown that the best distraction is atrocity propaganda directed against the enemy. Unfortunately the public is no longer so susceptible as in the days of the "Corpse Factory," the "Mutilated Belgian Babies," and the "Crucified Canadians."
Your cooperation is therefore earnestly sought to distract public attention from the doings of the Red Army by your wholehearted support of various charges against the Germans and Japanese which have been and will be put into circulation by the Ministry.
Your expression of belief in such may convince others. I am, Sir, Your obedient servant,
(Signed) H. HEWET, ASSISTANT SECRETARY
The Ministry can enter into no correspondence of any kind with regard to this communication which should only be disclosed to responsible persons."
"It is unknown how many recipients of this communication complied with the above instructions."
The CFR's Plan to:
First published in 1956, The Power Elite stands as a contemporary classic of social science and social criticism. C. Wright Mills examines and critiques the organization of power in the United States, calling attention to three firmly interlocked prongs of power: the military, corporate, and political elite. The Power Elite can be read as a good account of what was taking place in America at the time it was written, but its underlying question of whether America is as democratic in practice as it is in theory continues to matter very much today.
What The Power Elite informed readers of in 1956 was how much the organization of power in America had changed during their lifetimes, and Alan Wolfe's astute afterword to this new edition brings us up to date, illustrating how much more has changed since then. Wolfe sorts out what is helpful in Mills' book and which of his predictions have not come to bear, laying out the radical changes in American capitalism, from intense global competition and the collapse of communism to rapid technological transformations and ever changing consumer tastes. The Power Elite has stimulated generations of readers to think about the kind of society they have and the kind of society they might want, and deserves to be read by every new generation.
W.T. Stead was part of The Round Table for creating a new Anglo-American Empire for the 20th century. This, written in 1902 is a bold and prophetic piece of work.
From Wikipedia W. T. Stead:
William Thomas Stead (5 July 1849 – 15 April 1912) was an English newspaper editor who, as a pioneer of investigative journalism, became a controversial figure of the Victorian era. Stead published a series of hugely influential campaigns whilst editor of The Pall Mall Gazette, and he is best known for his 1885 series of articles, The Maiden Tribute of Modern Babylon. These were written in support of a bill, later dubbed the "Stead Act", that raised the age of consent from 13 to 16.
Stead's "new journalism" paved the way for the modern tabloid in Great Britain. He is considered to have influenced how the press could be used to influence public opinion and government policy, and advocated "Government by Journalism". He was known for his reportage on child welfare, social legislation and reformation of England's criminal codes.
Stead died in the sinking of the RMS Titanic.
In March 1917, it became “known” in the United States that the Jewish-American banker Jacob Henry Schiff had substantially funded Russia’s revolution and the overthrow of its tsarist régime. Schiff had allegedly done so through his Wall Street firm Kuhn, Loeb and Company. Following the November 1917 revolution, similar reports emerged. In the following weeks and years, conspiracies developed accusing Schiff of having been part of a greater Jewish cabal of bankers intent on gaining control of the world economy. Sympathetic biographers strove to maintain Schiff’s innocence citing instead his philanthropic nature and his desire to aid Russian Jews as a reason for his sponsorship. Given the conflicting speculations regarding Schiff’s motivations, I set out to research the real reason as to why Schiff had sponsored the March 1917 revolution and more importantly why he had extended his sponsorship to the orchestrators of the November 1917 Bolshevik Revolution.
To answer this question, I researched the various motivations and deterrents that Schiff could have had in providing financial sponsorship to the orchestrators of both revolutions: the desire to aid oppressed Russian Jews; the desire to advance the financial goals of his banking firm; the desire to support Jewish bankers in orchestrating the takeover of the world economy; and the probable betrayal of his alliances within the American government.
In the context of primary sources from the era and subsequent historiographical analyses, I determined that Jacob H. Schiff’s sponsorship of the March 1917 revolution was primarily motivated by his dedication to the cause of the Jewish people. As for the November 1917 Bolshevik Revolution, no substantial and credible sources exist to determine motivations for Schiff’s sponsorship and to even support the claim that sponsorship occurred.
A short publication looking at the problems with "the money system" and how to resolve it.
What is money? Lets take the good news first. Money is one of the most ingenious inventions of mankind. It helps the exchange of goods and services and overcomes the limits of the barter system, thereby, creating the possibility for specialization, which is the basis of civilization.
Declassified documentation detailing the post World War Two situation, including Soviets caught and arrested wearing German uniforms - this is related to the 'false-flag' crimes they committed on The Eastern Front.
The theme of this book-the relation between Jews and Freemasons-has been the subject of countless books written, mainly in German and French, by propagandists of anti-Jewish or anti-Masonic leanings or by apologists in counterargument. Historians, however, have paid little if any attention to this subject. This is not surprising, for to the scholar presumed connection between Jews and Freemasons seemed little more than myth, any sources that could have clarified the assumption were hidden in the libraries and archives of the Masons, and usually inaccessible to the probing historian.
It seems that certain things in this world simply cannot be discovered without extensive experience, be it personal or collective. This applies to the present book with its fresh and revealing perspective on the millennia-old trends of socialism. While it makes use of a voluminous literature familiar to specialists throughout the world, there is an undeniable logic in the fact that it emerged from the country that has undergone (and is undergoing) the harshest and most prolonged socialist experience in modem history. Nor is it at all incongruous that within that country this book should not have been produced by a humanist, for scholars in the humanities have been the most methodically crushed of all social strata in the Soviet Union ever since the October Revolution. It was written by a mathematician of world renown: in the Communist world, practitioners of the exact sciences must stand in for their annihilated brethren.
But this circumstance has its compensations. It provides us with a rare opportunity of receiving a systematic analysis of the theory and practice of socialism from the pen of an outstanding mathematical thinker versed in the rigorous methodology of his science. (One can attach particular weight, for instance, to his judgment that Marxism lacks even the climate of scientific inquiry.)
World socialism as a whole, and all the figures associated with it, are shrouded in legend; its contradictions are forgotten or concealed; it does not respond to arguments but continually ignores them—all this stems from the mist of irrationality that surrounds socialism and from its instinctive aversion to scientific analysis, features which the author of this volume points out repeatedly and in many contexts. The doctrines of socialism see tire with contradictions, its theories are at constant odds with its practice, yet due to a powerful instinct- also laid bare by Shafarevich—these contradictions do not in the least hinder the unending propaganda of socialism. Indeed, no precise, distinct socialism even exists; instead there is only a vague, rosy notion of something noble and good, of equality, communal ownership, and justice: the advent of these things will bring instant euphoria and a social order beyond reproach.
The twentieth century marks one of the greatest upsurges in the success of socialism, and concomitantly of its repulsive practical manifestations. Yet due to the same passionate irrationality, attempts to examine these results are repelled: they are either ignored completely, or implausibly explained away in terms of certain “Asiatic” or ‘ Russian aberrations or the personality of a particular dictator, or else they are ascribed to “state capitalism.” The present book encompasses vast stretches of time and space. By carefully describing and analyzing dozens of socialist doctrines and numerous states built on socialist principles, the author leaves no room for evasive arguments based on so- called “insignificant exceptions” (allegedly bearing no resemblance to the glorious future). Whether it is the centralization of China m the first millennium B.C., the bloody European experiments of the time of the Reformation, the chilling (though universally esteemed) utopias of European thinkers, the intrigues of Marx and Engels, or the radical Communist measures of the Lenin period (no wit more humane than Stalin’s heavy-handed methods)-the author in all his dozens of examples demonstrates the undeviating consistency of the phenomenon under consideration.
Shafarevich has singled out the invariants of socialism, its fundamental and unchanging elements, which depend neither on time nor place, and which, alas, are looming ominously over today s tottering world. If one considers human history in its entirety, socialism can boast o a greater longevity and durability, of wider diffusion and of control over larger masses of people, than can contemporary Western civilization. It is therefore difficult to shake off gloomy presentiments when contemplating that maw into which-before the century is out-we may all plunge: that “Asiatic formation” which Marx hastened to Circumvent in his classification, and before which contemporary Marxist thought stands baffled, having discerned its own hideous countenance in the mirror of the millennia. It could probably be said that the majority of states in the history of mankind have been “socialist.” But it is also true that these were in no sense periods or places of human happiness or creativity.
Shafarevich points out with great precision both the cause and the genesis of the first socialist doctrines, which he characterizes as reactions: Plato as a reaction to Greek culture, and the Gnostics as a reaction to Christianity. They sought to counteract the endeavor of the human spirit to stand erect, and strove to return to the earthbound existence of the primitive states of antiquity. The author also convincingly demonstrates the diametrical opposition between the concepts of man held by religion and by socialism. Socialism seeks to reduce human personality to its most primitive levels and to extinguish the highest, most complex, and “God-like” aspects of human individuality. And even equality itself, that powerful appeal and great promise of socialists throughout the ages, turns out to signify not equality of rights, of opportunities, and of external conditions, but equality qua identity, equality seen as the movement of variety toward uniformity.
Even though, as this book shows, socialism has always successfully avoided truly scientific analyses of its essence, Shafarevich’s study challenges present-day theoreticians of socialism to demonstrate their arguments in a businesslike public discussion.
Aleksandr I. Solzhenitsyn
From Wikipedia: Anatoliy Goliysyn:
In 1995, Anatoliy Golitsyn and Christopher Story published a book entitled The Perestroika Deception containing purported memoranda attributed to Golitsyn claiming:
Book by Golitsyn, Anatoliy
From Wikipedia: Anatoliy Goliysyn:
In 1984, Golitsyn published the book New Lies For Old, wherein he warned about a long-term deception strategy of seeming retreat from hard-line Communism designed to lull the West into a false sense of security, and finally economically cripple and diplomatically isolate the United States. Among other things, Golitsyn stated:
The "liberalization" would be spectacular and impressive. Formal pronouncements might be made about a reduction in the communist party's role: its monopoly would be apparently curtailed. An ostensible separation of powers between the legislative, the executive, and the judiciary might be introduced. The Supreme Soviet would be given greater apparent power, and the president of the Soviet Union and the first secretary of the party might well be separated. The KGB would be "reformed." Dissidents at home would be amnestied; those in exile abroad would be allowed to return, and some would take up positions of leadership in government.
Sakharov might be included in some capacity in the government or allowed to teach abroad. The creative arts and cultural and scientific organizations, such as the writers' unions and Academy of Sciences, would become apparently more independent, as would the trade unions. Political clubs would be opened to nonmembers of the communist party. Leading dissidents might form one or more alternative political parties.
There would be greater freedom for Soviet citizens to travel. Western and Unitized Nations observers would be invited to the Soviet Union to witness the reforms in action.
Angleton and Golitsyn reportedly sought the assistance of William F. Buckley, Jr. (who once worked for the CIA) in writing New Lies for Old. Buckley refused but later went on to write a novel about Angleton, Spytime: The Undoing of James Jesus Angleton.
WE ARE WITNESSING today on the world stage a tragedy of enormous proportions: the calculated destruction of the White Race and the incomparable culture it represents. Europe, former fortress of the West, is now over-run by hordes of non-Whites and mongrels. The same is true of Australia and Canada. The once productive White civilizations of Rhodesia and South Africa, extorted by the ILLUMINATI and its enforcement unit, the United States, have been forced into DEMOCRATIC governments, thereby surrendering their White families to the mercy of numerically superior and mentally inferior Negroes whose ancestors were incapable of inventing even the wheel. The most concentrated attacks on the White Race, however, are occurring in the United States of America. Since WWII the ZIONIST OCCUPIED GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES (ZOG) has welcomed huge numbers of fecund non-White immigrants predicated upon the ideology that diversity is better. Paradoxically, the LIBERAL establishment is engaged in a counterculture campaign designed to eliminate diversity through racial miscegenation. These inconsistent concepts share a singular ILLUMINATI goal -- destruction of the Aryan race. How differently TALMUDISTS protect their genepool! JEWRY has no intention of becoming part of the UNIVERSAL NATION they are creating for the dumb goyim. United Nations representative Count Folke Bernadotte, before the Irgun murdered him, proposed that Palestinians and JEWS live together under a DEMOCRATIC government. Palestinians accepted. JEWS violently refused, demanding a State exclusively for JEWS. DEMOCRATIC DIVERSITY is good only for goyim! JEWS -- who have made anti-Semitism a profitable business: who bomb their own synagogues; scribble graffiti on their own tombs; mouth "HOLOCAUST" lies -- are revealed today as the world's most virulent ANTI-SEMITES: murdering Arabs at every opportunity and screaming for U.S. assistance when the dispossessed "terrorists" fight back.
James Wenneker von Brunn (July 11, 1920 – January 6, 2010) was an American man who perpetrated the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum shooting in Washington, D.C. on June 10, 2009.
At the dawn of civilization, the blood rite, in which human blood is drunk from the body of a still-living victim, was known to many tribes. However, only one people, that has never progressed beyond the Stone Age, has continued to practice the blood rite and ritual murder. This people are know to the world as Jews. Arnold Toynbee, a noted scholar, has called the Jews "a fossil people."
In so doing, he must have been aware of the fact that they still practice ritual murder and the drinking of human blood (especially Christian blood). As a scholar, he could not have failed to note the many attested incidents of this practice of the Jews, for hundreds of example of ritual murder by the Jews are cited in official Catholic books, in every European literature, and in the court records of all the European nations.
It is the official historian of the Jews, (Josef Kastein, in his History of the Jews, who gives the underlying reason for this barbaric custom. On page 173, he says, "According to the primeval Jewish view, the blood was the seat of the soul."
Thus it was not the heart which was the seat of the soul, according to the stone-age Jews, but the blood itself. They believed that by drinking the blood of a Christian victim who was perfect in every way, they could overcome their physical short comings and become as powerful as the intelligent civilized beings among whom they had formed their parasitic communities. Because of this belief, the Jews are known to have practiced drinking blood since they made their first appearance in history.
The Case: The Slaying of Father Thomas Al-Capuci and his servant
Ibrahim Amarah Al-Roumi to use their blood in the preparation of the
"Bread of Zion".
The Date: Wednesday, the 2nd of Zul-Hijjah, 1255 H. (February 5, 1840
A.D.).
The Place: The Jewish Quarter in Damascus.
The Participants in the slaying of Father Thomas Al-Capuci were the
following Jews...
Chandra Bose's major political study of the movement for independence in which he himself was a leading participant. The book provides a lucid, analytical narrative of the freedom struggle from the gathering clouds of the Non-Co-operation and Khilafat movements to the unleashing of the mighty storm of the Quit India and Azad Hind movements. The story of the political upheavals of the inter-war period is enriched by Netaji's reflections on the key themes in Indian history and a finely etched assessment of Mahatma Gandhi's role in it. Bose wrote the first part of his narrative, 1920-34, as an exile in Europe and the second part, 1935-42, also in Europe eight years later. When the first part was published in 1935 it was immediately banned by the British government. The book was, however, warmly welcomed in literary and political circles in Europe. The Manchester Guardian described it as 'perhaps the most interesting book which has yet been written by an Indian politician on Indian politics. ' Romain Rolland hailed it as an 'indispensable work for the history of the Indian movement.
The "forgotten man" in The West of India's Independence movement, who fought for The Axis Powers against The Allies during World War Two, spending time in Germany with the National Socialist leadership and leading an Indian volunteer army against The British Empire and its allies.
Subhas Chandra Bose (23 January 1897 – 18 August 1945) was an Indian nationalist whose defiant patriotism made him a hero in India, but whose attempt during World War II to rid India of British rule with the help of Nazi Germany and Imperial Japan left a troubled legacy. The honorific Netaji (Hindustani: "Respected Leader"), first applied in early 1942 to Bose in Germany by the Indian soldiers of the Indische Legion and by the German and Indian officials in the Special Bureau for India in Berlin, was later used throughout India. - Wikipedia: Subhas_Chandra_Bose
Foreword by Ian Fleming
With headquarters in New York City at 630 Fifth Avenue, Room 3603, the organization known as the British Security Coordination, or B.S.C., was the keystone of the successful Anglo-American partnership in the field of secret intelligence, counterespionage, and "special operations."The man chosen by Winston Churchill to set up and direct this crucial effort was Sir William Stephenson, known to the world of espionage as the "Man Called Intrepid." The late General Bill Donovan, director of the Office of Strategic Services, said of him: "Bill Stephenson taught us all we ever knew about foreign intelligence."Sir William Stephenson put all his papers and much other relevant material at the disposal of H. Montgomery Hyde, a member of his wartime organization who know him intimately. The result is Room 3603, a unique portrait of the British Secret Service in action, and of the remarkable exploits of its brilliant but personally unobtrusive chief in the United States.
European Folk Soul vs. Jewish Supremacy (told from a National Socialist & Norse Germanic perspective)
Read it for free! Stop White Genocide!
This is a book about what happens to people when they are overwhelmed by change. It is about the ways in which we adapt— or fail to adapt— to the future. Much has been written about the future. Yet, for the most part, books about the world to come sound a harsh metallic note. These pages, by contrast, concern themselves with the "soft" or human side of tomorrow. Moreover, they concern themselves with the steps by which we are likely to reach tomorrow. They deal with common, everyday matters— the products we buy and discard, the places we leave behind, the corporations we inhabit, the people who pass at an ever faster clip through our lives.
The future of friendship and family life is probed. Strange new subcultures and life styles are investigated, along with an array of other subjects from politics and playgrounds to skydiving What and sex. these— in the book as in life— is the roaring current of change, a current so powerful today that it overturns institutions, shifts our values and shrivels our roots. Change is the process by which the future invades our lives, and it is important to look at it closely, not merely from the grand perspectives of history, but also from the vantage point of the living, joins all breathing individuals who experience it.
THIS BOOK is about wars and anti-wars to come. It is for whose face has been half ripped away by explosives, and for his mother staring with glazed eyes at what is left. It is for all the innocents of tomorrow who will both kill and die for reasons they do not understand. It is a book about peace. Which means it is a book about war in the is the Bosnian child startling new conditions we are creating as we race together into an alien future. A fresh century now stretches before us, one in which vast numbers of humans can be raised from the edge of hunger ... in which the ravages of industrial-era pollution can be reversed and a cleaner technology created to serve humanity ... in which a richer diversity of cultures and peoples can participate in shaping the future ... in which the plague of war is stanched.
"The have written an important book. It should spark the type of media debate that has been going on in military circles since the end of Operation Desert Storm. The result of that debate will determine the size and shape of our military in decades to come." -- Washington Times
Putting some of the pieces together, Constance Cumbey follows up her initial bestseller [Hidden Dangers of the Rainbow] with an explanation of the details and steps that are being taken in order for some of the international groups to establish and stage the appearance of the New Age messiah. Contents: A planned deception; Early New Age centers; Conscious political networking : then and now; Working out 'the plan'; Holography; Disarmament and the new world order; Of rainbows and unicorns; Shirley Maclaine : a New Age case history; Is the 'New Age' a Nazi revival?; The 'protocols of Zion'; Syncretism in the church; Were these Christians misunderstood?; Pierre Teilhard de Chardin; The incredible heresies of Father Matthew Fox; A secret kingdom?; Networking 'the global vision.'
I first encountered Marilyn Ferguson in her book, The Brain Revolution, and later in her remarkable bi-weekly research report, the Brain/Mind Bulletin. Both gave me a foretaste of what was to come. Now, with The Aquarian Conspiracy, she has written a book on the transformation of our consciousness that will itself leave a mark on the consciousness of our time.
A comprehensive but easy-to-understand textbook for Christians and other defenders of
God’s design for family and society which explains in detail 1) the nature, causes and
characteristics of homosexual dysfunction and militancy, 2) the history, philosophy, goals,
methods and strategies of the global “gay” movement, 3) the urgent, escalating and imminent
danger this movement represents to all aspects of Christian civilization throughout the world,
and 4) specific, practical principles for responding to each of the many areas of “gay”
aggression -- all firmly grounded in and supported by both Scripture and non-religious logical
analysis, documentation and terminology.
Ageless wisdom about life and death by one of the greatest Roman philosophers.
See: Wikipedia: On The Shortness of Life which has some background and also alternative versions,
LUCIUS ANNAEUS SENECA, statesman, philosopher, advocate and man of letters, was born at Cordoba in Spain around 4 B.C. Despite his relatively undistinguished background and ever-recurrent ill health, he rose rapidly to prominence at Rome, pursuing the double career in the courts and political life for which he had been trained. He began also quickly to acquire celebrity as an author of tragedies and of polished essays, moral, literary and scientific. Sentenced to death by successive emperors (Caligula in A.D. 37 and Claudius in A.D. 41), he spent eight years in exile on the island of Corsica, allegedly for an affair with Caligula‟s sister. Recalled in A.D. 49, he was made praetor, and was appointed tutor to the boy who was to become, in A.D. 54, the emperor Nero. On Nero‟s succession Seneca acted for some eight years as an unofficial chief minister. The early part of this reign was remembered as a period of sound imperial government, for which, according to our sources, the main credit must be given to Seneca. His control over an increasingly cruel emperor declined as enemies turned Nero against him with representations that his popularity made him a danger, or with accusations of immorality or excessive wealth ill assorting with the noble Stoic principles he professed. Retiring from public life he devoted his last three years to philosophy and writing, particularly the Letters from a Stoic. In A.D. 65, following the discovery of a plot against the emperor, which might have resulted in Seneca‟s elevation to the throne, he and many others were compelled by Nero to commit suicide. His fame as an essayist and dramatist lasted until two or three centuries ago when, unaccountably, he passed into literary oblivion.
Dear Americans.
My name is Tomas David Schuman. I am what you may call a "defector" from the USSR. and I have a message for you: I love you very much. I love all of you - liberals and conservatives. "decadent capitalists" and "oppressed masses", blacks and whites and browns and yellows, rednecks and intellectuals. For me you are the people who created a unique nation, country and society in the history of mankind, - by no means a perfect one. but, let's face it - the most free, affluent and just in today's world.
I am not alone in this love. People all over the Earth. whether they praise America or bitterly criticize her, look upon you as the only hope for mankind's survival and the last stronghold of freedom. Some may not think in these idealistic terms. but they certainly enjoy the fruits of your civilization. often forgetting to be grateful for them. Millions of people in the so-called "socialist camp" or in the "Third World" literally owe their lives to America.
TOMAS SCHUMAN has been personally involved with the world-wide propaganda efforts of the Soviet regime. Like a true-life Winston Smith, from George Orwell's "I984", Tomas Schuman worked for for the communist equivalent of Orwell's Ministry of Truth - The Novosti Press Agency. Novosti, which means "News" in Russian, exists to produce slanted and false stories to plant in the foreign media. The term for this K.G.B. effort is "disinformation".
Mr. Schuman was born under the name of Yuri Bezmenov in Moscow in 1939, the son of a senior officer in the Red Army. Consequently. he went to good schools. At the age of 17 he entered the Institute of Oriental languages of Moscow State University.
After graduating. he worked for Novosti, then spent two years in India as an interpreter and public relations officer with Soviet Refineries Constructions. He returned to Moscow in 1965 to work for Novosti. serving as Economic Editor for the Hindi, Urdu and English Editions of Sovietland Magazine. In 1969 he went back to India and continued propaganda efforts for Novosti in New Delhi, working out of the Soviet Embassy in a department called Research and Counter-Propaganda. Due to his growing disgust, he began to plan defection.
In February of 1970 he disguised himself as hippie complete with beads and wig and joined a tour group to escape to Athens. He contacted the United States Embassy and, after a long debriefing by U.S. Intelligence, was granted asylum and went to Canada.
In Canada. he studied political science at the University of Toronto for two years, taught Russian language and literature and in 1972 was hired by the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation's International Service as a Producer/ Announcer, broadcasting to the Soviet Union. The K.G.B. forced him out of the job in 1976, so he began free-lance.
Today he is a political analyst for PANORAMA W.l.N. in Los Angeles. He is married, and has two children. He is the author of two yet unpublished books.
Novosti (pronounced Nov-vas-tee) means "news" in Russian language. It is also the name of a Soviet KGB's front for espionage, propaganda, disinformation and subversion. Novosti Press Agency (APN) network spreads its tentacles all over the world. It serves the ultimate goal of the Communist elite - World Domination. I worked for it.
Tomas David Schuman,
former APN-KGB agent
Novosti Press Agency is a front of the KGB used for disinformation. lt was founded in 1961 to replace Cominform (Communist Information Bureau) Working directly under Agitrop and the KGB, Novosti Press Agency is the biggest propaganda and ideological subversion organization of the U.S.S.R.
By Tomas D. Schuman, former press officer of the Soviet embassy in India and a KGB-APN operative, defected to the West in 1970.
I worked for the Devil and he was a bore and mediocrity. Although the methods and goals of Novosti are devilishly evil, its daily routine is so boring that it does not produce outrage. It simply debilitates. For those in the West (and East), whose knowledge of our system is based on spy thrillers, the reality is much less exciting. If the free world wants to survive, it has to mobilize itself to take dominion over this deadly dangerous disease called in APN's newspeak "ideological subversion."
During the last months of my career with Novosti, while contemplating defection, I often tried to assess the volume of evil 1 personally contributed to that done by my organization and my country. Was I really that guilty? Why should I feel guilty at all? My Soviet colleagues did not feel uncomfortable with their share of guilt. Neither did the foreign collaborators of Novosti. Nor the intellectuals and "progressive" Indians receiving our "blood money" in the form of some fraud like the "Jawaharlal Nehru Peace Prize". Then how come, l thought, I single out myself for doing the evil?
Observing the world-wide destruction of human minds caused by my motherland, unresisted and unpunished, and meditating about how easily all that mind-warping could be stopped, I wanted to believe that there, in the West, some people and organizations we call "reactionary circles" know the situation and how to deal with our subversion. They had not done it, for some reason unknown to me at that time. But when needed, I thought, they would stop us, for their own good.
Ever since I have been living at the backdoor of Hollywood, which has been nineteen years. people have been writing to ask why I don't write a book dealing with the motion picture industry. after the fashion of the "Brass Check" with the newspapers, and the "Goose-Step" with the colleges. l have had it in mind as something to do. but now Mr. Knepper has done it. and so I shan't have to bother.
Generally I have a pessimistic attitude toward the masses of manuscript and proofs, pamphlets and amateur books which the postman and the expressman bring to me in great quantities. Manuscripts generally have to go back with a form letter. But it happened that some of Mr. Knepper's material was published in our "Epic News," and so I was in duty bound to read it. Now, reading the galley proofs which he sends me, I find that he has collected a mass of sound information concerning Hollywood and its practices, and has presented it with intelligence and good common sense. I am happy indeed to be able to say that the book is worthwhile, and deserving of attention from those who are interested in the cultural life of America.
I note Mr. Knepper's closing statement that we will soon have Federal regulation of the motion picture industry. That will be a step forward, but we must not have too much hope from the interference of politicians in the making of motion pictures - at least not while politicians remain what they are in America. About the only immediate help which the Government can give us is to break the system known as block hooking. which makes it impossible for theatre owners to select their programs by choosing good pictures wherever they can find them. Breaking up that system will make it possible for independent producers to find an outlet for their productions. and it is in the independently produced picture that our immediate hope of progress lies.
I know something about this matter. for I have tried several times to make independent pictures or to get them made, and always l have found that the major companies with their monopoly of distribution are able to block the way. I have told in my book, '°l Candidate for Governor, and How I Got Licked," what the motion picture industry did to defeat the hopes of the people of California in the 1934 election. During the four months which have elapsed since that election, I have been discussing plans to put the story OI that campaign into the form of a motion picture, so as to bring it to the people of the entire country , and in this effort l have been acquiring more knowledge as to the power of the big studios to block the way of the independents. Four different groups of men have come forward. eager to make the picture I have suggested. and confident that it would prove a financial success. and each time these men have learned upon inquiry that they did nut' dare to make the venture. Each time they were "reached" in' one form of intimidation or another. Their banks shut off their credit their lawyers came to warn them of the dangers of the undertaking: their clients and customers threatened them with boycott: and always it was the '°majors."' that is, the big studios. which were behind the threats. In the recent election in Cali forma the motion picture industry went Fascist. and it does not intend that any independent shall go Socialist. nor even EPIC. Its biggest mogul is chairman of the Republican State Committee of California. and that is where the industry stands and will stand to the end. no matter how bitter that end may be.
The motion picture is in chains. but the book is still free. In this book a competent man has written the truth in the public interest, and those who help to circulate the book will be rendering a public service.
Post-war victors' propaganda guide for the occupying U.S. forces in conquered Germany. This is a cleaned-up version of the document at https://archive.org/details/PocketGuideToGermany1944 with the following changes: it is converted to monochrome black and white, pages are straightened and cropped, newly OCR'd.
"Whether you fight your way in, or march in to occupy Germany under armistice terms, you will be doing a soldier's job on the soil of the enemy. The occupation of Germany will give you your chance to build up a personal guarantee that as soon as you turn your back to go home, the German will not pick up his shooting irons and start throwing lead and lies at an unsuspecting world once more. One of the greatest challenges of the Peace to come is to make certain that the German people will take their place as law-abiding, useful citizens in the family of nations." Digitized by Central University Libraries, Southern Methodist University http://digitalcollections.smu.edu/all/
Walter Schellenberg's memoirs would be worth reading, if for nothing else, as a first-rate collection of spy stories. For the text does not behe the promise of the chapter headings: the plot to kidnap the Duke of Wind- sor, the affair of the Vietinghoff brothers, the Polish agent K and the spy ring in the Manchoukuoan Embassy, the capture of the British Secret Service agents at Venlo, and the hunting down of the Communist Rote Kapelle organization. All these are episodes not from fiction but from the history of the last twenty years and they are described by the man who became the head of Hitler's Foreign Intelligence Service.
When the Nazis came to power at the end of January 1933, Walter Schellenberg was a young man of twenty- two looking for a job. Three years at the University of Bonn, during the course of which he changed from the study of medicine to that of law, had left him with few qualifications. Like thousands of other German university students he had only his wits to rely on at a time when
jobs were more difficult to get than ever before. Like thousands of others in the same situation he joined the Nazi party, neither from conviction nor against it, but as the obvious avenue to success.
Making the most of his education, Schellenberg took care to join the black-shirted SS—in the SS one found "the better type of people"—and leaped at the chance of a job in the SD, the intelligence and security service set up within the SS by Heydrich, another young man on the make.
For the rest of his career (it was over by the age of thirty-five) this was Schellenberg's worid, the worid of the Secret Service and the Secret Police, a worid in which nothing was too fantastic to happen, in which normality of behavior or simplicity of motive were curiosities and nothing was taken at face value, a worid in which lies, bribes, blackmail and false papers, treachery and violence were part of the daily routine.
Wikipedia: The Gulag Archipelago
The Gulag Archipelago is a three-volume, non-fiction text written between 1958 and 1968 by Russian writer and historian Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn. It was first published in 1973, followed by an English translation the following year. It covers life in what is often known as the gulag, the Communist Soviet forced labour camp system, through a narrative constructed from various sources including reports, interviews, statements, diaries, legal documents, and Solzhenitsyn's own experience as a gulag prisoner. In Russian, the term GULAG is an acronym for Main Directorate of Camps (Главное управление лагерей).
Following its publication, the book initially circulated in samizdat underground publication in the Soviet Union until its appearance in the literary journal Novy Mir in 1989, in which a third of the work was published in three issues. Since the dissolution of the Soviet Union, The Gulag Archipelago has been officially published in Russia.
This book, the autobiography of Count Coudenhove-Kalergi, is of the deepest interest to all who have at heart the cause of international unity. Its author since his youth has dedicated himself to the ideal of a united Europe. His idea First received practical application with the Congress of Europe in 1926 , after the Second World War it re-emerged with greater strength, and from it has sprung the Council of Europe. Heedless of party labels, he has enlisted at various times the support of such men as Briand, Stresemann, Amery, Masaryk, Benes and Churchill, and his book throws fascinating sidelights on the statesmen of the between-war period. It is an inspiring story of thirty years' patient and fruitful work towards an ideal which, as Sir Winston Churchill asserts in his Introduction, "may be the surest of all the guarantees against the renewal of great wars."
IDEAS are born as sparks Hy upwards. They die from their own weakness, they are whirled away by the wind, they are lost in the smoke; they vanish in the darkness of the night.
Someone throws another log of trouble and effort, and fresh myriads or sparks stream ineffectually into the air. Men have always tended these fires, casting into them the fruits of their toil, indeed, all they can spare after keeping body and soul together. Sometimes at rare intervals something exciting results from their activities. Among innumerable sparks that flash and fade away, there now and again gleams one that lights up not only the immediate scene, but the whole world.
So when the idea of the United States of Europe drifted off upon the wind and came in contact with the immense accumulation of muddle, waste, particularism and pre- judice which had long lain piled up in the European garden, it became quite evident that a new series of events had opened.
The resuscitation of the Pan-European idea is largely identified with Count Coudenhove-Kalergi. The form of his theme may be crude, erroneous and impracticable but the impulse and the inspiration are true.
The movement towards European solidarity which has now begun will not stop until it has effected tremendous and possibly decisive changes in the whole life, thought and structure of Europe. It does not follow even that this progress will be gradual. It may leap forward in a huge bound on spontaneous conviction. It may even prove to be the surest means of lifting the mind of European nations out of the ruck of old feuds and ghastly revenges. It may afford a rallying ground where socialists and capitalists, where nationalists and pacifists, where idealists and business men may stand together. It may be the surest of all the guarantees against the renewal of great wars.
WINSTON S. CHURCHILL
“For though I preach the gospel, I have nothing to glory of: for necessity is laid upon me; yea, woe is unto me, if I preach not the gospel!”
I Corinthians 9:16.
“When I (the LORD) say unto the wicked, Thou shalt surely die; and thou givest him not warning, nor speakest to warn the wicked from his wicked way, to save his life; the same wicked man shall die in his iniquity; but his blood will I (the LORD) require at thine hand. Yet if thou warn the wicked, and he turn not from his wickedness, nor from his wicked way, he shall die in his iniquity; but thou hast delivered thy soul. Again, When a righteous man doth turn from his righteousness, and commit iniquity, and I lay a stumbling block before him, he shall die: because thou hast not given him warning, he shall die in his sin, and his righteousness which he hath done shall not be remembered; but his blood will I require at thine hand. Nevertheless if thou warn the righteous man, that the righteous sin not, and he doth not sin, he shall surely live, because he is warned; also thou hast delivered thy soul.”
Ezekiel 3:18-21.
It is a daunting task to write a book, knowing full well that it swims counter to one of the strongest contemporary currents, and that it will automatically and categorically be rejected without investigation by the cultural, educational, and political machinations of modern western society, not for failings in its intellectual, scholarly, or moral rigor, but because its subject matter is publicly configured (by militantly enforced convention tended to by a powerful “special interest” group) to be beyond the pale of criticism. The subject matter in this volume is individuals, by virtue of their identity within an extremely politically active group, who are rendered completely free from the responsibility of such group association. It is further daunting, and disturbing, that such a volume is – by blanket dictate – condemned, even in its mere conception, to be an immoral, innately prejudicial, and even evil, enterprise.
We are all socialized in Western society to resist judging any individual by his or her ethnic/group association. It’s a noble ideal: Why prejudge anyone about anything? Let any individual be completely evaluated upon his or her respective merits. America is educationally, and legally, configured as a “tolerant” society, champion of a variety of multicultural perspectives. As reasonable as this may seem, however, there can be a profound double standard subliminally at work here. What about when the “individual we must not prejudge” is part of a subcommunity that itself prejudges all who are not part of that group’s boundaries of identity, a group that consistently acts by its self-protective, self- expansive biases? Is it “prejudicial” to criticize individuals who maintain – actively or passively – such group allegiance, within, and transcending, the American matrix? And is it not morally reasonable, and in fact morally necessary, to criticize any collectivity, to the degree it deviates, at core, from the inter- ethnic tolerant, and universalistic, ethic of the American sociopolitical frame- work? And what about when such a group can, alternately or collectively, self- configure as a racial, ethnic, religious, nationalist, and political organization? Does such a community merit categorical immunity from criticism?
This book deals with facts, and the critic will be forced to acknowledge that the truth, and nothing but the truth, is revealed in every page.
This expose is not half as severe treated of demands. Still, enough is told to bring to light the hidden venom and baneful influence of a race deemed by many "inoffensive."
To La France Juive of Edward Drumont, a duo-decimo in two volumes, containing together than one thousand pages, the author gratefully knowledges his obligations for assistance derived in the preparation of this book. La France Juive, however, is not a safe guide for the average reader. Every statement of Drumont has been carefully analyzed, examined, and fully verified before it was accepted by the author for publication in this volume.
Although Drumont's books have found readers by the thousand, and his La France Juive, in a short space of time, ran through one hundred and twenty- six editions, it must be confessed that the French writer is too often carried away by his prejudices, while his attacks on Americans, and on Free-Masons, and on Protestantism are not only unwarranted, but puerile and spiteful in the extreme.
The author again asserts that everything brought forward in this book, however startling it may seem, is nevertheless a fact. His whole aim has been to present the truth in all matters pertaining to this malignant and diabolical race, that has obtained so strong a foothold in our country.
WE expect that the Jews will try to boycott “The American Jew,” using the same peculiar tactics as in the case of “The Original Mr. Jacobs,” They will appoint committees to visit book-dealers, urging them not to handle the book; they will buy up and destroy all copies found exposed for sale; they will bribe, threaten, plead, and try in every possible way to interfere with its sale; they will circulate reports that the book has been “called in,” and will spread many other lies,‐lies that the Jew knows so well how to disseminate.
But all their efforts toward stopping the sale of “The Original Mr. Jacobs ” have been unavailing, for in less than three months this book has achieved a wide-spread circulation. It is, at the present writing, in its twentieth edition, and its sale does not show” any sign of abatement.
We have been requested by many prominent men in literary, financial, and commercial circles, to establish a monthly publication, to be called “ The Anti-Semite.” We have been assured of ample support in this venture. There is certainly enough of patriotism among the masses of the American people to maintain such a publication; and there is, unquestionably, a wide-spread desire to check the diabolical methods of the Jews,‐ these parasites of the human race.
The periodical we propose to establish, will give a faithful account of the deceits, crimes, and fraudulent transactions of the Jew, in all channels of business. It will be published monthly, at one dollar per year. Efficient correspondents through‐ out the United States will watch the Jew, and will keep us informed of all his deeds, or rather, misdeeds, which will be fearlessly recorded in “The Anti-Semite.”
Efforts will not be spared in urging the passage of laws that will afford some protection to the commercial community, and to society in general, from the Jew. Every businessman should support “The Anti-Semite;” for this publication will expose dishonesty, and watch over the interests of ' the business community.
Intended subscribers will please remit their subscription to “The Minerva Publishing Company, 10 West 23d Street, New-York City,” for which a receipt will be duly forwarded. Arrangements are now being made to have the first number appear as soon as possible.
MINERVA PUBLISHING COMPANY,
10 West 28d Street, New-York City.
It is my intention to explain the circumstances which lead me to believe: that General George Smith Patton, Jr. was murdered, that the accident which took place on December 9, 1945 was set up by the Soviet NKVD (Narodny Komissariat Vnutrennildi Del) in collusion with the American OSS (Office of Strategic Services), that Patton died at the Heidelberg Military Hospital on December21 at the hands of an assassin.
It is impossible to prove who actually did the killing since no one at the hospital reported witnessing the murder. The trained NKVD assassin would have entered the room disguised as a hospital attendant.
It is not my intention to even try to prove that Patton was murdered. I wish only to refute the official line which military historians state that Patton's death resulted from a broken neck sustained in the auto accident near Mannheim.
Yes, the collision took place as they write, but it was a planned accident. Patton was disabled, but, by what means? Did an assassin fire a weapon at Patton as he sat in the back seat? A Douglas Bazata claims that he had been hired to assassinate Patton by General Donovan, head of the OSS. He charges that another agent NKVD or OSS beat him to the kill. He explains the kind of weapon which was used. l can not verify Bazata's story.
I have spoken to Bert Goldstein, one of Patton's body- guards during that time. Bert told me that Patton's lite was threatened, that he was vulnerable to the ever present danger. Bert states, that had the bodyguards not been removed Patton would not have been murdered. He is convinced that his favorite General was murdered.
I have also spoken to Robert Patton, who served with his cousin General Patton in North Africa, Sicily and Germany. He states that there are members of the Patton family who agree with him that the General was murdered. He told me that I should consider Colonel Charles Keegan as a conspirator in the murder.
Ladislav Farago, in his book THE LAST DAYS OF PATTON, provides significant detail about the accident and about the hospital scene, but even as he discusses the possibility of murder, he accepts the official story that Patton died of heart failure brought about by a broken neck sustained in the so-called accident.
Fred Ayer, Jr., Patton's brother-in-law, was a Counter Intelligence agent with the Federal Bureau of Investigation, in Germany. When he heard of the accident he said, "Accident hell. It was murder. Those communist sons of bitches killed him".
I was in the Third Army as a Counter Intelligence agent while Patton was the General. The CIC was involved with others in providing security for him. It was my informants from the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA) who told me that Soviet Dictator Joseph Stalin wanted Patton assassinated and ordered the NKVD to kill him. The fact that UPA General Stepan Bandera was himself assassinated, and UPA/NKVD agent Ivan Malij was executed by the NKVD, lead me to believe that they were killed to silence them about the Patton assassination. .
I was given a bad time by NKVD General Davidov, who was head of the NKVD at SHAEF in Frankfurt, and by OSS General Donovan, because I reported about the Stalin order to the NKVD to kill Patton. Also my own life was threatened because it was thought that I knew too much. I was considered having "political dynamite". I suppose that had I beef allowed to investigate the Ukrainian intelligence reports of Patton's murder, I would have proof positive, one.way Or the other. But since I was denied the right to make such an investigation, I can only write of the circumstances which lead me to believe that the historians have not completed their research on the death of Patton.
Of course it may be too late to discover the truth about Patton's death, especially since so many records have disappeared. Also since so many of those people in the know have either died or disappeared, it can only frustrate historical researchers.
The main purpose of my writing what I experienced, what I knew and what I suspect, is to caution those who have accepted the official line about the so-called accident and the subsequent death of General George S. Patton, Jr. I say,
"Don't believe it."
My book is broken up into four parts. PART ONE deals with my own experiences in the Counter Intelligence Corps and my Ukrainian connection. PART TWO is a short bio- graphical sketch of George Patton as a boy, a man and a soldier. PART THREE is about Patton as a General serving under General Dwight Eisenhower. It was clear that Eisenhower was a long time friend of Patton's who eventually turned against him. PART FOUR deals with the death and suspected murder of Patton. In it, I explain why I believe he was murdered. I do not attempt to prove my contention because I cannot. All I can do is to theorize on how and by whom the murder was plotted and executed.
STEPHEN J. SKUBIK, is retired, living in Bennington, New Hampshire, with his wife Virginia Dutton-Skubik.
Steve had personal experiences with the NKVD, the Soviet Union's State Security Agency, during his work as a Special Agent with the United States Army Counter Intelligence Corps, in Germany from January through December, 1945.
He also dealt with the O.S.S., the Office of Strategic Services, led by General William "Wild Bill" Donovan, with whom Steve disagreed on a number of occasions in Germany. He objected to the O.S.S. recruitment of Communists such as Walter Ulbricht and Ho Chi Minh into the agency.
His arrest of Walter Ulbricht and his accusing NKVD General Davidov of plotting the murder of General George S. Patton, Jr., caused him much trouble with the O.S.S. and his superiors in the Counter Intelligence Corps.
His story about the murder of General George Patton in Heidelberg, Germany in December , 1945 is his recount of events which lead him to believe that the NKVD and the OSS colluded in the murder. He describes the coincidences such as the auto accident near Mannheim on December 9 just one day before Patton was to leave Germany: the death on December 21 at the Heidelberg Military Hospital as he was about to be moved to Beverly General Hospital: the presence in Germany of Soviet General Pavel Sudoplatov, head of theNKVD's external assassins during the time of the accident: and his being denied the authority to investigate the accident. Steve's contention is that such coincidences are highly suspicious.
Beside the suspicious coincidences, Steve had been in formed by the Ukrainian intelligence that Stalin had ordered the death of Patton because Patton was calling for war against the Soviet Union to force the Soviet armies back to Moscow. Patton's incursion into
Czechoslovakia in early May caused the Soviet Military High Command to threaten General Eisenhower with all out war.
Steve Skubik tells of how after General Eisenhower stood with Soviet Dictator Joseph Stalin on the tomb of Lenin, Eisenhower fired Patton as the Commander of the Third Army .
Steve became involved in national politics when he lived in Alexandria, Virginia from 1947 through 1981. He wrote the Republican Policy of Liberation in 1952, which called for the. dissolution of the Soviet Empire.
His political humor books, REPUBLICAN HUMOR; POLITICS IS FUN and HANDBOOK OF HUMOR BY FAMOUS POLITICIANS, show the lighter side of the author.
America was intended for white Christian nationalists. The Founding Fathers never envisioned America for multi-racial or multi-religious equality, nor for internationalism. As partial substantiation for this, a foremost social spokes man in America, THE NEW YORK TIMES, admit ted that blacks were purposely excluded from the white man's heritage (Magazine section, February 9, 1964). The country's founders were all of Christian background, and nothing historically suggests they desired any faith to prevail in America other than Christianity; later, the nation was formerly declared Christian by the U. S. Supreme Court on February 29, 1892 (Holy Trinity Church vs. U. S., 143 U.S. 471). George Washington's "Farewell Address" of 1796, cautioning against foreign entanglements, is an indication of desired nationalism. Instead of these traditional intents, however, America has become an interracial hodgepodge, a de-Christianized immorality, and a land which places international interests before national ones.
White Christians today are a neurotic, con fused, and terribly-divided people. Probably the one thing the vast majority now mutually agree upon is the "good life." To gain it, most manifest a willingness to do almost anything. In the process, they have become morally compromised by greed and growing softness. With their obsession over materialism, white Christians fail to see that their precious rights are being stolen by aliens.
Traditional (white Christian) Americans are now on the verge of virtually turning over their society to non-Traditionalists, having first been generous (foolish!) enough to share it with them. It is the old story of letting the camel put his head into the tent. With his head in, the camel soon, by stages, maneuvers in its entire body, crowding, then pushing out the rightful occupants.
The time will come for most white Christians when, in misery, they belatedly shall seek the source of their country's damnation. "How," they will then ask, "did it happen? What or who is responsible?" The question now can-be asked, Why are Traditional Americans not aware of and outraged over what is happening to their racial, Christian, and national heritage? This writing undertakes to answer that question.
Pied Pipers of Babylon is the book written by Verl K. Speer in 1985. Mr. Speer explains the origins and Development of the Common law according to his research:
"These laws cannot be written by man; it is mankind's conscience."
Some sources, including, date Common Law back to the inquisitorial system in England during the 12th and 13th centuries, as the collective judicial decisions that were based in tradition, custom and precedent. Pied Pipers of Babylon shows the development of the Common Law dating back to the Old Testament, originating with the Laws of God and Nature. It is rooted in antiquity, a beautiful history of men becoming free.
The words were coined from observations made within the Catholic Church of old England. These people had among them a common notion of an unwritten law expressed as conduct. They had rules enforced by a responsibility borne by each person to know what was right or wrong and to apply that knowledge in their dealings with one another - a "common law."
Common Law defined in the book Pied Pipers of Babylon
"The Law of Conscience as applied to governing the affairs and actions of the individual, and the affairs between individuals. Its essence is the golden rule. Its science is the science of living honestly with one's self and with other individuals. It is the coalescing of the two great powers bestowed upon Man by his Creator - the power to reason and the power of the spirit, working together in harmony with the laws of God and Nature. It is loyalty-to-self, loyalty-to-truth, as revealed to each individual through his conscience. Being the Law of Conscience, it cannot be written - it can only be written about. All that can be written about the Common Law is how it manifests itself through the individual who is loyal to self- loyal to his conscience. It is frequently said that Common Law is custom and usage from immemorial antiquity, that Common Law is the judgments and decrees of courts recognizing these usages and customs, that Common Law is the statutory and case law background of England and the American Colonies before the American Revolution - and now, our courts tell us that there is such a thing as "specialized federal common law" or just "federal common law." None of these are Common Law in its true sense and meaning. At best, they are manifestations of individual decisions and actions in particular situations, pursuant to conscience. At worst, they are manifestations of decisions and actions in situations wherein reason, spirit, and conscience of the individuals involved were stifled or suspended. To say otherwise is to lose or change the important thing - the true meaning of Common Law."
The Anti-German Boycott
A Statement of the Position of the American Jewish Committee
For the confidential information of Sustaining Members of the Committee. Not for publication
The Islamic World's "Protocols of Zion", supposedly published in Turkey, 1888.
Allâhu ta’âlâ declared in the eighty-second âyat of Mâida sûra of Qur’ân al-kerîm, “The biggest enemies of Islam are the Jews and mushriks.” The first mischief contrived to demolish Islam from within was instigated by a Jew, namely Abdullah bin Sebe’ of Yemen. He established the Shiite sect against the Ahl as-sunna, the true Muslim group. From then on, Jews under the cloak of Shiite scholars in every century consolidated this sect. After the Ascension of ’Îsâ ‘alaihissalâm’ a number of corrupt Bibles were written. Most of the Christians became mushriks (those who believe in more than one god). Others became kâfirs (disbelievers) since they did not believe Muhammad ‘alaihissalâm’. These and the Jews were called Ahl-i kitâb (people with a heavenly book). When Islam was established, the hegemony of the priests, as in the Dark Ages, was abolished. They founded missionary organizations to abolish Islam. The British were the forerunners in this regard. A Ministry of the Commonwealth was established in London with a view to fighting against Islam. People who worked in this Ministry were taught the Jewish tricks. Contriving inconceivably vicious plans, they attacked Islam using all available military and political forces toward this end. Hempher, only one of the thousands of male and female agents employed and sent forth to all countries by this ministry, entrapped a person named Muhammad of Najd in Basra, misled him for several years, and caused him to establish the sect called Wahhâbî in 1125 [1713 A.D.]. They announced this sect in 1150.
Hempher is a British missionary who was assigned the task of carrying on espionage activities in Egypt, Iraq, Iran, Hidjaz and in Istanbul, the center of the (Islamic) caliphate, misleading Muslims and serving Christianity, by means of the Ministry of British Commonwealth of Nations. No matter how assiduously the enemies of Islam may strive to annihilate Islam, they will never be able to extinguish this light of Allâhu ta’âlâ. For Allâhu ta’âlâ declares as follows, as purported in the twelfth and sixty-third âyats of Yûsuf sûra and in the ninth âyat of Hijr sûra of Qur’ân al-kerîm: “I have revealed this Qur’ân to thee. Verily I shall be its protector.” Disbelievers will not be able to desecrate it, change it or defile it. They shall never extinguish that light. Allâhu ta’âlâ sent Qur’ân al-kerîm to His beloved Prophet Muhammad ‘alaihis-salâm’ piece by piece in twenty-three years through His angel named Jebrâ’îl. Abû Bekr “radiyallâhu ta’âlâ ’anh”, the first Khalîfa, had the 6236, âyats which were sent by Allâhu ta’âlâ, compiled, and thus the great book named Mushaf was formed. Muhammad ‘alaihis-salâm’ explained the whole Qur’ân al-kerîm to his As-hâb. The Islamic scholars wrote down whatever they heard from the As-hâb-i-kirâm. Thousands of books of tafsîr (explanation) thus formed were published in every country. All copies of Qur’ân al-kerîm existent throughout the world today are identical. There is not even a single literal or diacritical difference in any of them. For fourteen centuries Muslims worked in the lightsome way taught by Qur’ân al-kerîm and made progress in knowledge, in ethics, in science, arts, trade, and politics. They established great States. After the French Revolution in 1204 [C.E. 1789], European youth saw the immoralities, cruelties, robberies and mendacities being perpetrated by churches and priests, and, as a result, some of them became Muslims, while others turned into atheists. The farther away from Christianity, the more progress they made in science and technology. For Christianity was an impediment to worldly endeavours and progress. And some Muslims, reading the books written by these young people in order to criticize Christianity, and believing the lies and slanders which the British missionaries directed against Islam, became quite ignorant of Islam. As they were alienated from Islam, they began to decline in science. For one of the principal commandments of Islam is to work for worldly progress.
The British state policy is essentially based on methods of exploiting the natural riches of the world, particularly those in Africa and India, employing their inhabitants like beasts, and transferring all the resultant revenue to Britain. People who have had the fortune of attaining Islam, the religion which commands justice, mutual love and charity, pose an obstruction athwart to British cruelties and falsities.
We have prepared this book of ours in three sections:
The first section, which consists of seven parts, comprises the slanders of the British spy. They were designed by the British for the purpose of annihilating Islam.
The second section relates how the British insidiously put their treacherous plans into practice in Muslim countries, how they deceived statesmen, how they inflicted unimaginably bitter torments on Muslims, and how they destroyed the Indian and the Ottoman States. How the Jews and the British attacked Islam is reported with quotations from Hakîkat-ul-Yehûd, which was written by Fuâd bin Abdurrahman Rufâî and published by Mektebetussahâbetul Islamiyye in Kuwait-Safât-Salimiyya. This section of our book is corroborated with documents which will awaken those poor Muslims who are entrapped by the Wahhabis and will support the writings of the scholars of the Ahl as-sunna.
Mîlâdî, 2001
Hijrî Solar. 1380
Hijrî Lunar, 1422
In today’s interconnected world, international migration continues to grow as migrants come from all around the globe in search of better lives for themselves and their families. While many migrants seek to improve social and economic status, others come in search of asylum due to conflict, political repression, or fear of persecution in their country of origin. As globalization steadily diffuses international power and blurs the line between war and peace, human migration is becoming a viable weapon in the arsenal of many state and non-state actors pursuing unconventional means to increase regional influence and to achieve objectives. This thesis examines different means in which state and non-state actors make use of human migration to achieve political, economic, or military objectives while also analyzing the conditions necessary to achieve these desired objectives. The ability to map these trends and identify underlying conditions that are the precursors to weaponizing migration will enable military and other interagency elements to better develop strategies and to mitigate potential vulnerabilities at the strategic, operational, and tactical levels.
The U.S. Department of Defense has released translations of a number of Iraqi intelligence documents dating from Saddam’s rule. One, a General Military Intelligence Directorate report from September 2002, entitled “The Emergence of Wahhabism and its Historical Roots”, shows the Iraqi government was aware of the nefarious purposes of the Wahhabis of Saudi Arabia, often known as Salafis, in serving Western interests to undermine Islam.
In addition to that revealed in the Hempher Memoirs, the Iraqi intelligence report also makes known some surprising claims, derived from works circulated in Arabic which have not been translated into English. As the report recounts, both Abdul Wahhab, and his sponsor, ibn Saud, who founded the Saudi dynasty, were of Jewish origin.
For example, D. Mustafa Turan wrote, in The Donmeh Jews, that Muhammad ibn Abdul Wahhab was a descendant of a family of Donmeh Jews from Turkey. The Donmeh were descendants of followers of the infamous false-messiah of Judaism, Shabbetai Zevi, who shocked the Jewish world in 1666 by converting to Islam. Viewing it as a sacred mystery, Zevi's followers imitated his conversion to Islam, though secretly keeping to their Kabbalistic doctrines. In Europe, the Shabbeteans were eventually led a century later by Jacob Frank, claiming to be a reincarnation of Zevi. And, according to Rabbi Antelman in To Eliminate the Opiate, to them belonged the Rothschilds who had a hand in the founding of the Bavarian Illuminati. The Donmeh community of Turkey were concentrated in the city of Salonika, which became a hotbed of Masonic activity, and from which the Young Turk movement evolved, which aided in the collapse of the Muslim empire of the Ottoman Turks. There is evidence that Ataturk himself, the founder of the modern Turkish state, was of Donmeh origin as well.
Turan maintains that Abdul Wahhab's grandfather, Sulayman was actually Shulman, having belonged to the Jewish community of Bursa in Turkey. From there he settled in Damascus, where he feigned Islam, but was apparently expelled for practicing sorcery. He then fled to Egypt and he again faced condemnation, so made his way he to the Hijaz, where he got married and fathered Abdul Wahhab. According to the report, the same is claimed in The Donmeh Jews and the Origin of the Saudi Wahabis, Rifat Salim Kabar.
In recent years, it has been widely argued that a new and different armament – i.e., the refugee as weapon – has entered the world’s arsenals. But just how new and different is this weapon? Can it only be used in wartime? And just how successful has been its exploitation? Using a combination of statistical data and case study analysis, this article tackles these questions and provides a detailed examination of the instrumental manipulation of population movements as political and military weapons of war. In addition to ‘mapping the terrain’ of the issue by providing a comprehensive typology of the most common means by – and desired ends for – which displaced persons have been used as political and military weapons since the end of the Cold War, the author also provides a portrait of the identities of the kinds of actors most likely to engage in this kind of exploitation. She also proposes an explanation for what motivates them to resort – and apparently increasingly so – to the use of this unconventional policy tool, despite the reputational and potential retributive costs of doing so.
This document is a comprehensive index of studies, both historic and contemporary, detailing the negative effects of racial and ethnic diversity. The authors of these studies hold a wide range of political beliefs, though, pro-diversity/globalism, pro-left-wing/liberal are the most common among them. This data statistically validates, beyond all reasonable doubt, the theory that racial and ethnic diversity is overwhelmingly negative. Diversity is colossally detrimental to individuals and society alike, in almost every conceivable way: physical and mental health, social cohesion, violence, trust, criminality, etc. The more diverse a society is, the more pronounced and severe these negative effects are, however, even small amounts of racial or ethnic diversity are enough to cause a quantifiable negative impact. Individuals of every race fare worse within racially and ethnically heterogeneous societies, though racial heterogeneity has a greater negative impact than ethnic heterogeneity (when the ethnically heterogeneous society is mono-racial).
Published in 1944 by a former British Principal Secretary of the Air Ministry as a response to increasing discontent in Britain with the Allied bombing of German cities, this book set out to justify the saturation bombing of civilians. Reflecting official British government policy, it states clearly that the idea to saturate bomb civilian targets was initiated by the British in May 1940, and that Hitler opposed to this concept and refused to retaliate for months while the German cities were bombed, hoping that "Churchill would come to his senses." This belief is dismissed as "stupid" by Spaight, who went on to describe as "pacifists" and "socialists" those Britons who objected to the bombing of civilians. The British bombers were designed to bomb cities, he said, while the "Teutonic mind" never even considered such a policy, and instead viewed an air force merely as a tool to "blast open" a path for attacking armies. The German air force, he pointed out, was never used for anything else until ordered to retaliate against the British campaign. "Whatever Hitler wanted or did not want, he most assuredly did not a want the mutual bombing to go on. He had not wanted it ever to begin. He wanted it, having begun, to be called off. There was ample evidence that he did not want the latter kind of bombing to become the practice. He had done his best to have it banned by international agreement." This is a shocking reminder of the horror of war which provides a fascinating insight into the brutal psychology of the time. This book has been reproduced exactly as it was first published in 1944. Now with a new introduction which details the factual errors made by the original author with respect to some of his sources, and the effect of bombing upon German production.
PDF document composed of cleaned-up, deskewed, OCR'd page-scans at: https://earthlinggb.wordpress.com/2014/04/05/the-jew-bank-of-england/ of The Bank of England: A History from its Foundation in 1694 (1966) by J. A. Giuseppi
These three lists form appendices to the paper by Mr. J. A. Giuseppi, F.S.A., archivist of the Bank of England, on 'Sephardi Jews and the Early Years of the Bank of England', published in Transactions XIX. They are published separately here so that they can be studied side by side with the names in the 1695 Census and the Burial Register of the Bet Haim Velho.
List A gives the name of some 350 proprietors, almost entirely of known Jewish origin, of Bank of England stock. It is taken from the printed Lists of Proprietors, with some further details from the Bank Stock Ledgers. A holder of, £500 stock was qualified to vote at the General Courts held annually for the election of the Governor, Deputy Governor and 24 Directors; a holder of £2,000 stock was qualified for election as a Director, of £8,000 as Deputy Governor, and of £4,000 as Governor. The lists therefore indicate these classes of stockholders and thus to some extent their relative importance. Addresses and qualities are given in the list; 'of London, Merchant' was commonly regarded as sufficient identification at this period, but spinsters and widows were generally recorded as of more precise address.
The dates in the list have been adjusted to the present style (i.e. 2nd February 1694/5 is given as 2nd February 1695).
List: B is taken from the dividend books, compiled alphabetically of the stockholders entitled to the half-yearly dividends; the holders or their agents signed for the receipt of their dividends. It gives the Jewish names from the record of the payment of the 4th (1697), llth (1701), 30th (1709), 36th (1712) and 63rd (1725) dividends. It may be that some quite prominent holders of stock are missing from this list, as a proportion of the Sephardi holders were stock jobbers and may have happened to hold no stock on the day when the books were closed for the preparation of the dividend.
List C shows the extent to which the number of jewish holders of Bank stock domiciled in Holland increased between 1701 and 1725, until by the 63rd Dividend of September 1725 there were 62 .Jewish holders having addresses in Holland compared with 66 having addresses in London.
hey kings, finally put the "best of merchant media redpills" folder together, 130+ articles, redpills from the horse's mouth
The international conspiracy explained. The best single work available on the evil conspiracy that has been responsible for the devastating wars and continuing conflicts of the past century. They are now close to its ultimate goal of total world domination through a dictatorial one world government. William Guy Carr, a noted author who had a distinguished career as a Canadian naval officer, including outstanding service during World War II, in this work of shocking revelations, shows how the conspiracy of atheistic-materialistic men have manipulated world events to secure ultimate control of the wealth, natural resources and man-power of the entire world. This satanic conspiracy, Carr goes on to show, strives to abolish Christianity and all religions, dismantle all ordered national governments, weaken patriotism, and destroy traditional family life. Pawns in the Game traces the history of the great conspiracy and the World Revolutionary Movement, showing the roles of the Illuminati, the Freemasons, the Communists, and the United Nations. This book shows the conspiracy as part in the American Revolution, the French Revolution, the Communist takeover of Russia, and World War II. In carrying out their long-range plan, Carr shows how the conspirators have come ever closer to reaching their goal through infiltration of key centers of power and influence, by gaining control of central banks, the world money supply, and manipulate the media. In this important rousing book, the author sounds the alarm to awaken Christians and patriots to the grave danger of World War Three and an oppressive New World Order. He presents practical measures to expose, counter and ultimately defeat the forces of evil.
William Guy Carr, R.D. Commander R.C.N. (R) Retired was born June 2, 1895 and died October 2, 1959.
At the early age of twelve the author was thoroughly indoctrinated into the Bolshevik ideology by two revolutionary missionaries who travelled on the same ship with him out to the Orient in 1907. Unlike many others he didn't swallow the bait they offered him "Hook, Line, and Sinker." He decided to keep an open mind, and to investigate matters thoroughly, before reaching any conclusions. His investigations and studies of all angles of the International Conspiracy have taken him to nearly every country in the world.
Commander Carr had a distinguished naval career. During World War I he served as Navigating Officer of H.M. Submarines. In World War II he was Naval Control Officer for the St. Lawrence; then Staff Officer Operations at Shelbourne, N.S.; then Senior Naval Officer at Goose Bay, Labrador. As an Officer on the staff of Commodore Reginald Brock he organized the 7th Victory Loan for the twenty-two Royal Canadian Naval Training Divisions.
I MAKE NO APOLOGY for adding another book to the long list which the study of anti- Semitism has inspired. For one thing, the greater part of what has been written forms no real contribution to the subject and, for another, I hold that the relations between Jews and non-Jews are an acid test of the stability of political institutions. Anti-Semitism is not just a quaint aberration of the human intellect. It has its roots in social structure, and an examination of its peculiarities sheds a great deal of light on the pathology of modern society. To relegate the whole affair to the intellectual dust-heap of semi-mysticism and to explain it on grounds of instinctive prejudice is to stultify one’s self
There is no problem in race relationship which cannot yield to rational observation and scientific consideration.
If, after a dispassionate survey, the conclusion is reached that Jew and Gentile are inherently incapable of resolving their differences—that, in other words, there are ingrained characteristics in one or both of the contestants that make it impossible for them to live together in peace—then race suicide for the Jews, as the smaller group, becomes logically the only way of escape from a hostile world.
"FOR THE SAFETY OF THE REPUBLIC WE NOW DECREE THAT THE DANGEROUS CONSPIRACY MUST BE ENDED BY NOVEMBER 15, (1911)"
Thus wrote the U.S. Supreme Court in its historic decision in the Rockefeller Standard Oil criminal prosecution by the U.S. Department of Justice. Unfortunately, the decree has been evaded and the conspiracy continues unabated and in ever more aggravated form.
". . . the Standard Oil magnate, king of the North American oil trust . . . THE NO. 1 ENEMY OF OUR COUNTRY . . . " editorialized Brazil's newspaper O SEMANARIO, according to Rockefeller's press agent and biographer, Joe Alex Morris. (8)
This author views as incorrect, the use of the term PUBLIC ENEMY NO. 1 for the designation of those who commit crimes against individuals or organizations of relatively minor character, such as murder, rape and burglary, or bank robbery. He feels that it is more rightly reserved for those who commit crimes against society and the State, such as those charged by the above Supreme Court decree as engaged in a "conspiracy" that menaced "the safety of the Republic," who are the subjects of this biography. In that sense of the words, their usage by O SEMANARIO must be acknowledged to be correct; and they are so used here.
The heinous character of the crimes against society in question, the conspiracy to rob our society of liberty, justice and wealth and to destroy the Constitution and the Republic thereon based, which are our hard-won basis of security, would in themselves characterize the criminals in question as psychopaths. Additional evidence supplied by the central character of this biography and by his intimates, however, make the designation "criminal psychopathy" obligatory and beyond question.
Ex-President Harry Shippe Truman must be credited with more courageously and aptly describing the activities of those designated as "conspirators" by the Supreme Court. On March 27, 1942, as Chairman of a Senate Internal Security subcommittee, he said of the Rockefeller- Standard Oil conspirators:
"Even after we were in the war, Standard Oil of New Jersey was putting forth every effort of which it was capable to protect the control of the German government over vital war material.
"As Patrick Henry said: If that is treason (and it certainly is treason) then make the most of it'
"YES IT IS TREASON
"You can not translate it in any other way."
It was a treason that cost the lives of many of our GI's. One never ceases to wonder why these traitors whose activities cost so many lives, were not meted the same punishment as the Rosenbergs whose activities were relatively harmless and cost no lives.
This book has been written and published in a spirit of public service, in a sincere effort to preserve our liberty, and Constitution and Republic that were created to ensure it, against the onslaught of conspirators from within and from without, so that our country can once again become ". . . the land of the free, and the home of the brave."
This work was originally planned as a series of columns. It is hoped that the reader will overlook the consequent repetitions. The reader should bear in mind that the subject of Rockefeller gangsterism and brigandage alone, is far too vast for a volume of this limited scope that is intended to supplement the author's earlier work, ROCKEFELLER "Internationalist," The Man Who Misrules The World. The reader is referred to it and to the many volumes listed in the bibliography for further, but still very incomplete, records of the Dynasty's rascality and criminality.
With the ending of the war many books will be released dealing with various questions and phases of the great struggle, some of them perhaps impartial, but the majority written to make propaganda for foreign nations with a view to rendering us dissatisfied with our country and imposing still farther upon the ignorance, indifference and credulity of the American people.
The author's aim in the following pages has been to provide a book of ready reference on a multitude of questions which have been raised by the war. It is strictly American in that it seeks to educate those who need education in the truth about American institutions and national problems.
A blanket indictment has been found against a whole race. That race comprises upward of 26 per cent, of the American people and has been a stalwart factor in American life since the middle of the seventeenth century. This indictment has been found upon tainted evidence. As is shown in the following pages, a widespread propaganda has been, and is still, at work to sow the seeds of discord and sedition in order to reconcile us to a pre-Revolutionary political condition. This propaganda has invaded our public schools, and can- not be more effectively combatted than by education.
The contingency that the book may be decried as German propaganda has no terrors for the author, and has not deterred him from his purpose to deal with facts from an angle that has not been popular during the past five years. What is here set down is a statement of facts, directed not against institutions, but men. Men come and go; institutions endure if they are rooted in the hearts of the people.
The author believes in the sacredness and perpetuity of our institutions. He believes in the great Americans of the past, and in American traditions. He is content to have his Americanism measured by any standard applied to persons who, like Major George Haven Putnam, feel prompted to apologize to their English friends for "the treason of 1776," or who pass unrebuked and secretly condone the statement of former Senator James Hamilton Lewis, that the Constitution is an obsolete instrument.
Statements of fact may be controverted; they cannot be disproved by an Espionage Act, however repugnant their telling may sound to the stagnant brains of those who have been uninterruptedly happy because they were spared the laborious process of thinking for themselves throughout the war, or that not inconsiderable host which derives pleasure and profit from keeping alive the hope of one day seeing their country reincorporated with "the mother country" —the mother country of 30 per cent, of the American people.
It is to arouse the patriotic consciousness of a part of the remaining 70 per cent, that this compilation of political and historical data has been undertaken.
European issues and questions have been included in so far only as they exercised a bearing on American affairs, or influenced and shaped public opinion, prejudice and conclusions. To the extent that they serve the cause of truth they are entitled to a place in these pages.
THE AUTHOR
New York City, January, 1920.
This book is mostly about Jews; it is not against the Jews. These painstaking researches have been made in order to rewrite history "with conscience;" as Lamartine urged, as Washington Irving admonished. The results are presented tO the thinking public to enlarge its intelligence, not its prejudice. The book should appeal to Jew and Gentile alike, that they may join hands in purging society of its enemies, be they Jewish plotters or. Gentile participants; each group more contemptible than the other according to the point of contemplation.
The Jews should bring to bay the "Satanists," who corrupt the countries in which they have found asylum; the Gentiles should make harmless every Judas, who accepts the bribes of the Jews. Together they should eliminate from authority the man who "sells his birthright;" equally with him, who, taking advantage of hi weaker brother, "buys it for a mess of pottage;"
"But he that is greatest among you shall be your servant." (St. Matthew).
Count Cherep-Spiridovich springs from Norse gentility. His remotest ancestor on record was prince Rurik, who, being one of the "Worthies" of his time, was in 862 called by the Slavic people to Novgorod, where he founded a dynasty and gave Russia its name.
Nordic tradition, coupled with exceptional education and training, have given to general Spiridovich the spiritual ardor, the constructive impulse, and the extraordinary perseverance required to make his vast knowledge erve the exigencies of the present by his peculiar power to forecast the future, but it devolves upon the . 'Individual reader to make practical application of it, by refusing to participate in the practices, which engage "Enemies of Humanity." A Chicago Rabbi recently said: -
"We have been told, long enough: 'You cannot change Human Nat- ure; but, I say to you: Human Nature can be changed; and, what is men:
Human Nature mule he changed."
And, how may it be changed? A Danish philosopher has given the formula. He speaks of traditions of caste as undeniable obstacles to the realization of Freedom and Equality; but suggests how these obstacles may be converted into opnortunities saying:
"In the nature of Inequality is a secret, Equality becomes inhuman under forced abolition of Inequality; Inequality becomes inhuman when we neglect to promote Equality: it is upon inequality as a basis, that equality must be reared. The agony of society arises from this simple thesis being misunderstood on opposite sides."
These are the jewels of thought of a century; they blind the evil eye of bolshevism; may each reader set them, firmly, in the diadem of his deeds. Count Tolstoy prophesied :
"A man shall come from the North to save civilization."
Is that man Cherep-spiridovich? Who knows? Read his book and the world will never again seem the some to you.
Herjulf Vikingson.
Chicago, July 4, 1925.
“Crystal Night” is the name that’s been given to the night of 9-10 November 1938. In almost all large German cities and some smaller ones that night, store windows of Jewish shops were broken, Jewish houses and apartments were destroyed, and synagogues were demolished and set on fire. Many Jews were arrested, some were beaten, and some were even killed. The “Reich Crystal Night” (Reichskristallnacht) was one of the most shameful events of National Socialist Germany. Although the Jews suffered initially, the greatest harm was ultimately done to Germany and the German people. Even people who are sympathetic to National Socialism cannot understand how this event could have happened. Julius Streicher, the so-called “number one Jew baiter” [1] for example, was shocked when he first learned about the demonstrations and destruction the next morning. The all-important question is: Who was responsible for the incident? It is generally accepted, especially by contemporary historians, that the Nazi gang organized and carried out the pogrom, and that the chief instigator was Propaganda Minister Dr. Joseph Goebbels.
In June 1979, a well-dressed, articulate stranger visited the office of the Elberton Granite Finishing Company and announced that he wanted to build an edifice to transmit a message to mankind...
THIS book is a record, a protest, and an appeal. I tell of what I myself have seen and learnt of the persecution of religion in Russia, and I voice the appeal of Russian people themselves against it.
The escort anti-religious campaign, terrible though it is for 82 who are its victims, harms the Communist Government most of all. Bolshevism is building up a fresh barrier between itself and the West, a barrier that will prove more difficult to surmount than any other. Revlon will survive, possibly weakened in numbers. and certainly poor in material things, but purified and with its faith and devotion intensified.
Many people believe that it is useless to protest. They regard the rulers of Moscow as beings so high, so remote from the outer world, and so self-centred, that they keep on their course regardless of what any may say.
Happily, this is not true. On more than one occasion, during the past (ew years, world opinion has induced the Bolshevist leaders to stay their hand. The most notable example was the abandonment of the prosecution of the Patriarch Tikhon.
Month after month in 1929, the persecution of religion increased, and the world remained silent. Then the widespread resentment revealed itself. Catholicism, led by the Pope, the united Churches in Great Britain and in the United States, and Judaism represented by its chief priests, spoke and are speaking with common voice.
At first, Moscow replied in anger, and it seemed that the sufferings of the people might be intensified. But as I write this, messages are beginning to arrive from Russia from Communist sources that the Communist attitude toward the churches is to be modified.
May this prove true!
Much of this book is based on personal experiences. I lived in the Soviet State from the autumn of 1921 until the close of 1924. In the two following years I made my headquarters in Stockholm, frequently visiting the border cities in Finland, Estonia, and Latvia. I have since employed special means to keep in touch with the Russian situation.
What those means are, or where employed, it is unnecessary to indicate.
My appeal for religious liberty involves an appeal for political liberty. The sufferings of the Churchmen have been paralleled by the hardships inflicted on non-Communists of all shades of opinion. Not for the first time, Christianity and Judaism stand on a common platform with lovers of liberty and justice. pleading for freedom.
F. A. MACKENZIE
LONDON, March, 1930
Twilight Over England was written by William Joyce in early 1940; that is, shortly after Britain’s declaration of war against Germany. More commonly known as Lord Haw-Haw, the British ‘traitor’ who worked for German radio, there was much more to William Joyce than the character portrayed by Allied propaganda and post-war vengeance. Here Joyce explains his conception of a specifically British National Socialism, his commitment to the British Crown and Empire, and the history of England’s takeover by international finance, the real enemy of all nations.He shows in a manner very relevant to the present, the ways by which the international bankers operate, and why they forced a war on Germany. The development of Free Trade capitalism is also examined—the system that has continued to intrude on every corner of the world with ever more aggression since its victory in 1945.The charges of treason against Joyce and his hanging are considered against the fact that he was never a British citizen, and the legality of his execution remains highly contentious.A thorough introduction by Kerry Bolton backgrounds Joyce’s life, and reveals the courage, honour, humanity and idealism of his character.
BANNED IN 22 COUNTRIES...
THE AUTHOR CLAIMS TO BE A POLITICAL PRISONER FOR THE LAST 20 YEARS PARTLY DUE TO THE PUBLICATION OF HIS CENSORED BOOK
Conspiracy Journal presents the new expanded edition of a book that has caused considerable controversary since it was originally published in 1970.
This edition is not endorsed by: the publisher or any known ufologist, conspiracy buff, or the "space brothers."
The author of this book and his friends say they started to delve into the UFO mystery and what they discovered is truly amazing. They circulated their finds over the years to an ever-increasing number of contacts. Whenever more reports of UFO crews speaking Germany and behaving like German soldiers or of sightings and documentation showing a UFO landing gear imprint in a clear swastika shape reached the authors, they took a closer look.
There now appeared a distinguishable pattern, in proper time and date sequence, they hinted at a possible connection between the appearance of UFOs in large numbers and Hitler's possible survival and escape from Berlin ...
A book was born. All publishers that were approached turned down the controversial nature of the manuscript though they would have liked to publish only the UFO developments. "All would have loved to reproduce the hither-to-unpublished engineering drawings and illustrations of protoypes of the Nazi Secret Ships first invented toward the end of WWII... SO the manuscript made the rounds for years and years.
Eventually it lay buried. Then one day, excerpts fell into the hands of a group of individuals who decided to collect money amongst themselves and publish the manuscript... Against threats and persecution this group of individuals composed of diverse backgrounds, have stood firm...
Materially connected with the conditions as they exist now, is my book bearing the title, "Banking and Currency and The Money Trust," published 1918, in which is the following prefatory statement:
The market prices of commodities vary from day to day and often°several times a day. This occurs when there is no radical difference in the proportion of supply and the natural demands. This fact is conclusive proof that our system is controlled by manipulators and is fundamentally wrong. I have sought to elucidate this problem within this volume and have suggested a plan which, if adopted, would make the people themselves master of the world, instead of the present master - The Money Trust.
What I predicted in the book above referred to is now taking place. The "press" controlled by"big business" at the time of the publication of that book, attacked me savagely for predicting dire results from the "big business" system. We now have what I then sold we would have. I make no claim to magic knowledge. On the contrary, any attempt to say what the future will bring, I maintain would be a folly unless it is based upon facts that inevitably lead to certain things. There are facts that do that, and it is upon such facts that I published that book, and now again publish this new book, widening the scope of consideration by taking additional subjects. The former book is cloth bound, has 318 pages, and will be sent loan address postage prepaid for $1.00. Its contents are as important now as when written, and immensely more interesting because of the subsequent developments.
All that I ask of readers of this book is that they give it hospitable consideration. We of this particular time now-have the most important economic problems that were ever actively presented to be solved. To a greater extent than ever before, the world presents the failure in some respects of the existing civilization. Failure must be acknowledged as a fact. No one can question that the old order of things is what has run US "OH the track," and that a new plan of things must be worked out.
I believe that I am as patriotic as any one. To be that implies bias in favor of my own country. I admit that I look upon the United States as the best, but that does not preclude me, a sovereign citizen from looking the truth in the face and objecting to many things that take place, if I believe them wrong. I realize also, that to depart from the ordinary practices of enthusing over some things that we have habitually enthused on, and that in addition to that failure, to state truths about certain things that are practiced by a certain "inner circle," invites unfeeling criticism to be heaped upon me by those who defend what herein I shall assail. Let that be whatever it may be, this little volume presents facts and arguments on things as they are.
“In so far as we are able, we must try to assist our fellow-men to understand. This we can do fearlessly ; for that which is mistaken or false will carry no weight and will be lost and forgotten, whilst that which is true will prevail.”
VINCENT CARTWRIGHT VICKERS was born on 16th January 1879, and educated at Eton and Magdalen College, Oxford. He was DeputyLieutenant of the City of London, a director of Vickers, Limited, for twenty-two years, and a director of the London Assurance from which he resigned in January 1939. In 1910 he was made a governor of the Bank of England, and resigned this appointment in 19 I 9. Later, he became President of the Economic Reform Club and Institute.
He died on 3rd November 1939, after a long illness during which, against time and with failing strength, he was working and writing on economics. A few days before his death he wrote: 'My keen desire to help up to the end has been the sole incentive which still enabled me to carry on perhaps a few weeks longer.'
It has therefore been my privilege to arrange my father's papers into the book which he labored to finish, and which represents only a part of his ceaseless work towards national and international economic stability and his single-minded convictions of its attainment.
WILMA CAWDOR
I who write this, need no proof of the importance of the money system upon the very lives of the people and even to the future existence of the British race, so long as that system fills the position which it now holds in our National Economy.
There are many thousands of well-educated men and women who, I believe, endorse my views in their entirety. But even for the most zealous of money reformers to attempt to write upon so vast and momentous a subject as our monetary system and the management of our national finances, such attempt would appear doomed to failure unless it were supported by great financial experts whose names were a by»word in the country. The next best alternative was that the author should himself be qualified by past experiences to express an opinion worth reading.
I therefore decided to take the unprecedented course of offering to my readers my own qualifications for putting down before the British people the very precarious condition of our monetary system as it exists in this country today; that this our money system forms the most important part of our economic system, and that the nation's economic system forms part of our social system.
Ever since that day in I 926, when, not in arrogance but with humility, I felt it my duty to explain to the Governor of the Bank of England, Mr. Montagu Norman, that 'henceforth I was going to fight him and the Gold Standard and the Bank of England policy until I died'--(and well I remember the words of his reply)-I have been an ardent money reformer. Some few years afterwards I resigned my long directorship of Vickers, Limited; since when I have spent much time and money in advocating the necessity for a reform of the monetary system. This has naturally brought me into contact with most sections of the community; with Communists and those with axes to grind, with malcontents and debtors, and, in addition, with men and women who are honest and disinterested patriots. Not more than a tenth of my income is earned; the rest comes from investments in banks, Bank of England stocks, American and Canadian securities, etc., and, mainly, from British industrial securities. I am therefore a 'capitalist'--one who has seen better times---and content to remain in my present financial position, but most unwilling to have my present standard of living further reduced. I bear no ill-feeling towards my own class or any other class. I seek neither notoriety nor kudos. If someone can change my convictions I shall be only too ready to alter them. But in fifteen years nothing whatever has occurred to make me alter my views. I still believe that the existing system is actively harmful to the State, creates poverty and unemployment, and is the root cause of war.
This personal confession is merely to demonstrate that I have seen both sides of the picture. My opinions are based upon my own experience and knowledge. I am to-day in the unique position of being absolutely and entirely devoid of animosity and wholly dis- interested. I feel myself no longer under any restrictions whatsoever, except to guard against doing harm to my country or giving offence to anyone.
V. C. V.
October 1939
This handbook is designed to help analysts in the Intelligence Community become more effective at their craft. The handbook articulates the philosophy and mission of intelligence officers and systematically lays out principles they can use to conceptualize and create written and oral products. Officers can adapt these principles to their individual accounts, from substantive analysis to staff and administrative work.
The skill portions of the handbook focus on tools for strengthening officers' ability to arrive quickly at an overall judgment and make a case for it and to communicate both clearly and concisely. Emphasis is on written communication, but the principles of analytic writing-clarity , brevity, and precision--apply equally to oral presentations.
The sections on analytic objectivity provide officers with guidance on avoiding bias and increasing objectivity, techniques for building the analytic sophistication, and areas in which they can seek additional training.
English translation, ready to print format.
Trau keinem Fuchs auf gruener Heid und keinem Jud bei seinem Eid could translate to:
Don't trust a fox on the greensward and never a Jew on his plighted word!
Never Trust a Fox in His Green Meadow and never the word of a Jew!
Trust No Fox on Green Heath and No Jew on His Oath
The Poisonous Mushroom new edition and with hq original pictures - ready to print format - children's book.
This translation is taken from a 1938 publication issued by the "Friends of Europe" in London.
How would you like to be in the dry goods business when the length of a yard would be subject to constant change, containing thirty inches one day and forty inches the next day?
How would you like to be in the grocery business when the weight of a pound would vary from time to time, containing fifteen ounces one time and twenty ounces the next?
How would you like to be in the gasoline business when the volume of a gallon would contract and expand at unpredictable times?
Or how would you enjoy being a farmer when the bushel would contain three pecks today and five pecks tomorrow?
And what if the changes would never be known in advance and were ordered by someone not in the least concerned with your prosperity or failure?
Every reader of this book is in such a business because the one essential by which his or her prosperity or failure is measured—the dollar—is constantly changing in val- ue. These changes are not known in advance and are directed by individuals for their own unsocial advantages with no concern for the fate of millions of individual citizens of which the nation and the world is made.
The Citadels of high finance direct the devious wanderings of the one object which by its very nature must be stable and dependable if chaos is to be averted. Even the periods of comparative prosperity contain the germs of chaos because the prosperous in the act of paying off their debts actually cancel money out of existence.
The citadels of old were often established on inaccessible heights and by their guns were virtually impregnable. But none were ever more so than the Citadels of present world Chaos. They are firmly established. Their guns of propaganda and deceit render them almost immune. Though their inhabitants are called “Economic Royalists” by the great Indispensible One and “Gluttons of Privilege” by his carbon copy successor, they remain secure. However, the history of citadels as well as of nations teaches that mankind is not powerless to destroy what man has built.
In these pages the location, plans and operations of high finance are exposed. The author dares to hope that this important knowledge will hasten and make more certain the necessity of their capture by men in the forces of Constitutional Government.
"Zaharoff the Armaments King" was first published in England in 1935 and a new impression followed in 1936. Robert Neumann has, for Readers' Union edition (1938), brought his Zaharoff "legend" up to date and revised various parts of the text. To Readers' Union edition has been added a portrait of Zaharoff.
PROBLEM: To write the biography of a man who was still alive not so many months ago. He is just as moral, just as immoral as any other, neither devil nor saint, and if there is a something which makes him different from other creatures who are greedy for food and plunder, it is no more than this-that he has done his gathering of booty more successfully and more cleverly. His plunder has been won on the grand scale, and it is only because his success has been on that scale that his cunning, trickery, and unscrupulousness seem to have something of grandeur about them. His life is an adventurous one, but not a whit more adventurous than the times in which it was lived.
His biographer is faced with extraordinary difficulties. The archives of ministries and embassies and those of the great armaments firms as well are kept sternly under lock and key, and to describe how this or that document printed in this book came into the hands of the biographer would need a book in itself...
The allegations made against the British arms manufacturers at the United States Senate Arms Enquiry have resulted in a widespread feeling of uneasiness in this country. Nor have the replies to the charges been convincing enough to dispel this disquiet.
The appointment by the British Government of a Royal Commis- sion to enquire into the private manufacture of munitions of war was made in such circumstances as to increase rather than to allay suspicion. The Government acted only after prolonged public agitation, the terms of reference to the Commission are very restricted; and the long notice of the enquiry which has been furnished gives the manufacturers every chance of concealing evidence which might damage them. At the same time the vast increase in armament expenditure shows that the Government has no serious intention of bringing the arms racket to an end.
In preparing this pamphlet, the Labour Research Department was concerned with the urgent need for the presentation, in a compact form, of all the material necessary to answer the question, "Who are the people behind the armament firms?" In this study we are concerned with the presentation of facts, not of views. It has been our aim to select and arrange the material in a manner which will enable the reader easily to grasp quickly the essential lines of control.
We preface our accounts of the various firms with some extracts from the public pronouncements of leading personalities associated with them. These quotations reveal the mentality of the armament kings in words which they have themselves chosen.
The preparation of' the pamphlet has involved long enquiries, mostly in the search room at Somerset House. The Labour Research Department acknowledges with deep gratitude the help of a band of students who undertook much of the work during their vacation. Thanks are also due to other friends of the Department for much practical help and advice.
It will be understood, of course, that changes in shareholdings may have taken place since the date of the Somerset House files, furnished annually, [Rom which the particulars were extracted, and that changes in directorships may have occurred after this book went to press.
In the preparation of this pamphlet the following sources have been used, among others:
Documents filed in the company search room at Somerset House: Who's Who; Directory of Directors, 1934; Stock Exchange Official Year Book, 1935; The Economist; The Slack Exchange Gazette; The Times; The Daily Telegraph; Hansard.
HER coal supply is twenty limes that of Great Britain. her iron resources cannot be measured she produces in abundance silk, cotton, bean oil, lumber, wool, jute, skins, furs, rice and eggs. Her industrial areas provide the world's cheapest labour supply and her 450 millions the greatest untapped market in the world.
What a country to loot!
Small wonder that financiers, investors and merchants of all nationalities are playing high for the power to exploit these resources and the people of China. Their stakes to-day are huge.
£700 millions are invested in China, mainly by British, Japanese and American capitalists and financiers.
They own all China's railways, most of her shipping, all her greatest factories, her coalfields and many of her iron foundries. They have absolute control of all her customs' receipts. salt tax receipts, telephones, telegraph and radio.
The prize is rich and the stakes are large. British Japanese and American imperial interests each seek the largest slice. First, the Imperialists grab from the Chinese people and then they struggle between themselves for the loot. Before the war there were many claimants : Britain, France, Russia, (Germany and Japan ; but the war reduced the rivals to three : Britain, ]apart and the U.S.A.
An Address Delivered by Mr. Philip Kerr at the Toronto Club to the Members of the Round Table on Tuesday, July 30th, 1912:
"I would like with your consent to explain to you what I believe the British Empire really stands for
I will confess frankly that when I came to this court try three years ago I was not in any true sense an Imperialist: I was a sentimental Imperialist in the sense that I had been born under the British Bag and my emotions could easily be rosed by an appeal to the sentiments that centre round that Bag, but I had no understanding of what the Empire was or of what it was likely to develop into. I am now a convinced Imperialist, and I want to tell you why.
THERE WAS A TIME WHEN I COULD IDENTIFY EVERYONE I interviewed by his true name. Nowadays if I were to do so I should leave a trail of death behind me. These persons, their relatives and friends, would die.
I look forward to the day when I shall once more be able to use true names in my interviews. That day, when I and my fellow correspondents can do so without endangering the lives of these people, the world will be free. This will be the test. .
I have taken every possible precaution in this book to dis- guise the identity of my informants. I hereby inform the Chinese Communist authorities that if they discover a similarity of names, they will be those of the wrong men and of the wrong women. As for the men and women who might have given me the information, they are legion.
This material was gathered in the Far East and southeast Asia during 1950 and 195I. I have made generous use of excerpts from articles of mine which appeared in The Miami Daily News and The New Leader magazine, for which 1 thank them.
EDWARD HUNTER
First published in French in 1939, and later in English in 1940, this work by the author, analyses and strongly critiques the effect of Nazi propaganda on the psychology of the masses. By bringing together the political and the psychological, the author refers to the use of propaganda in order to serve the ends of a handful of men as ‘psychical rape’ and warns that this phenomenon cannot be attributed solely to the Nazi regime.
The English translation was updated to account for the outbreak of the Second World War in 1939. It will be of great interest to anyone studying the Second World War, Nazism, Fascism and the psychology of propaganda.
The Rape of the Mind explores the Psychology of Thought Control, Menticide, and Brainwashing. Published in 1956 and written by Joost A. M. Meerloo, M.D., Instructor in Psychiatry, Columbia University Lecturer in Social Psychology, New School for Social Research, Former Chief, Psychological Department, Netherlands Forces.
“SINCE 1933, when a completely drugged and trial-conditioned human wreck confessed to having started the Reichstag fire in Berlin, Dr. Joost A. M. Meerloo has studied the methods by which systematic mental pressure brings people to abject submission, and by which totalitarians imprint their subjective “truth” on their victims’ minds. The first two and one-half years of WWII, Dr. Meerloo spent under the pressure of Nazi-occupied Holland, witnessing at first-hand the Nazi methods of mental torture on more than one occasion...Then, after personal experiences with enforced interrogation, he escaped from a Nazi prison and certain death to England, where he was able, as Chief of the Psychological Department of the Netherlands Forces, to observe and study coercive methods officially....
After the war, he came to the United States...As more and more cases of thought control, brainwashing, and mental coercion were disclosed - Cardinal Mindszenty, Colonel Schwable, Robert Vogeler, and others - his interest grew. It was Dr. Meerloo who coined the word menticide, the killing of the spirit, for this peculiar crime...
It is Dr. Meerloo’s position that through pressure on the weak points in men’s makeup, totalitarian methods can turn anyone into a “traitor.” And in The Rape of the Mind he goes far beyond the direct military implications of mental torture to describing how our own culture unobtrusively shows symptoms of pressurizing people’s minds. He presents a systematic analysis of the methods of brainwashing and mental torture and coercion, and shows how totalitarian strategy, with its use of mass psychology, leads to systematized “rape of the mind.” He describes the new age of cold war with its mental terror, verbocracy, and semantic fog, the use of fear as a tool of mass submission and the problem of treason and loyalty, so loaded with dangerous confusion. The Rape of the Mind is written for the interested layman, not only for experts and scientists.”-Print ed.
Ph.D dissertation
The University of Texas at Austin
Contact Information: frankmor@io.com
Notes excerpted from Chapter 1, pages 1-2
"This dissertation is an attempt to lay a foundation for research into social science, particularly regarding the mass media. I will try to describe the American power structure and to ascertain the place and role of the mass media within it. It is a very difficult task for many reasons. First, complete information is not easy to find. Secrecy is a very important part of the maintenance of power and control. Second, social scientists generally do not seem desirous of studying the subject. Third, the super-rich and powerful do not wish that the American people discover how the system is run. And, fourth, the subject is very complex, requiring vast interdisciplinary knowledge.
There are two other reasons for writing on this subject. Assuming that the information contained herein is disseminated more widely, it can serve to open the eyes of the American people as to how their economic and political system really works and the role the mass media play in this. Next, it is hoped that by pointing out the availability of public access channels of the cable television systems in this country, people might be able to confront the power of the Establishment media monopoly and communicate more directly with each other, thereby democratizing the media to some extent and effecting some degree of deligitimation of the traditional media in the process."
Solzhenitsyn penned this essay in 1974 and it circulated among Moscow's intellectuals at the time. It is dated Feb. 12, the same day that secret police broke into his apartment and arrested him. The next day he was exiled to West Germany. The essay is a call to moral courage and serves as light to all who value truth.
Editor’s Note: This article, which originally ran in the July 22, 1983, issue of NATIONAL REVIEW, is adapted from the address Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn gave on the occasion of his acceptance, in London on May 10, 1983, of the Templeton Prize for Progress in Religion. In announcing the 1983 award, the Templeton Foundation described Mr. Solzhenitsyn as “a pioneer in the renaissance of religion in atheist nations.” Mr. Solzhenitsyn ’s introductory remarks were made at the awards ceremony at Buckingham Palace, with Prince Philip presiding. The address proper was delivered later the same day at the London Guildhall. Today, December 11, 2018, is the 100th anniversary of Mr. Solzhenitsyn’s birth.
Purpose: Challenging outdated and erroneous assumptions that govern most people’s world views. To reveal the world as it is, rather than how “authority” would have us believe it to be.
Design/methodology/approach: This paper is the product of non-hierarchical, self- organised, co-creative learning; exploring the world from multiple perspectives.
Findings: Institutions which govern our lives are inherently corrupt, having been created, infiltrated and co-opted for the purpose of our subjugation and enslavement. The currently political economy farms humans and harvests the wealth they create for the benefit of a small number of individuals and their families. Farming of humans has a long history and we are approaching the apogee of centralised power which plans the total submission of humanity to its will and population reduction to optimise land and resources for the exclusive use of the “farmers”.
Research limitations/implications: Ideological and institutional blindness have obscured the reality of our existence.
Practical implications: We are shackled by our beliefs and misconceptions; when we understand the reality of our condition, we have the means to change that reality because we are the power or fuel of the political economy.
Social implications: Armed with a shared understanding of reality, we can shed our deference to “authority” and cease to abdicate responsibility for ourselves and each other to unreliable representatives and corrupt hierarchies. Self-organisation trumps “command and control” which is easily subverted for selfish ends.
Originality/value: Orthodox academia and media present a false picture of reality by design, based on abstracted data/information and erroneous assumptions. Co-creative learning reveals the nature of reality by looking at events and issues from multiple perspectives, exposing how everything is connected; little happens in the world by accident. There is a plan and Critical Thinking’s research and analysis reveals it.
Translated by Gian Marco Lucchese and Pietro Gianetti. Published by Lucchese-Gianetti Editori LLC.
2016 revised edition.
(c) 2007 by Gian Marco Lucchese and Pietro Gianetti. Formal abandonment of copyright: December 24, 2014.
Revised. Please use this version.
Last revision: August 1, 2016.
Annuls and replaces all previous versions.
The following translation was performed free of charge to protest an injustice: the destruction by the ADL of Ariel Toaff’s Blood Passover on Jewish ritual murder. The author is the son of the Chief Rabbi of Rome, and a professor of Jewish Renaissance and Medieval History at Bar-Ilan University in Israel, just outside Tel Aviv.
Dr. Toaff is uniquely qualified to write this book, being thoroughly familiar with the derivative literature in English, French, German and Italian, as well as the original documentary sources in Latin, Medieval Italian, Hebrew and Yiddish. This is not something he worked on in secret. On the contrary, he worked on it openly with his university students and colleagues in Israel for several years; one of his students was even going to publish a paper on the subject. The author is extremely careful about what he says, and his conclusions must be taken seriously. It reads like a detective story.
If it had been published in Israel, in Hebrew, no one would have cared. There are large bodies of literature in Hebrew that Jews do not wish Gentiles to know about. But Dr. Toaff’s announcement of its publication in Italy, in Italian, raised a worldwide firestorm of fury. Under unbearable pressure, the book was withdrawn from publication.
Come in out of the darkness, and strike a blow for the light. READ AND PASS ON.
Testimony of Father Hubert Schiffer, the miraculous survivor of the atomic bomb dropped on Hiroshima, Japan at the end of World War Two.
A pamphlet from the early 1940s arguing against the immigration of Jews to the USA, using the words and accounts of various people from history.
Two Addresses by Aleksandr I. Solzhenitsyn, the Russian novelist who won the Nobel Prize for 1970 and was deported by the Soviet Union in February 1974. On his first visit to the United States, Solzhenitsyn made two addresses under AFI.-Cl() sponsorship. This pamphlet is the translation of those two speeches, the first in Washington, D. C., on June 30, 1975, where he was introduced by AFI.-CIO President George Meany, the second in New York City on Inly 9, 1975, where he was introduced by AFI.-CIO Secretary-Treasurer Lane Kirkland [Page 26).
My reason for writing this book is very simple: I would like to keep the record straight. I want to put in permanent form. the full story of my experiences as a Lend-Lease expediter and liaison officer with the Russians during the war, when I served for two crucial years, from May 1942 to Lune 1944, both at Newark Airport and at the big air base at Great Falls, Montana.
I went into the Army as a businessman in my forties and a veteran of World War I. From the first, as my story shows, I worked wholeheartedly on behalf of the Russians because, like everyone else, I considered it my duty to do so. That they were satisfied with my efforts is indicated by the fact that it was Colonel Kotikov, head of the Russian mission at Great Falls, who requested my promotion to Major.
But the tremendous volume of Lend-Lease material going through under "diplomatic immunity," the infiltration of SOviet agents through the Pipeline, the shipments of non- supplies and even military secrets, were more than I could stomach. I finally protested through proper channels, first in Great Falls, and then in Washington; nothing happened. This was in 1944, while I was still in the Army.
An engaging work sure to appeal to both scholars and students for the depth of its thought and the freshness of its claims, this is a two-part book by one of the 20th century's greatest writers. The first part is a coherent analysis of the theory, effects, and claims of capitalism. The second is a lengthy collection of articles from Chesterton's vast journalistic output. The author challenges the fundamental tenets of capitalism without favoring socialism or Marxism by providing a philosophical analysis of the pitfalls, drawbacks, and falsehoods regarding capitalism and its inevitability. This is must reading for any serious investigation into anti-capitalist thought. It is also an exemplary text of how Christian principles and thinking apply to the socioeconomic world.
An insider who worked 8 years for Communist The Daily Worker newspaper, editor for 5, resigns to be a Catholic and reveals all.
Father Charles Edward Coughlin was one of the most influential American figures of the 1930s. He published Social Justice magazine with a circulation of 900,000, and 220 employees. It was larger than most daily newspapers today. He had the most popular weekly radio program of all time, with some 40 million listeners, (30% of the entire U.S. population). He lashed out against communism. financial swindles, cultural rot and
the betrayal of the Roosevelt Administration. Fr. Coughlin's opposition to U.S. entry into World War It brought down Roosevelt's wrath and his paper was suppressed in April, 1942.
Coughlin was born in Canada of Irish parents on Oct. 25, 1891. At the University of Toronto he excelled in math. tutoring others. He starred in football, swimming, handball and rugby. Ordained a Catholic priest at St. Basil's Seminary he was appointed pastor of the "Shrine of the Little Flower 9 9 church in the city of Royal Oak, Michigan. With only 28 families the church could not make its mortgage payments of $400 per month. Fr. Coughlin was an enthusiastic fan of the Detroit Tiger's baseball team. He became a friend of the immortal Babe Ruth and Tigers president Dick Richards, who also owned Detroit radio station WJR.
Richards hired Fr. Coughlin for $58 a week to give a half-hour religious program. They quickly discovered that Coughlin had, "the perfect radio voice. " An instant hit, his program was picked up by CBS and broadcast nation- wide. Thus, he was able to raise the funds to build the first octagon church in America with the altar in the center. Outside stands a 180 foot tower with two huge images of Christ. He built a broadcasting studio on the top floor of the tower where it stands today. He soon reached millions of listeners.
A.K. Chesterton's classic booklet on British Fascism. Originally published in 1935
The people of Britain are not adepts in the use of anger.
That is why our politicians sleep so peacefully at nights, and why no nocturnal terrors hover around the pillows of our Press magnates, or disturb. the beatific lumbers of our money-jugglers. The indignation which melts before newspaper blandishments or is conveniently side-tracked by newspaper lies, is not the kind to draw tumbrils through the street in the glow of a blood-red sunset.
The other day I got a letter from a Congressman. It was not the Congressman in my home district. It was not a letter asking me to vote for him. Emphatically it was not a letter soliciting me to contribute to his campaign expenses. It was a different kind of a letter entirely. In fact, this Congressman wrote me a letter of protest, of remonstrance, vaguely of rebuke.
This, of course, was epochal. When a dog bites a man, the occurrence is not news. But when a man bites a dog there is excitement by night in all the best journalistic offices from Bangor to Bellingham.
It is with admiration and gratitude for the great work he has done for the German people that I dedicate this book to the Fiihrer.
A. P. L.
There are two sides to every question. You have read one side in our Press for six years. This book gives the other side.
A. P. L.
It is a great pleasure to me to introduce the public to Dr. Laurie's valuable book on modern Germany. He is best known to the world as a brilliant scientist, but he has found time in the intervals of his work to pursue with ardour the task upon which every sensible member of the British and German races should be engaged-namely the establishment of good relations
and a better understanding between these two great nations.
Dr Laurie knows full well that this friendship is the keystone to peace in Europe-nay, in the whole world.
He is one of the small group who founded the Association known as "The Link", whose sole aim is to get Britons and Germans to know and understand one another better. He is one of the most zealous workers in this good cause in the country.
He writes of the National Socialist movement with knowledge and great sympathy.
The particular value of this book lies in the fact that it is written by a foreigner, who cannot be accused of patriotic excess in his interpretation of the great work done by Herr Hitler and his associates. I recommend this volume with confidence to all people who are genuinely impressed with the desire to under- stand one of the greatest-and most bloodless-revolutions in history.
BARRY DOMVILE, Robin's Tree 8th May 1939.
"As we advance in our social knowledge, we shall endeavour to make our governments paternal as well as judicial; that is, to establish such laws and authorities as may at once direct us in our occupations, protect us against our follies, and visit us in our distresses; a government which shall repress dishonesty, as now it punishes theft; which s I show how the discipline of the masses may be brought to aid the toils of peace, as the discipline of the masses has hitherto knit the sinews of battle ; a government which shall have its soldiers of the ploughshare as well as its soldiers of the sword, and which shall distribute more proudly its golden crosses of industry-golden as the glow of the harvest
-than it now grants its bronze crosses of honour-bronzed with the crimson of blood."
RUSKIN, Political Economy of Art.
"All front fighters fought side by side and went through an inferno. They are all comparable to the heroes of the ancient world. It was the manhood of the nations in their prime who fought and experienced the horrors of modern war.
In another war the flower of the nations' men and women will have to might. Europe will be destroyed if the best in all of the nations are wiped out. A new conflict will exceed even the ghastly tragedies of the Great War.
I believe that those who rattle the sables have not participated in war. I know that war veterans speak and think differently.
They energetically desire to prevent another convict. I hope that the men who are standing before me can contribute to preserve the peace of the world-a peace of honour and equality for all.
Let us not talk of prestige as between the victors and the defeated. This is my one request: Forget what has divided the nations before and remember that history has advanced."
Field Marshal GOERING addressing the British and German war veterans.
THE CHOSEN PEOPLE
I am not an enemy of the Jews. For many years my written and spoken utterances have abounded with such phrases as, "There is a very real sense in which the Jews are God's Chosen People. Taken as a whole they are the most remarkable race of people in the world. They have retained their existence as a separate and distinct people in spite of hundreds of years of persecution. The most ingenious methods have been used by other nations in seeking their destruction but they have weathered every storm. In the coming world crisis the Jew will play an important part in the drama of fulfilled Bible prophecy. And, let it be remembered that Jesus Christ came to earth dressed in the garb of a Jew."
For nineteen hundred years these strange people have wandered over the earth, like the legend of the Wandering Jew, without a homeland; yet they have retained their race consciousness and are more firmly banded together today than any other nation in the world. This very thing makes them the great miracle of both history and prophecy. No other feature need be considered to confirm the fact that over them there exists a providential leadership.
A BLESSING AND A CURSE
From Genesis to Revelation we read of their origin, national victories, apostasy, delusions, suffering and final triumph. No matter where they go or what they do, as a nation, they are simply being poured into the moulds of pro- phecy, fulfilling a predestinated purpose. It is impossible to understand the historic and prophetic phases of the Bible without understanding the position of the Jews with reference to the program of the ages.
Old Canaan was well acquainted with human sacrifice. We may leave it as an open question whether the remains of children's bodies, which have been found in Tanaak and Mutesellim in house-tombs, came from child sacrifice or the deceased children were simply buried there in the house, as the culture of Assur perhaps did. A genuine instance of human sacrifice by the King of Moab is found in II Kings 3:27, in which the king is under attack by the Israelites and: "Then he took his eldest son, who was supposed to succeed him as king, and sacrificed him as a burnt offering on the wall. Then a great anger came against Israel, and they withdrew from him and returned unto their own land." This is certainly striking at the very least. One asks oneself why the people of Israel withdrew because of this sacrifice. This becomes clear when we recall that the old Hebraic religiosity dealt with human sacrifice. In II Judges 2:27-40, it is told how Jephtha sacrificed his daughter. In I Kings 16:34 we have a case of genuine building-sacrifice [Many cultures sacrificed either a human being or animal during construction of a major structure such as a temple or bridge, and often sealed up the living creature in the walls.]: "At the same time Hiel of Beth-El built Jericho. It took of him his eldest son Abiram when he laid the foundation and his youngest son Segub when he set the gates; according to the word of the Lord which he spake through Joshua, the son of Nun."
Text of a speech made by MYRON C. FAGAN, MONDAY, APRIL 12, 1948. Tonight. my friends, you shall hear about Communism in Hollywood that will shock you into a full realization of what a menace these traitors are to the safety of America.
Mayer Amschel Rothschild, the founder of the Rothschild fortune, at the time of his death in 1812, created a trust of his estate, by will, for the elevation of the Jewish race and the establishment of a Jewish World Empire. The cardinal principles of the trust were secrecy, that the estate should be kept intact as a unit, that the heirs and their heirs should have only a communal interest in it, and that the estate as a whole should be governed by the eldest son of the eldest son unless a majority of the heirs determined otherwise.
The estate has been preserved and managed since his death as a unit in pursuance of the provisions of his will. There are now several hundred heirs, for the family is a prolific one, but the estate is communal and still under the management of one head. So far as known, the provisions of the wills of the members of the family still contain in substance the directions of the founder of the fortune.
History affords but meager information regarding the rulers of this fortune and the extent of it, because of their secretive methods. No inventory has ever been filed and no division has ever been sought by any heir.
Most of the histories of the Rothschild family are either Jewish or strongly pro-Jewish. While they are extravagant in praise of the virtues of the different members of the Roths- child family, they are rather meager in facts. The facts herein related have been gleaned from many sources and are based on information believed to be reliable.
We do not know the extent of the founder's fortune at the time of his death in 1812, nor do we know the present magnitude of it, but apparently it represents about one-half of the wealth of the world.
This huge fortune has been devoted with great shrewdness and energy to the purpose of exploiting the Gentiles in all the countries of the globe. The methods employed are the manipulation of currencies, speculations on the exchanges, and wars. The Rothschilds by these operations profit enormously because they have the power by virtue of their immense wealth and political power, to put prices up or down at pleasure. It is for these reasons that we have had most of our wars and depressions.
The protocols and the communists code, which are identical in purpose and intent, represent their plan for the conquest of the world. Both of these codes were published subsequent to Mayer Amschel's death, but some of the protocols appear to have been in existence prior thereto. They, however, represent his principles as shown by all that we know of him.
This book is not written in a spirit of anti-Semitism, for I have Jewish friends that I do not wish to injure. It is written in the hope that it may be helpful in solving our Jewish prob- lem peaceably and by appropriate legislation. To the extent that the remedies herein suggested may contribute to that end they will be helpful to the Jews as well as to the balance of us, for it is certain that the people of this country will never meekly submit to slavery.
In writing and publishing this book I am inspired by no other motive than to render a service to my country. I realize that I am taking some risk in doing so—at least that of persecution. Adequate provision has been made for the publication and distribution of this book regardless of the author.
George Armstrong
September 12, 1940.
Some cartoons which in the modern world would be regarded as politically incorrect.
This book is written for the ordinary American citizen. Therefore many needlessly abstract and intricate questions dealing with political economy, banking, and money are pur-posely omitted.
Unlike many writers on money, the author is in nowise identified with that band of political economists who have proven to be nothing more than mouthpieces for the private coiners of money.
Moreover, the author of this book has kept in mind the vast resources and virgin wealth of the United States of America where want needlessly reigns in the midst of plenty simply because there is a planned scarcity of money required for the transfer of wealth.
The National Union which is propagating the doctrine of social justice presents this book to the American public in order to expand principles number six, number seven and number eight of the sixteen principles of social justice which have been widely publicized. These specific principles are as follows:
BOB DARKE, Hackney Borough Councillor, and for eighteen years a lead- ing Communist until he resigned in May 1951, explains how the British Communist Party can exert an influence vastly out of proportion to its numerical strength. This is not an ex-Communist intellectual's expose but the plain, factual account of a working man who tells us how Union after Union in the East End fell under Communist control. He explains the Communist technique of taking over a Union, organizing strikes, getting rid of non-Communist Union leaders. He reveals that the Peace Campaign sprang directly from Comintern instructions, and he accuses it of deception and forgery. He tells of his role as a Parliamentary agent when the Party tried desperately to win the South Hackney seat in the 1945 General Election.
His story is authentic. As a member of the Party's important National Industrial Policy Committee he knew more of the Party's tactics than the average comrade. But perhaps the most damning thing of all is his account of the corruption of family life and family loyalties, of the Party's imposition of an iron and uncompromising discipline.
This book is one of the Penguin Specials, a series devoted to the discussion of subjects of current interest and importance, political or otherwise. In this and other Penguin series there have been books expressing diverse opinions on national and world affairs...
Though I am sometimes charged, and sometimes credited, with being a Communist, I make no such pretensions concerning myself. I am not a member of the Communist Party, neither am I wholeheartedly in sympathy with communism, either as to its teachings or as to its practices. This however, let me add; that if 1 were a communist, there would be no need for suspicious whisperings, and no call for solemn investigations; for I should be no more ashamed to own myself a communist than I am to own myself a Methodist.
Having made this personal explanation, I will now turn to the subject before us, namely the rising tide of communism. 1 say "tide" deliberately. For, like the tide, communism is well-nigh universal. Like the tide, again, it is, i believe, irresistible. Like the tide, again, it is fraught with immense possibilities. Whether it is destined, like the tide, to fall, as well as to rise, only the future can reveal. At present, how- ever, it is rising, and rising fast.
THE FULL STORY of the assault on Christianity cannot be told in this limited space but it would not be complete without an explanation of the sacrilegious mockery of the "Christian and Jewish Brotherhood" scheme-today, the craftiest variant of the entire plot.
Strangely' enough, when the assault was in its First stages, the strongest resistance to it came from the ranks of the Jewish people themselves-principally from those in the south. At one point, several of the Southern chapters of the Bnai Brith threatened to pull out of the parent outfit and set up a fraternal organization of their own unless the parent outfit would dissolve the Anti-Defamation League-or stop racial agitation and Anti-Christian activities.
The modest little fictional work: THE LAW OF LIBERTY being herewith presented to the public owes its title to the words of the Epistle of St.James the Apostle; it lays no claim to literary talent; it simply indicates the path followed by a mind searching a satisfactory and equitable answer to the ever recurring question: WHAT IS A JEW?
Written over twenty years ago, before America had entered the WORLD WAR, the initial purpose of the work had been a film script, later, it had been laid aside together with many other works, mainly legends and Christian stories written for children. However, the basis for the LAW OF LIBERTY had been laid in 1918 at the time of the public apparition of a document entitled: THE PROTOCOLS OF THE ELDERS OF ZION which had been mentioned in Washington before a Congressional Committee called the OVERMAN COMMITTEE making an inquiry on Bolshevism which, in 1917, had given Communism the possibility of seizing power in Russia and overthrowing the Russian Empire. The document thus called is the most glaring and daring example ever given of a plan devised and formulated by human minds to pursue and obtain complete world domination. It is not authored by just one man but appears to have been written and uttered by an entity of teachers, presumably advanced psychologists, conscious of people' characteristic frailties and endeavoring to show the various means whereby whole nations might be brought under the government of' one despotic and tyrannical rule.
This work has been written (1914-1917) in order to fill the crying need of an impartial exposition of the relations existing between the Poles and the Jews in Poland. The fact that these two people have lived for centuries on a common soil and in close proximity, has created a serious problem for Poland‐one that demands definite adjustment. In studying the question, I have realized that the relation of the Jews in regard to Poland is exactly the same as their relations to the world at large. For that reason, the problem at issue intimately concerns other nations; in fact, affects their creeds, their ideals and aspirations; in short, the welfare of the entire world; hence it rightly merits the title “A World Problem”.
The infiltrating Jewish spirit is dangerously affecting mankind and the Jews like‐ wise, because of the attitude Christian nations assume towards them. It is a reciprocal importance, developing in the hidden recesses of life, and drawing from these recesses the noxious ingredients of error, “crime, and suffering.
To heal a malady, it is necessary to ex‐ amine it carefully, analyze it thoroughly, and expose its nature fearlessly, before ap‐ plying the necessary remedies.
An investigation of Sephardim and Ashkenazim Jewish historical origins.
From the Ghetto to Park Lane, From The British Union Quarterly, April/June 1937, pp. 45-54. Reprints include Christian Vanguard, Metairie, L.A., 1979.
Father Charles Edward Coughlin was one of the most influential American figures of the 1930s. He published Social Justice magazine with a circulation of 900,000, and 220 employees. It was larger than most daily newspapers today. He had the most popular weekly radio program of all time, with some 40 million listeners, (30% of the entire U.S. population). He lashed out against communism. financial swindles, cultural rot and
the betrayal of the Roosevelt Administration. Fr. Coughlin's opposition to U.S. entry into World War It brought down Roosevelt's wrath and his paper was suppressed in April, 1942.
Coughlin was born in Canada of Irish parents on Oct. 25, 1891. At the University of Toronto he excelled in math. tutoring others. He starred in football, swimming, handball and rugby. Ordained a Catholic priest at St. Basil's Seminary he was appointed pastor of the "Shrine of the Little Flower 9 9 church in the city of Royal Oak, Michigan. With only 28 families the church could not make its mortgage payments of $400 per month. Fr. Coughlin was an enthusiastic fan of the Detroit Tiger's baseball team. He became a friend of the immortal Babe Ruth and Tigers president Dick Richards, who also owned Detroit radio station WJR.
Richards hired Fr. Coughlin for $58 a week to give a half-hour religious program. They quickly discovered that Coughlin had, "the perfect radio voice. " An instant hit, his program was picked up by CBS and broadcast nation- wide. Thus, he was able to raise the funds to build the first octagon church in America with the altar in the center. Outside stands a 180 foot tower with two huge images of Christ. He built a broadcasting studio on the top floor of the tower where it stands today. He soon reached millions of listeners.
There is considerable confusion in the United States about the different groups which make up the far left, old and new. This is due to a number of factors.
First there is the Communist Party-U.S.A., ever-loyal to Soviet Russia. This aged party realizes it cannot survive as a powerful influence unless it enters into the stream of the younger forces of the so-called "New Left." Hence its members may be found in the ranks of Students for a Democratic Society (SDS), one of the major groups of the New Left.
However, most youthful members of the New Left consider the Russians and their American followers to be "square" and "old hat"-products of a Soviet society which has gone soft and "bourgeois," not so different, in their opinion, from the United States.
The radical students themselves-described by one professor as "the spoiled children of the consumer society"-are another source of seeming contradiction. They have contempt for the urban, industrialized society,.with its congestion and pollution, which gave them a world of plenty but left them, they say, spiritually impoverished. Looking for new gods, they turn to men like Mao Tse-tung, Che Guevara, and Fidel Castro-revolutionary figures who advocate guerrilla warfare. They may call themselves Marxists or communists, but they must be distinguished from Communists with a capital "C," members of the official U.S. party.
To complicate the picture further, we have two separate worlds among the Marxist left-one white, the other black. This separation is the will of young black radicals who seek to invert the original aim of Negroes to integrate into white society and who now advocate the kind of segregation that recalls the discredited positions of their white foes in the South of the United States and of Africa. Yet the revolutionary blacks have something in common with the radical whites-an addiction to communism (with a small "c"), to violence, and to guerrilla warfare.
Another point to be kept in mind is the fact that the far left does not have a border which fixes a limit between the campus and the rest of the country. The movement Bows between the schools and the communities of the cities and towns. And it involves not only young people going to school but also older people who left school long ago or never went there. We are witnessing both an academic revolt and a political revolt-on-campus and off-campus-in search of a new university and a new society.
This book seeks to arrange these diverse elements of the far left into some order to provide an overall view of the forces which are creating turmoil in the United States today. Condensed out- lines of the principal components of the far left will be found in chapters one and five. Documents in which leading groups describe their plans to destroy the present system in the United States will be found in the appendix.
Editorials and news articles that appeared in the White racialist periodicals Attack! and National Vanguard Tabloid. Originally published from 1970 to 1982, this collection provides valuable insight into the philosophy of the National Alliance, Dr. William L. Pierce, and his colleagues. Illustrated. Kevin Alfred Strom (ed) - The Best of Attack! and National Vanguard Tabloid-National Alliance (1984)Featuring editorials from Dr William Piece among other writers. Enhanced version downloaded from Archive.org:Split and descewed pages, OCR text, reduced filesize and added bookmarks.
On November 1, 1984, Dr Ken Cog fill, Parliamentary Secretary of the Victorian Labor Party Cabinet, launched an attack on what he described as "Australia's most subversive political organisation," The Australian League of Rights. This was an extension of a previous parliamentary attack, made on April 5 of the same year. Dr. Cog fill claimed that since his first attack "even more damning evidence of the League's role in subverting Australia's national security has now come to light. During the second World War the leadership of the League was in concert with Australia's enemies in Germany and Japan. Eric Butler's role in undermining Australia's war effort is confirmed in two sets of documents. ' '
As the first League of Rights was formed in 1946, in South Australia, it is elementary that the League could not have been engaged in undermining the nation's security during the Second World War. Dr. Cog fill was not, of course, concerned with historical accuracy, but was using parliamentary privilege to engage
in character assassination for political purposes. When the media ' rang me to ask for my comments on Dr. Coghill's charge that l had
in some way been collaborating with the Germans and Japanese during the Second World War, I suggested that Dr Cog fill might care to repeat his allegations outside parliament. He never did.
Just as Judas by acting as one of the beloved disciples of Jesus Christ, living with Him, eating out of the same dish with Him, with a kiss was able to betray Him to the soldiers to be crucified, as no stranger could have done, so, through the ages, the eternal Judas has worked for the destruction of Christ's church from within. Persecution from without but strengthens real Christian faith. "The blood of the martyrs is the seed of the church!" The gruesome martyrdom of Christians and the far more deadly atheization of their children at the hands of Satanic Red forces in Mexico, Spain and Russia, could not have taken place without preceding cooperation on the part of Judas-like clergy and laymen who played with, protected and fanned the destroying Red fire. The faith of our children, and adults as well, is being destroyed today in schools, colleges and churches, supposedly Christian.
As one sincere Jesuit said to me, "The schools of Mexico could never have been atheized as they have been in a Catholic country like that if part of the hierarchy had not sold out to the Red government for the sake of political or other advantages." The Communists are now proudly featuring such "Catholic" priests as Luis Sarasola who uphold the Spanish Communists in betrayal of their faith.
The American Association for the Advancement of Atheism (see pag 109, "The Red Network") says: "for many, Modernism is but a stopover on the road to Atheism. Perhaps we should have a little more patience with these our weaker brothers who are unable to go straight from Orthodoxy to Atheism without resting at the camps of Liberalism. Modernism being no abiding place for a reasoning mind some of them will yet arrive. For the present we should train our guns principally on such religious standpatters as the Roman Catholic Church and the Protestant hotbeds of Fundamentalism."
Having fought against tyranny for thousands of years and having been sustained by a strong faith throughout, first, the Druidic and then the Christian, are we now going to let our Christian and British faith and traditions go by default and tamely submit to the worst tyranny the world has ever known?
The author claims that we are in the process of destruction by something deadlier than the H-bomb; something which in our blindness, we are allowing to corrode the props of our culture and civilisation.
Is there a secret plan for the destruction of the Western way of life? Many famous sailors and soldiers have written on this theme. Here a retired A i r Force officer comes to similar conclusions. He quotes from a confidential document of the Political and Economic Planning Organisation:—
" Y o u may use, without acknowledgement, anything which appears in this broadsheet on the understanding that the broadsheet and the group are not publicly mentioned, either in writing or otherwise. This strict anonymity is essential in order that the group may prove effective."
He describes this work of P . E . P . as "Sovietism by stealth."
CONSIDER this book to be one of the most damning indictments of a people ever penned. With each month that passes, a hundred manuscripts arrive in my printing house with requests that they be read for possible publication. Nine tenths of them concern what some individual merely thinks about this or that. Of a day in November the manuscript that is the text of this volume came to hand in the mail.
Its author, I knew, was a zealous young German American who had given good testimony to his integrity and intestinal vigor in combatting the advocates of Jewish Communism during the Conference of Christian Ministers here in my home city in 1936—when the Jewish rabbis insisted they be allowed to participate or the conference would not be "allowed.”
AND MEN WEPT:- This was the outstanding remark after the Republican Convention, Chicago, 1952. Why did they weep? Did they suddenly realize that unwittingly perhaps, unknowingly, they had been part of the betrayal of their country? Never was there a more flagrant flouting of the will of the American people and the Constitution of the United States of America. The man the American people wanted as their leader was lost to them, it was the zero hour, hearts were heavy, gloom was everywhere. General Douglas Mac Arthur, it was planned, was to be nominated on the second ballot, but the powers that be saw to it that there was no second ballot.
WITH KNOWLEDGE COMES RESPONSIBILITY. Would any true American shirk the responsibility that is his as an American citizen if he had the knowledge? Had he the knowledge would he have permitted our sons to be sent to the far corners of the globe to police the world and to aid in setting up a world government? How many American boys lie beneath the sod, how many more are blinded, maimed for life, without arms or legs, mentally gone, and the end is not in sight.
This knowledge was available to you but you could not believe, your heads were turned away, some in scorn and some in ridicule. Billions of dollars have been spent and more are planned to be spent and the taxes will fall not alone upon you, but upon those yet unborn for generations to come.
We are facing WORLD WAR III, it is just around the corner, will you listen and will you act before we are a completely lost nation?
For this reason alone is this book presented for your reading, for:- WITH KNOWLEDGE COMES RESPONSIBILITY.
From Q speech by Dr. Revilo P. Oliver, University of Illinois Professor of the Classics, in March, 1959, before the DAUGHTERS OF THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION
Annual Illinois State Convention Supplementary notes ore provided to document and, in o few instances, to expand and explain statements made in the speech on March 12, 1959.
No single paper, pamphlet, booklet, or more expanded text can even remotely challenge the number of reprints that have been made of this famous speech. A total circulation of "many" millions has certainly been reached.
Now, in mid 1966, Dr. Oliver has kindly extended the re- lated "documentation" which, in many instances, is even more revealing than the original speech.
Over seven years of additional treachery fully substantiate any and all conclusions drawn or implied and completely support his bold and frightening analysis. To suggest that "treason is the reason" is the understatement of the week. This originally relatively casual "recital" of many obvious acts of treason, has now earned its place in history. Yet there remain untold millions who are not awake.
Too many well informed patriots forget how little the uninformed really comprehend. We are prone to forget that we too learned of the conspiracy piece by piece. It is very reasonable to assume that the proper moment in history has finally been reached.
"Positive Christianity in the Third Reich," written by German professor of theology and N.S.D.A.P. (Nazi Party) member Cajus Fabricius, dispels the misconceptions that National Socialism was an anti-Christian ideology and that the Third Reich was an anti-Christian state. This short book reveals to us that Hitler was a strong proponent of Positive Christianity in the role of German life, that there is no contradiction between Positive Christianity and National Socialism, and that Christianity was as popular as ever under Hitler.
There is much misconception in the world today with respect to the position of Christianity in the Third Reich, opinion being rife that an anti-Christian attitude or paganism is at the moment predominant in Germany. These were the considerations which led me to issue an English edition of my book: "Positives Christentum im neuen Staat".
This book is in no way an official statement. The only official book on National Socialism is Adolf Hitler's "Mein Kampf". Official documents are also "The Programme of the National Socialistic Party" and the Laws of the State, I for my part, have simply endeavored as a theologian to give in these pages a clear and scientific exposition of the substance of Christianity in its relations to the substance of National Socialism. The point of view, however, thus set forth in this little book is not only my own, but is shared by millions of German people who are real Christians and at the same time good National Socialists unswervingly loyal to their Fuhrer Adolf Hitler.
The German edition of this book was published in 1935. Since then the German situation, the fundamental principles of the National Socialistic State and the attitude of the Fuhrer towards Christianity have remained unchanged. A few days before writing these lines, the Fuhrer in his speech to the Reichstag on 30th January said, that in all humility he thanked Almighty God for His grace manifested in the uprising of the German Volk. He said too, in speaking of his personal
experiences that he had had three unusual friends nearly all his life: In his youth, poverty, then sorrow at the collapse of his People, and finally anxiety for the Reich. This is the Fuhrer's unchanged attitude, one conforming both to a Christian and a heroic figure.
Thus may this little book serve to spread the truth through- out the world. I be understood abroad, and I should be dad to receive any comments on what I have said from friends in other countries.
Casus Fabricius.
30 Handel Allee, Berlin NW 87,
February 1937.
I believe that the time has arrived for a complete exposure of the Communist Party. Here is the evidence. It is essentially a factual account of how the Communist Party is undermining the Australian nation. It explains how it is controlled. Its General Staff. Its penetration of the unions. Its sinister influence over the Curtin Government. Its duplicity during the present war. Its wealth. Its tricks and manouevres. The. Trojan Horse tactic. Its organisation and its overseas bosses.
Fellow Australians, read the evidence carefully. Then make up your own minds how you are going to meet the threat of Communist conquest. It must be met. Complete exposure is the surest antidote. That is the primary purpose of this volume.
Subtitled "Personal Experiences with my Leader," this work, written by Adolf Hitler's chief of press in 1934, details the three tumultuous election campaign years from 1930 through to the coming to power of the NSDAP in January 1933. The author formed part of Hitler's inner circle and campaign staff during this period-which included six full elections in two-and-a-half years-and later went on to become the chancellor's personal press officer. Starting with a short backgrounder of the growth of the National Socialist party, Dietrich then springs into a vivid description of the exhausting and intense electoral campaigns. Many fascinating details are included, such as Hitler's hectic speaking schedule, and his ground-breaking-and sometimes highly dangerous-innovation of flying to meetings up and down the country. Hitler's schedule, Dietrich recalled, was so intense that his entourage had trouble keeping up with him. Also detailed are accounts of the Communist Party's endeavors to stop Hitler-which included the setting of ambushes, and the attempts by the supposedly democratic parties to legally restrict the NSDAP. Finally, the triumph of winning power-and the political intrigue which preceded it-are ably presented, before the work finishes with a broader philosophical discussion on the new National Socialist government's position and interaction with the rest of the world.
These pages shall comprise no biography of Adolf Hitler, no description of his political activity during the last years, but they shall recount decisive days of struggle and great moments, in a series of fragments from personal reminiscences, which the author has been privileged to experience with his leader during the last years until the attainment of power.
I shall describe the historical course of events as I have personally seen and felt them
The reader may form for himself a conclusive picture of Adolf Hitler's personality from the individual scene of this struggle, com parable to that of Faust, of this fantastically modern way of work of this truly heroic struggle for the triumphal advance of the National Revolution. Probably these scenes reveal to one readers not only the man Adolf Hitler, but also the scent of his success.
Herr Heinz A . Heinz' aim has been to draw a picture of the Fuhrer from details supplied at first hand by those friends and helpers and comrades of his who believed in him from the first, who joined him at the beginning, stood by him through the darkest days, and have lived to see one of the most astounding achievements of modern times.
Featuring the cartoon ideas of Pastor Sheldon Emry & Ben Williams
Cartoons drawn and compiled by Paul Bunch
Today, it is Christians who are unable to 'discern the signs of the times' and are therefore quite ignorant of America's peril.
Much of this inability of American Christians to 'discern (understand) the signs of the times' is that they are so overwhelmed with volumes of misinformation foisted on them by schools, newspapers, magazines, television and movies that they are unable to separate the truth from falsehood. Most Americans believe many of the enemy's falsehoods and even those who KNOW the public news and entertainment media are enemy propaganda arms are sometimes deceived.
The volume of falsehoods poured upon our people is such that we cannot hope to match that output IN VOLUME! Therefore, to expose their falsehoods and to get Truth to our brethren we must use very effective methods. ONE OF THOSE VERY EFFECTIVE METHODS IS PICTURES!
It has been truly said, 'A picture is worth a thousand words." One cartoon can reveal as much truth in 30 seconds as a small book. It will often get through to the person before he can ignore or reject it!
Pastor Sheldon Emry
June 27, 1983
The New Germany desires Work and Peace
The above is the title given to this collection of the speeches which the German Chancellor, Adolf Hitler, has delivered since his entry into office on the 3041 January 1933. That this Germany wishes for work needs no further demonstration. Nearly five million men and woman are struggling to regain the positions they have lost in factories and offices. Unemployment, that terrible disease of our times, keeps them idle. The governments of the past, who, along with their system, have been superseded by National Socialism, were embarrassed and inactive when faced by this pressing problem. The Hitler Government have made their plans and declared war on unemployment. It is not with outside aid that they intend to overcome the evil; they are not going to the other nations of the world, as their predecessors did, to beg humbly for protection and assistance. They know that crises and despair are prevalent in every country, and for this reason they have determined to master the evil in their own way and on their own initiative. The return of two million men and women to work bears witness to the fact that Hitler's attempt to solve the problem of unemployment has not been without success.
But just as this New Germany desires work, it also desires peace. It has announced to the whole world, through the mouth of the Chancellor himself, speaking in the Reichstag, that it has nn aggressive intentions whatever, that it does not wish to provoke anyone nor to stir up unrest. It wishes to pursue its work in peace and in a spirit of deep moral conviction, in order to make sure of its daily bread. It stands unarmed before the world, and has no other means of proving the genuineness of its intentions but its industry and assiduity. It is firmly convinced that the world cannot regard its claims with indifference.
When this Germany announces that it will not sign any treaties that cannot be observed, it only does so because it intends to observe faithfully all treaties that have once been signed. It is an orderly and disciplined Germany in which authority rules that has been awakened by Adolf Hitler and his movement, and is endeavouring to gain the confidence and understanding of the world.
The world is still suspicious; with the exception of a few men who have had the courage to look the facts in the face, the world has no understanding whatever, or at best a very poor one, for the meaning of the events that have taken place in Germany. Then only will it ready appreciate the overwhelming importance of the internal revolution in Germany when Europe's need has become so great that people everywhere begin to realize that, without mutual understanding and respect between nations, peace cannot flourish and that the scourge of unemployment will continue to afflict the nations of the world
The speeches delivered by Adolf Hitler since the 30th January 1933 are eloquent proofs of Germany's desire for work and peace. May the world learn at least one thing from them, namely, that the German nation once more deserves to be respected by the other nations in the same way as it can now once more respect itself.
Dr. Joseph Coebbels
A World Without Jews by Karl Marx speaks about religious prejudice specifically against Jews. It begs to question can the world survive without this prejudice and how Jews beg for political emancipation? Karl Marx (1818-1883) is best known not as a philosopher but as a revolutionary communist, whose works inspired the foundation of many communist regimes in the twentieth century. It is hard to think of many who have had as much influence in the creation of the modern world. Trained as a philosopher, Marx turned away from philosophy in his mid-twenties, towards economics and politics. However, in addition to his overtly philosophical early work, his later writings have many points of contact with contemporary philosophical debates, especially in the philosophy of history and the social sciences, and in moral and political philosophy. Historical materialism -- Marx's theory of history -- is centered around the idea that forms of society rise and fall as they further and then impede the development of human productive power. Marx sees the historical process as proceeding through a necessary series of modes of production, culminating in communism. Marx's economic analysis of capitalism is based on his version of the labour theory of value, and includes the analysis of capitalist profit as the extraction of surplus value from the exploited proletariat. The analysis of history and economics come together in Marx's prediction of the inevitable economic breakdown of capitalism, to be replaced by communism. However Marx refused to speculate in detail about the nature of communism, arguing that it would arise through historical processes, and was not the realisation of a pre-determined moral ideal.
Translated by Gladys H. Hartinger.
We, the Catholic Bishops of Germany, feel we can no longer keep silent on the subject of the terrible fate which has befallen more than ten million people in the German eastern territories, ‐ the Germans in Silesia, East and West Prussia, Pomerania, in the Sudetenland, and also in Hungary, Roumania, and southern Slovakia,‐‐ people whose ancestors for the most part settled in this territory seven and eight centuries ago and introduced civilization there.
All these people have been threatened with forcible expulsion from their native towns and villages and with deprivation of their entire property, without any guarantee of a fitting and adequate subsistence in Western Germany being offered them.
This dreadful fate has already befallen millions, indeed, in Silesia alone several millions. Their expulsion has been effected with horrible brutality and regardless of all human rights and feelings.
Despite the fact that the Control Council officially put a stop to forcible expulsions, they have nevertheless continued. The Germans who have remained behind in the territories in question are being harassed to such an extent that they are obliged to leave the country unless they manage to protect themselves by resorting to another nationality.
The world remains silent on the subject of this terrible tragedy, and it seems as if an Iron Curtain has been let down to conceal this part of Europe.
We are well aware of the fact that Germans in the territories in question committed terrible crimes as far as members of other nations were concerned, ‐-‐ but since when has it been permitted to wreak one’s vengeance on the innocent and to avenge crime by crime! Those who really are guilty should becalled to account unrelentingly. But who can be held responsible for all the deaths of children, mothers, and
We implore and beseech the world to remain silent no longer. Those in power must prevent might from coming before right and the seeds of hatred from being sown which will only cause more evil.
In the name of justice and charity we plead for our fellow‐ countrymen in the eastern territories. We earnestly exhort the true believers of the Christian faith to remember the sufferings of these people in their prayers, and to welcome those refugees from the east, who come to us, in the spirit of Christian love and charity.
Proclamation by the Bishops of Western Germany Cologne
January 30th, 1946.
There are some who say : "You can't believe what you see in the papers." There are others who say: "It's so, because I saw it in print."
But the intelligent individual neither believes everything he reads nor automatically discounts what he does read. He tries to understand the news, whether he finds it in his daily newspaper or in his weekly magazine or his radio or the latest book upon his shelf.
Today more news is pouring in upon our eye and ear than ever before in the history of the world. And today more than ever before it is important for us to understand this news, to recognize its truth, and to appraise its significance among the world-shaking events of the twentieth century.
Do you understand that news? Have you examined your own newspapers as to their impartiality, their fairness, their intelligence, their honesty in presenting news?
Do you know the men who write your local news and what their problems are in giving you an accurate account of what is happening? Do you recognize the by-lines of the best foreign correspondents and can you distinguish their signed stories from the propaganda press re- leases of foreign government-controlled news agencies ?
Do you rely upon the news interpretations of your favorite editors and columnists? When you listen to the radio, do you understand the personal backgrounds of the various commentators? Do you know the difficulties imposed by censorship?
Getting the news is the privilege of citizens in a democracy. Understanding that news is their duty.
Dan Smoot's "Invisible Government" deals with "The Council on Foreign Relations" founded by Edward Mandel House, one of the Dullers brothers and others devoted to bringing socialism to the United States. In this book, Smoot reveals how the government controls the national media so effectively that vital news seldom reaches the populace at large. For instance, newsmen such as Dan Rather, Tom Brokaw, and many others we entrusted to inform and protect us were members of the Council on Foreign Relations. "The Invisible Government," like "The Shadows of Power" by James Perloff, goes a long ways towards showing the high cost involved with fulfilling the dreams of those determined to create a "New World Order". Much more than the stuff of Ian Flemming or H.G. Wells, Smoot's book reveals and documents how the Council on Foreign Relations is clearly anti-American, pro-socialist, and in league with organizations and individuals hostile to our form of government and way of life. By lifting the confusion and mystery about what is and is not true about recent United States history, Smoot has done an invaluable service. "The Invisible Government" also shows how the tentacles of power can still easily be wrapped around the levers of political control in Washington-reaching into schools, labor unions, colleges, churches, big corporations, and civic organizations. Smoot, a former FBI agent and conservative political activist, published the Dan Smoot Report (which chronicled alleged communist infiltration of the American government and society) for more than two decades.
LIFE IN THE THIRD REICH, by Friedrich Kurreck The rise of Hitler, his achievements, why the Germans loved and supported him, the true reasons for the war and who was behind it, as well as, a comparison of the world political situation then and now, and a critique of modern day Germany (the FRG / BRD).The article first appeared in the weekly newspaper, ’Der Schlesier’, between July 26 to August 16th, 2002 and it was translated by Eric Thomson.
THIS book will compel the attention to the war-ridden world. Its analysis of the Jewish problem tears down the shams and ignorance which have been built up around it. The solution of the Jewish problem is vital not only to the Jewish people but to the health of the world. Jabotinsky's proposals for the new world after the war are not only the demands of a Jewish patriot- they are the essence of bold statesmanship, and constitute a challenge to which the civilized world must reply.
Vladimir Jabotlnsky, one of the best-known figures in the Jewish world, fought for the rights of the Jewish people for In World War I he struggled against enormous odds for the creation of the Jewish Legion which ultimately participated in Allenby's Palestine campaign.
Extracts from a speech given in USA against US involvement in WW2, Appeasement, bankers, barter, British Empire, Disraeli, economic depression, germany, gold, international trade, Non-Aggression Pact, Propaganda for War, Romania, Rothschild, Russia, Battle of Waterloo, World Wars 1 & 2.
Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen:
I am very grateful to you indeed for permitting me as a German Citizen to attempt to give you a picture of the latest events in Europe as I see it and not as it usually looks through the rather colored lenses of the International World Press.
Whenever you open your newspapers - morning, noon or night -whenever you listen to the radio, you are constantly bombarded with such high sounding concepts and strange words as Fascism, Naziism, Communism, Democracy, Capitalism, Anti-Capitalism, Totalitarianism-and what have you.
After having lived in your great country for more than) 3 years and after having received part of my education from an American University, I have become well aware of the fact that the average American prefers plain facts to a lot of unnecessary philosophizing. It also became obvious to me that Americans care little - and rightfully so - for foreign concepts and ideologies.
In order to comprehend why this present war between Germany and Great Britain broke out we have to go a little back in history and try to understand what really started the Last World War and what were the results for the world at large and the United States in particular.
The Great Britain World Empire as we know it today, an empire on which the sun never sets, really began to take form after the defeat of Napoleon I at Waterloo in 1815. After this battle one man became the undisputed Hero and Master of Great Britain - Mr. Nathan Rothschild.
It is one of the commonplaces of history that adverse circumstances offer no obstacle to men of outstanding energy and ability. Douglas Reed, who described himself as "relatively unschooled", started out in life as an office boy at the age of thirteen and he was a bank clerk at nineteen before enlisting at the outbreak of World War I. A less promising preparation for a man destined to be one of the most brilliant political analysts and descriptive writers of the century could hardly be imagined. He was already 26 years old when he reached the London Times in 1921 as a telephonist and clerk; and he was 30 when he finally reached journalism as sub-editor. Three years later he became assistant Times corespondent in Berlin before moving on to Vienna as Chief Central European corespondent. Reed broke with the Times in October 1943, near the time of the appearance of a book which was to win him instant world fame: INSANITY FAIR, a charming combination of autobiography and contemporary history. This was followed by more best sellers in quick succession. Commencing in 1951, Douglas Reed spent more than three years writing THE CONTROVERSY OF ZION - all 300,000 words of it. He completed the epilogue in 1956. Although there is correspondence to show that the book was once discussed with his publisher, the manuscript was never submitted, but remained for 22 years stowed away in Reed's home in Durban, South Africa. The question remains. Why?
The Controversy of Zion was written by Douglas Reed when at the peak of his writing career. It is the product of more than three years of full-time research, much of it carried out at the New York Central Library, and drawing on sources not easily accessible. He combines with information acquired in this way all the background knowledge and experience of a former London Times foreign correspondent who observed political developments in Europe at close range
over a number of years.
The book is written in a tone of sympathetic understanding of the situation in which millions of Jews have found themselves down the centuries, and he explores at depth (drawing much of his material from authoritative Jewish sources) central moral issues over which the Jews themselves have frequently been deeply divided and which have always involved the possibility of dangerous alienation from the main stream of mankind.
Many will find that the real issue which set up violent antagonism between the Founder of Christianity and the Pharisees has been made clear by Reed, with quotations from Biblical and Talmudic sources, reinforced with others supplied by Jewish scholars, both ancient and modern. Religious information and interpretation acquire an extra dimension of interest and importance when set in proper relationship with historical developments from before the Babylonian Captivity until modern times. For Reed shows once again how news of contemporary political happenings, which many people have given up trying to understand, can be rendered instantly intelligible when presented in the total historical context to which they belong.
Much of the revisionist historY to be found in modern conservative literature, like that deali~gwith the Alger Hiss trial, the persecution of Senator Joseph McCarthy, the Yalta Agreement, the Nuremberg Trials, the Morgenthau Plan, etc. has been amplified and illuminated and fitted into the grand mosaic of more than 2 000 years of human striving and suffering.
The disappearance into almost total oblivion of Douglas Reed and all his works was a change that could not have been wrought by time alone; indeed, the correctness of his interpretation of the unfolding history of the times found some confirmation in what happened to him when at the height of his powers. After 1951, with the publication of Far and Wide, in which he set the history of the United States of America into the context of all he had learned in Europe of the politics of the world, Reed found himself banished from the bookstands, all publishers’ doors closed to him, and those books already published liable to be withdrawn from library shelves and “lost”, never to be replaced. His public career as a writer now apparently at an end, Reed was at last free to undertake a great task for which all that had gone before was but a kind of preparation and education that no university could provide and which only the fortunate and gifted few could fully use - his years as a foreign correspondent, his travels in Europe and America, his conversations and contacts with the great political leaders of his day, plus his eager absorption through reading and observation of all that was best in European culture. Experiences which other men might have accepted as defeat, served only to focus Douglas Reed’s powers on what was to be his most important undertaking - that of researching and retelling the story of the last 2000 years and more in such a way as to render intelligible much of modern history which for the masses remains in our time steeped in darkness and closely guarded by the terrors of an invisible system of censorship.
THE object of this volume is not to cast fresh blame on authorities and individuals, nor is it to expose one nation more than another to accusations of deceit.
Falsehood is a recognized and extremely useful weapon in warfare, and every country uses it quite deliberately to deceive its own people, to attract neutrals, and to mislead the enemy. The ignorant and innocent masses in each country are unaware at the time that they are being misled, and when it is all over only here and there are the falsehoods discovered and exposed. As it is all past history and the desired effect has been produced by the stories and statements, no one troubles to investigate the facts and establish the truth.
Lying, as we all know, does not take place only in war-time. Man, it has been said, is not "a veridical animal," but his habit of lying is not nearly so extra- ordinary as his amazing readiness to believe. It is, indeed, because of human credulity that lies flourish.
But in war-time the authoritative organization of lying is not sufficient!y recognized. The deception of whole peoples is not a matter which can be lightly regarded.
At some time or other most of us will have tried to put a jigsaw puzzle together; baffling little pieces that in the end form a clear coherent picture of a landscape or what not. The hardest thing about it is the beginning. The more pieces that get put in place, the clearer and more comprehensible the whole picture becomes. Many people never get past the beginning and in frustration give up trying to work it out.
It is rather like that with most of us in our attempts to make something of political events in the world. We can see only the separate bits, which often make no sense. And we are astounded at what seems to us the ignorance of many politicians displayed by their attitudes and responses to certain things, so that in our amazement we are compelled to wonder how such fellows could ever have reached high office.
To many South Africans, for example, it is inexplicable that their country should now be threatened with worldwide sanctions, where the apartheid policy of "separate development", ostensibly the greatest evil of this country, has in fact for years been undergoing demolition at an increasingly rapid rate. They cannot understand why an international world press, and consequently so-called world opinion, should damn them root and branch, while they have demonstrably achieved the highest standard of living for their black compatriots in all Africa, built schools and universities for them and given them the best medical care available.
Nor can they understand why the governments of Great Britain and America helped the marxist dictator Mugabe into power in neighbouring Rhodesia, now Zimbabwe, in very fishy circumstances and by manipulated elections, after simply rejecting the moderate black Bishop Muzorewa who had already been democratically elected. And now Mugabe is waging a genocidal war against the Matabele people, which so far, according to trustworthy estimates', has caused the loss of fourteen thousand lives. Yet Mugabe continues to receive support, while South Africa is constantly accused of all manner of violations of human rights.
Many South Africans find it an impenetrable mystery that "friendly" Western governments, such as Great Britain, should send military officers to train former FRELIMO terrorists in Mozambique next door to enable the communist government there to cling to the reins of power.
They really cannot understand why the big international banks should refuse any further credits to South Africa, the soundest and most reliable payer in Africa, and demand immediate repayment of all outstanding credits; which has had the inevitable effect of plunging the country into its deepest depression since the thirties; while at the same time granting thousands of millions to communist states and banana republics in South America and black Africa without the faintest prospect of ever being repaid.
It is completely incomprehensible to them that the World Council of Churches in Geneva should stab in the back what many missionaries regard as the most Christian nation in the world, while giving moral aid and comfort and financial support to marxist-controlled "liberation movements" through the device of their Programme to Combat Racism, which is then used to wage a terror war against the god-fearing Boers.
Taken separately, all these and many more are the little pieces of a worldwide political jigsaw puzzle that many find baffling and few can make out as a coherent whole; for they are only fragments of a world- revolutionary drama, which unknown to the ordinary peoples of the world towards the end of this our century is heading at an ever accelerating speed for its undeclared goal. This confusion and apparent incoherence of events, however, is not accidental; it is managed by powerful forces behind the scenes. As Benjamin Disraeli (1804-1881), a former Prime Minister of Britain, put it:
"The world is ruled by persons who are quite different from what those who cannot see behind the scenes think."
Solzhenitsyn calls them "the powers of evil" which have now gone over to the final attack. Particularly since the beginning of this amazing century they have by craft and stealth plunged mankind into a succession of wars and bloodshed unprecedented in all human history. In the course of the years, as the jigsaw puzzle gradually took shape, it became clearer and clearer to me that there was a huge design being put into effect behind the scenes of the world stage, whose purpose is to change that world completely, with all its old established orders. It is a conspiracy with the objective of exploiting and enslaving all mankind and achieving atheistic totalitarian domination of the world; in fact, of establishing a world government, to which all the peoples of the earth shall be forced to submit.
Since of course the nations of the earth would never willingly submit to such a plan, an enemy-image, an "East-West confrontation", had to be created. It is perfectly obvious that the instrument of the conquest and subjection of the nations is imperialistic soviet communism, which the conspirators themselves created with their instigation of the October Revolution in 1917 and have ever since kept in being with enormous credits, shipments of grain and the technical and military know-how of the West.
South Africa is merely a new pawn in this cynical game of chess, which is now being put through the revolutionary wringer so that another and particularly important obstacle may be got out of the way to the New World Order, as they call it. The concentrated attack on South Africa now taking place everywhere is, therefore, as we shall see in later chapters, not just a matter of getting rid of apartheid, more human rights or votes for the black citizens of South Africa (however desirable that might be) but plainly and simply to install a socialistic-marxist black regime which would be firmly anchored in the camp of the One-Worlders, that band of internationalist conspirators. We shall hear more about them too.
It is in the very nature of the case that a conspiracy should work away secretly and covertly; nevertheless it is inevitable that now and again, here and there, some incident should give the game away and allow the alert observer to get a glimpse through the thing, and with further study to discern the total design.
The principal evidence of the existence of a deliberate conspiracy to destroy the anti-communist and pro-Western countries is to be found in the continuity and similarity of events in different countries, where "revolutions" and subversions have all followed an identical pattern. We need think only of Cuba,Vietnam,Iran, Nicaragua, Cambodia, Rhodesia, Mozambique, Angola, the Philippines and others. We shall say more about these later.
And it is hardly conceivable that the similarities of these events could be purely accidental, when the same factors and the same external influences operated decisively.
As Franklin Roosevelt (who undoubtedly knew what he was talking about) said:"Nothing happens by accident in world politics. Everything is well prepared, carefully planned and deliberate."
South Africa, and with it the rest of the free world, is confronted with an enemy who exerts perilous influences and powerful blackmailing pressures on all the governments of the world with diabolical cunning and deception through manipulation of the mass media that he controls, and with almost unlimited financial resources at his disposal. By these means governments can be induced to pass measures and carry out "reforms" that often entail their own destruction, as we have seen from other examples.
After reading this book, those who have hitherto identified the arch- enemy of human civilization and liberty exclusively in Soviet communism will look to the West rather than to the East for the enemy, to New York rather than to Moscow; for it is there that the centres of power and the faceless conspirators are to be found.
When I - in spite of all of the imperfections and shortcomings of South Africa - in the first part of this book stress the more positive aspects and achievements of this great country and its white Afrikaner people, then it is done deliberately for the following reasons:
First, because I consider it urgent and necessary to present a more balanced and realistic picture of South Africa than is being held up to the reader in other countries; even at the risk of being accused of onesidedness. I also believe that the ordinary man has been so overstuffed with negative reporting about this country that for the sake of simple fairness it is high time to show the other side as well. After all, there are two sides to every coin.
Secondly, I would like to point out the absurdity that the world-wide attack against South Africa should be aimed at "racism" or "improvement of human rights" when this country has achieved by far the greatest accomplishments in Africa on all sectors of living standards, schooling, medical care and other civilizing amenities for its black citizens, as we shall see in later chapters.
The self-appointed apostles of morality should logically begin by accusing Uganda, Ethiopia, Angola, Zimbabwe and most other African states - not to speak of the communist countries - where conditions prevail that are not even remotely comparable to those in South Africa.
And thirdly, I wish to warn over-trustful South Africans of all races not to be under any illusions about what is really happening. Their fate, and perhaps that of the rest of the free world, is at stake. Their course of action in the years ahead and their firm resolve to stand up to the fraudulent powers of darkness will determine whether this outpost of civilization in Africa shall become yet another victim of the internationalist conspiracy or not.
I pray to God that the peoples and the politicians of South Africa may be imbued with the wisdom to recognize the real enemy behind the mask of communism. Only if they can see through this greatest political intrigue of our century will they be able to make an effective stand against the enemy. If this book can provide a modest contribution to that end it will have fulfilled its purpose.
Klaus D. Vaque
Pretoria
April 1987
Have you ever heard the expression, "barking up the wrong tree" and do you know what it means? It appears to be of American origin and was originally associated with the chase of the raccoon. The raccoon is a nocturnal animal which, when pursued by dogs, takes refuge in a tree. A well-trained 'coon-dog, by barking at the foot of the right tree, attracts the attention of his master, who is able to shoot the quarry by moonlight. A badly-trained or foolish dog, on the other hand, may lead his master a wild-goose chase by barking at the foot of a tree where there is no raccoon or where some other kind of animal has taken refuge: thus, that they are" barking up the wrong tree," has come to be said of people who announce loudly that they have discovered, in what is, in point of fact, the wrong place, the cause of some social evil or the seat of some grievance.
Now if we leave out of account human selfishness, weakness and stupidity for which true religion is the only adequate cure, no single factor in any way approaches the defective monetary and foreign trade system in importance as a cause of mental and physical suffering, social injustice and war. Comparatively few people, however, realise this. Most of them, if they are reformers, are busily engaged in barking up what are largely wrong trees, at "capitalism"; or "profit"; or "private ownership." Meanwhile the financier-raccoon, who keeps the whole civilised world in a seething mess by restricting the supply of money in the interests of moneylenders, grins as he sits safely in a different tree and from time to time puts over some sly bit of propaganda which keeps the misdirected barking at fever pitch and effectively prevents the dogs or their friends from looking anywhere in his direction!
BEDFORD
Rev. Dr. (of law) Matt Hale was originally scheduled to give this speech at a public library, which the European Historical Society had scheduled. However, violating his constitutional Free Speech rights, Jews, working cohesively, changed the library rules that decided not to let him speak.
Undeterred, on April 10, 2002, Rev. Dr. Matt Hale gave this speech about some crimes that fanatical members of the Jewish cult have committed for over three millennia. This speech was given for the radio talkshow, The Hal Turner Show, and also became available on the Internet.Soon thereafter, Rev. Dr. Matt Hale was involved in a lawsuit against the library for depriving him of his rights.This was but one event in a long-string of events where Dr. Hale has been maliciously targeted by Jews for his outspokeness. Dr. Hale was also denied the right to practice law, after spending several years in law school, graduating with the title Juris Doctor, and then passing the bar exam.
It wasn't long after this speech that Dr. Hale gave about Jewish ritual murder when he was imprisoned on trumped up charges. Jews in the government were able to convict Hale for what one of their agents did. Hale is now in solitary confinement, imprisoned among terrorists, for telling the truth about Jewish hate crimes.
"If you ask most Jews about this accusation of ritual murder, they'll vehemently deny any involvement in it, of course. And they're probably telling you the truth. If there are Jewish hate mongers who engage in these acts - and I believe there still are ‐ it is probably only a small number among them."
Anyone can think up an idea. The thing that counts is developing it into a practical product. The lessons of Henry Ford, one of America's greatest business innovators, are as fresh and vital today as they were in 1922, when this extraordinary book was first published. Ford explains: how his experiences as an employee influenced his philosophies as an employer. It's easy to see that much of Ford's wisdom has been forgotten today and that individual entrepreneurs and global corporations alike would do well to take another look. American entrepreneur, inventor, and philanthropist HENRY FORD (1863-1947) was born in Michigan and trained as a machinist and engineer before founding, in 1903, the Ford Motor Company.
Among the spiritual forces secretly working in the camp of Germany’s enemies and their allies in this war, as in the last, stands Freemasonry, the danger of whose activities has been repeatedly stressed by the Fuehrer in his speeches.
The present brochure, now made available to the German and European peoples in a 3rd edition, is intended to shed light on this enemy working in the shadows. Though an end has been put to the activities of Masonic organizations in most European countries, particular attention must still be paid to Freemasonry, and most particularly to its membership, as the implements of the political will of a supra-governmental power. The events of the summer of 1943 in Italy demonstrate once again the latent danger always represented by individual Freemasons, even after the destruction of their Masonic organizations. Although Freemasonry was prohibited in Italy as early as 1925, it has retained significant political influence in Italy through its membership, and has continued to exert that influence in secrecy. Freemasons thus stood in the first ranks of the Italian traitors who believed themselves capable of dealing Fascism a death blow at a critical juncture, shamelessly betraying the Italian nation. The intended object of the 3rd printing of this brochure is to provide a clearer knowledge of the danger of Masonic corruption, and to keep the will to self-defence alive.
Dr. Kaltenbrunner
SS-Gruppenfuehrer
General of the Police
The intent of the present work is to deal with the principal problems of Freemasonry in a concise manner. It makes no claim to completeness; rather, it intends to provide documentation based on authentic materials from the archives of the Security Service of the RF, SS, and Secret State Police, thereby educating the public to the danger posed by Freemasonry over he past several centuries. A detailed description of the irreconcilable conflict between the ideology of Freemasonry and that of national Socialism, based on the fullness of the available archive material, must be left to later works.
Heydrich
SS - Obergruppenfuehrer
In 1942, World Freemasonry celebrated the 225 the anniversary of its founding. Like the 200th anniversary, the 225th anniversary was celebrated during wartime - during a war for vhich World Freemasonry was once again partly responsible. But how different is the situation ofFreemasonry compared to 1917! Then, it stood at the height of its influence and enjoyed measurable political power. Today, by contrast, it is being called upon to render an account: the healthy peoples of Europe have overcome the corrupting poison of the Masonic ideology; the powerful forces of Freemasonry have suffered serious reverses, and must furthermore expect that their days are numbered in Europe.
Political developments since the publication of this text have confirmed the correctness of the statements made in it. Once again, World Freemasonry has given rise to forces directed against all racially healthy movements, simultaneously creating the impetus for a total extinction of those movements.
An awareness that the rejuvenated peoples of Europe must remain alert to the disintegrating corruption of h a revised and supplemented edition for the German and European peoples, in order to make a small contribution to the total spiritual healing of the European community of peoples.
Dieter Schwarz
This was a French National Socialist Anti-Freemasonry Film IMDB - Occult Forces. The maker was executed after the war.
We all know how terrifically Jesus Christ denounced the Pharisees. He said they nullified all the Commandments of God by their Tradition, “teaching for doc‐ trines the commandments of men” (Mark 7:13; Matt. 15:6-9, etc). His invective, in truth, cannot be equalled. All of Matthew 23 is like a whiplash. He likened Pharisaism to a whited sepulchre, indeed beautiful outwardly, but “inside full of dead men’s bones and of all uncleanness”. He climaxed one condemnation after another with the expletive, “Hypocrites!” He called the Pharisees children of them that killed the Prophets. He foretold they would go on killing, crucifying and persecuting until the guilt for all the righteous blood shed from Abel on down would be upon them. “Ye serpents, ye generation of vipers, how can ye escape the damnation of hell?”, He asked.
Christ is as utterly devastating of Pharisaism in the record of John 8. Altho He admitted that His hearers were descendants of Abraham, He said they were, spiritually, of the devil. He told them:
“Ye are of you father the devil, and the lusts of your father ye will do. He was a murderer from the beginning, and abode not in the truth, because the truth is not in him. When he speaketh a lie, he speaketh of his own: for he is a liar and the father of it” (John 8:44).
Note: That the pages have been rotated, split and de-skewed so the numbering and number of pages is much larger than the original scan.
Kwame Nkrumah (wikipedia) was the first post-colonial black leader in Africa.
THE neo-colonialism of today represents imperialism in its final and perhaps its most dangerous stage. In the past it was possible to convert a country upon which a neo-colonial regime had been imposed‐Egypt in the nineteenth century is an example ‐into a colonial territory. Today this process is no longer feasible. Old-fashioned colonialism is by no means entirely abolished. It still constitutes an African problem, but it is everywhere on the retreat. Once a territory has become nominally independent it is no longer possible, as it was in the last century, to reverse the process. Existing colonies may linger on, but no new colonies will be created. In place of colonialism as the main instrument of imperialism we have today nee-colonialism.
The essence of neo-colonialism is that the State which is subject to it is, in theory, independent and has all the outward trappings of international sovereignty. In reality its economic system and thus its political policy is directed from outside.
The methods and form of this direction can take various shapes.
Documentary: The Spider's Web
]]>The Jew uses the lie as his most effective weapon to attain his goal and to conquer the world. Truth is his worst enemy. "World-Service" has taken upon itself the task of enlightening all non-Jewish peoples and of revealing to them Jewry's sinister intentions and its criminal methods. Recognition of this danger is the first step towards its elimination. "World-Service" has dedicated itself to truthfully reporting important news-items pertaining to Jews and Jewry and thereby safeguarding the liberties of all nations.
Only through co-operation it is possible to avert the threatening danger.
The object of this pamphlet is to prove that Bolshevism is Jewish. Bolshevism represents one of the final stages in the deliberate Jewish programme for World Domination. It is not in the scope of this pamphlet to describe the earlier stages of the programme, in which Liberalism, Masonry and Marxism prepared the ground for Bolshevism.
THE object of this book is not to provide a history of Socialism, but merely an account of the Socialist organisations of modern times. Hence no mention is made of isolat ed Socialist theorists, but only of people connected with, or giving rise to, concrete societies or groups. Secret or occult societies do not enter into the scope of the inquiry, which is not concerned with mysterious inner circles, invisibles or high initiates working in the dark, but only with open movements - societies with recognised headquarters, offices, executive committees, published lists of members, official organs, statements of aims, etc. Though such a presentation of the revolutionary movement is necessarily incomplete, and may fail to satisfy those who care to inquire into causes, it will appeal the more to practical people who are unwilling to consider anything they cannot see before their eyes.
It has seemed to me that a sort of guide-book of this kind, accompanied by a chart, might be useful, in view of the fact that the ramifications of the Socialist movement have now become so vast and complicated that it is almost impossible to follow them. The very difficulties with which I have been faced in the course of my work have encouraged me in this idea. Often I have been obliged to search for days in order to discover some simple fact, owing to the extraordinary vagueness with regard to dates and practical details which characterise Socialist publications - histories, pam- phlets, year books and manuals alike. Long pages are devoted to the doctrines of some society, but when it was founded, where and by whom, may not perhaps once be mentioned. Again, one is confronted by conflicting evidence which has to be sifted in order to arrive at the truth.
What wonder, then, that the so-called "Capitalist Press" falls into the strangest blunders when dealing with the different phases of this movement, and that anti-Socialist writers, whose particular business it is to study the subject, from time to time commit in- accuracies which detract from the value of their work?
In this little book I lay no claim to infallibility; indeed, I do not believe it would be possible for a single human brain to master all the details of this bewildering network and to avoid going wrong on some point-an international committee of experts would be needed to achieve such a result. All I can claim is that I have spared no pains to find out the facts of the case by seeking my data in the Socialists' own literature, ranging from the pamphlets of Babeu£ to those of the Komintern. If, then, inaccuracies of any importance occur, it will not be for want of long and arduous research, and in this case I shall be glad to have them pointed out to me with a view to correction in a further edition. My only concern is to find out the truth and make it known.
One of the best books on secret societies ever written. Webster was an historical writer who wrote a number of books on the French Revolution. After World War I she was intrigued with the Marxist revolt, so wrote World Revolution, examining how and why people continue to revolt. As her search went deeper, clear meanings surfaced behind our revolutionsand they involved an agenda by secret societies. This book lays out, in historical perspective, how these secret societies and subversive movements have operated from behind the scenes. Not all of them aspire to rule the world or manipulate politics or world currency, but there are some major ones, according to Webster, that are. As a respected writer and world historian, she provides proof from within these pages.
IT is a matter of some regret to me that I have been so far unable to continue the series of studies on the French Revolution of which The Chevalier de ·Bouffiers and The French Revolution, a Study in Democracy formed the first two volumes. But the state of the world at the end of the Great War seemed to demand an enquiry into the present phase of the revolutionary movement, hence my attempt to follow its course up to modern times in W orld Revolution. And now before returning to that first cataclysm I have felt impelled to devote one more book to the Revolution as a whole by going this time further back into the past and attempting to trace its origins from the first century of the Christian era. For it is only by taking a general survey of the movement that it is possible to understand the causes of ariy particular phase of its existence. The French Revolution did not arise merely out of conditions or ideas peculiar to the eighteenth century , nor the Bolshevist Re:volution out of political and social conditions in Russia or the teaching of Karl Marx. Both these explosions were produced by forces which, making use of popular suffering and discontent, had long been gathering strength for an onslaught not only on Christianity, but on all social and moral order.
Nesta Helen Webster (Mrs. Arthur Webster), (1876 – 1960) was a controversial author who revived conspiracy theories about the Illuminati. She argued that the secret society's members were occultists, plotting communist world domination. According to her, their international subversion included the French Revolution, 1848 Revolution, the First World War, and the Bolshevik Revolution of 1917.
The widespread revolutionary movement of the past two centuries has been delineated and traced to its source in this exhaustive study. Dominated always by a few radical leaders, this has been spread throughout the world through the medium of secret societies. Each effort at revolution since 1780 has been definitely fitted into its place in this continuing conspiracy against civilization. Syndicalism, Socialism, Communism, Bolshevism, all are shown to trace their descent and derive their maxims from the Illuminism of the eighteenth century.
The doctrine the book seeks to establish is that a world conspiracy for bringing about the destruction of civilisation was conceived by one Adam Weishaupt, who founded a secret sect of ‘ Illuminates ’ in 1776, sent emissaries to France to indoctrinate the lodges of the Grand Orient, and finally, through their instrumentality, precipitated the Great Revolution. Further, the sect is said to have manifested its power in the activities of Babeuf and the founders of the ‘Tugendbund,’ and to number Saint Simon, Fourier, Robert Owen, the leaders of 1848, Lassalle, Marx, Bakunin, the Nihilists and Bolshevists among its servants.
Webster writes:
‘For the last hundred and forty-five years the fire of revolution has smouldered steadily beneath the ancient structure of civilisation, and already at moments has burst out into flame, threatening to destroy to its very foundations that social edifice which eighteen centuries have been spent in constructing.’
Mrs Webster, having steeped herself in the writing of Barruel, Deschamps, and Robison, has come to believe in the existence of an ‘occult force, terrible, unchanging, relentless, and wholly destructive, which constitutes the greatest menace that has ever confronted the human race.’
The ‘light of Illuminism’ shows us, as Mrs Webster quotes with approval from a Catholic prelate, ‘deadly Illuminated Freemasonry’ as ‘ part of the system of revolutionary fraud invented and cast upon earth by Satan to compass the ruin of souls and the destruction of the reign of Jesus Christ'. In the same light Christianity appears to her as ‘a beleaguered citadel surrounded by the dark forces which have mustered for the supreme onslaught’. The real protagonists, therefore, we must assume to be Christianity and Atheism, or Christianity and Satanism. Mrs Webster, however, encourages us to think that, ‘if the people of our country will but realise the diabolical nature of the conspiracy at work amongst them, the powers of Hell cannot prevail against them.’ The theory supported by Mrs Webster makes of the world and of contemporary life an exciting battle-ground.
In a chapter entitled ‘The Growth of Socialism,’ under a sub-title headed ‘ The Philosophers,’ Mrs Webster deals in true modern propagandist fashion with Owen, Saint Simon, Marx, and others. She holds and sets out to prove that they are all part of the same story, and that the main ideas have descended in unbroken sequence from Weishaupt's Illuminati through the various revolutionary groups and agencies that have taken up the task of destroying civilization during the last 140 years.
Mrs Webster goes to history in search of ‘conspiracy’; and it must be admitted that she, like every other person who diligently looks for some particular thing in history, finds what she seeks.
IN the study of every war there are two aspects to be considered the nature and force of the attack and the organisation of the defence.
Great Britain has now been at war continuously for sixteen years, at first with Pan-Germanism and later with the world force we now know as Bolshevism. The successive books I have devoted to the study of revolutionary movements have dealt solely with the attacking forces, with the doctrines, aims and methods of Socialism, Communism and the powers at work behind them. I have endeavoured to describe the marvellous organisation that has been set in motion by the enemies of the existing social order, and to show something of the nature of the people composing this vast army of destruction.
But the time has come to turn to the other aspect of the situation and to consider the quality of the defence. Superbly organised as the attack has been throughout, how long could it have been maintained if adequate resistance had been put up at the outset? Could Bolshevism have been nipped in the bud in 1918 as the Netherlands Minister demanded and as everyone at that date thought it must be before long ? In France the violence of the first great Revolution had spent itself in five years; in ten, Napoleon had taken the tormented country in an iron hand and stamped out-temporarily at any rate-the smouldering embers of the class war. Yet though for thirteen years we have been told incessantly that the Soviet regime was tottering to its fall, the despots of the Kremlin still hold sway over a helpless people, the dreaded Cheka still tracks down its victims far beyond the .Russian borders, and blood still flows in village streets where luckless peasants dare to defend their property and the symbols of their faith.
Advocates of Bolshevist theory would have us believe that there must be some inherent virtue in a regime that has lasted so long amidst the execrations of the civilised world. But execrations avail nothing against an organised despotism. They availed nothing in the case of France. Only a strong man could save the situation.
Unhappy Russia has produced no Napoleon, and in this mass attack on civilisation only one country has produced a man capable of grappling with the invading force of Bolshevism and of freeing his country from its deadly power. Everywhere except in Italy the peoples and their governments, as Monsieur Coty has expressed it, have seemed "paralysed, petrified before the monster, like people in the fable before the Gorgon's head" (Contre le Communisme, p. 14).
It is this inability of the civilised world to hold its own against the Soviet Power, rather than any enduring qualities in the Soviet regime, which has ensured its continuance up to the present time. The same disinclination to face realities, the same lack of organisation, and, worse still, the same treachery behind the lines on the home front which prolonged the war against Germany, have given to Bolshevism a new lease of life each time that it was about to fall. This strange phenomenon has occurred in every country-in Italy as well, up to the Fascists' march on Rome. All nations and all governments have shown weakness. It is therefore not my intention to represent Great Britain as singular in this respect. But because I have lived through what has taken place in my own country, and because its fate is of more concern to me than that of any other, I feel impelled to bring before those of my fellow-countrymen who care for England, the fatal consequences to which the policy of surrender to the forces of disruption has led,
In the following pages I shall endeavour to show how, from the beginning of the Great War up to the present moment, our worst foes have been those of our own household who- some through blindness, some through inertia, some through fear and some through perfidy-have weakened our resistance to the two most formidable enemies our country has ever had to face.
NESTA H. WEBSTER
Without committing them to its statements, this book is admiringly dedi- cated to all those sincere fighters for American liberty and Christian principles who, because of their opposition to Red propaganda and the "new social order" of Marx and Lenin, are denounced as "professional patriots", super-patriots", "100 per centers", "patrioteers", and "Tories" by their Red opponents. Particular mention is gratefully made of those "patrioteers" who have aided and encouraged the author in her effort to bring to the sound but still sleeping portion of the American public the truth about the Communist- Socialist world conspiracy which, with its four horsemen, Atheism, Immorality, Class Hatred, and Pacifism-for-the-sake-of-Red-revolution, is boring within our churches, schools and government and is undermining America like a cancerous growth. Among these are:
The national headquarters of the staunch D. A. R. (of which the author, unfortunately, is not a member), which reprinted each article in her former pamphlet "Red Revolution" and sent copies to each chapter in the U. S. A. The D. A. R. members are the best informed body of women in America on this subject and are correspondingly detested by the Reds.
Senator Clayton R. Lusk, whose gift of the most valuable and complete 4,450-page four-volume Report of the Joint Legislative Committee of the State of New York Investigating Seditious Activities, a report based upon indisputable documentary evidence made by the committee which he headed, has made available the background and information concerning the Red move- ment up to the year 1920, when it was issued, which is incorporated within this book.
Lt. Nelson E. Hewitt, a super-expert-patriot who has devoted twelve years of his life to active statistical work and study on Red subversive activities, who edits the Advisory Associates weekly Bulletins which every "super-patriot" needs (P. O. Box. 403, Chicago) and who has given the greatest personal aid of all, having devoted a number of full days of his time to check- ing and supplying information used in this book.
Francis Ralston Welsh, Philadelphia attorney and research expert on sub- versive activities a real "super-patriot" who has sent many excellent reports.
Miss Margaret Kerr, executive secretary of the "professional patriots' Better America Federation, which placed and has kept the Criminal Syn- dicalism Law on the statute books of California despite the frantic efforts of the Reds to repeal it who has sent valuable data.
Mr. Walter Steele, manager of the "100 per centers' National Republic magazine (511 llth St. N. W., Wash., D. C.) and author of its articles on subversive activities which are unsurpassed, who has sent excellent special information. All "patrioteers" need the "National Republic"
Mr. Harry Jung, a "professional patriot", of the American Vigilant Intelli- gence Federation, sufficiently annoying in his anti-Red "free speech" to be Dedication honored by intimidating libel suits filed by the notorious "free-speech-for- Reds-only" A. C. L. U. (whose Chicago office is the office of its member, Carl Haessler of the Communist school of Red revolution and the Reds' Federated Press). Mr. Jung kindly loaned the author some documents.
Mr. John B. Chappie, editor of the Ashland (Wis.) Press, author of "La Follette-Socialism," etc., whose courageous exposure in the face of death threats of the Socialist-Communist network in Wisconsin defeated the La Follette dynasty in the 1932 election for the first time in forty years, who sent his helpful book and pamphlets to the author.
Those who have assembled large and distinctive audiences to hear the author's lectures, among them: Paul G. Armstrong, Vice Commander Dept. of 111., American Legion, and many other valiant Legion Commanders; U. S. Army and Navy Officers Club; the men of the Chicago Military Intelligence; leaders of: the Illinois Federation of Women's Clubs; Moody Church and Bible Institute; Women's Patriotic League; Catholic organizations; Funda- mentalist and other anti-Bolshevik, anti-Atheist Churches; Clubs; Community mass meetings; etc., etc.
Col. Sidney Story, lecturer and fiery patriot; W. H. Chesbrough, Wis- consin Commander of the G. A. R. Maude Howe of the Canadian Christian ; Crusade (against atheism) ; Nesta Webster, world famous English historian and author of "Surrender of an Empire", "World Revolution", "French Revolution", etc.; my friends Mr. and Mrs. George Cretors, residents of Soviet Russia while Mr. Cretors was employed there as an engineer; Mr. John E. Waters, also a former engineer for the Soviet Government, whose true story entitled "Red Justice" is available at 50c (P. O. Box 242, Madison, Wis.) ; Mr. Carveth Wells, famous lecturer and author of "Kapoot", a graphic account of his Russian experiences; Mrs. C. D. Shipley, tireless patriotic worker in Waukegan, 111., a Red stronghold.
After reading the author's pamphlet "Red Revolution", David Kinley, the brilliant and loyal-American president-emeritus of the University of Illi- nois,wroteinpart: "I congratulate you on your clear and earnest exposition of the situation, and I quite agree with you that it is time something were done to prevent the evil influence of the advocates of Communism and their allies. The allies include a good many people who would refuseto be called Communists, but whose influence, through various associations, tends to strengthen the work and claims of that group. I agree with you that it is time that parents should look more closely into the influence of the teachers of the schools and colleges which their children attend."
Mr. and Mrs. James H. Watt of Chicago declare: "From a viewpoint gained through our recent residence of fifteen months in an American engineering colony in Soviet Russia, the statements of Mrs. Albert W. Billing concerning conditions prevalent in that country are found to be absolutely authentic and of invaluable import."
May "professional patriots" increase and multiply; may they cease to be lone voices crying in the wilderness; may their number and activities grow strong enough to avert now threatening Socialism or Fascism, and to pre- serve for America, Christianity, the American Constitution, and American liberty. (See "Professional Patriots" under Organizations herein.)
Maria Théodore Ratisbonne (1802 – 1884) was an important Catholic author, priest and missionary of Jewish provenience. In 1826, he was baptised and during his life was highly appreciated by the Catholic Church.
The Jewish Question (1868) is a suggested solution to the problem of the Jewish identity. During the 19th century, the definition of Jewish identity was influenced by various trends and perceptions.
From a wider perspective, Ratisbonne’s answer here should be compared with other works of the period on the subject, including Karl Marx’s “Zur Judenfrage”.
Ratisbonne’s thesis is the necessary conversion of Jews to Catholicism, in view of what he considers the decadent Jewish currents, which did not provide a viable solution to the Jewish problem. The conversion suggested by Ratisbonne is also the inevitable outcome of the ideas and prophesies of the Gospel.
This essay, originally published in 1844 as Zur Judenfrage, must be one of Karl Marx's most ignored and suppressed works. Marx, himself of Jewish descent, while answering an essay by fellow Hegelist philosopher Bruno Bauer on the topic of the emancipation of Jews in Prussia, raged polemically against Jewish behavior and culture, asking and answering his own questions this way: "What is the secular basis of Judaism? Practical need, self-interest. What is the worldly cult of the Jews? Huckstering. What is his worldly god? Money! ... What is contained abstractly in the Jewish religion - contempt for theory, for art, for history, for man as an end in himself."
The fundamental ideology or philosophy of Zionism is that the Jews are the ''chosen people'' and that God promised them that they should possess and rule the world. It is based on the first five chapters of the Old Testament as interpreted by their rabbis and their Talmud. The Zionists have been taught this false doctrine and they believe it and are attempting to bring it about through a world government. The Protocols represent their method of establishing their kingdom. Zionism is a political cult and the rabbis are its teachers and politicans; its objective is a world Jewish empire as projected by Theodore Herzl in their Protocols.
Written in 1924, this shocking classic work of Jewish Supremacism maps out what the avowedly Zionist author saw as the cause of anti-Semitism through the ages: an irreconcilable difference between Jews and all Gentiles, but Europeans in particular. This difference, Samuel argued, was inherent and biological in origin.
The author argues that the real point of difference between Jew and Gentile is that the Gentiles follow what he calls the base “triviality” of Gentiles versus the God-like “seriousness” of Jews.
This huge psychological difference, Samuel says, is the reason why Jews regard “playful” Gentiles as backward and silly, and why Gentiles will never be able to penetrate the Jewish perception of the world.
The book goes on to discuss the main points of difference in behavior between Jews and Gentiles focusing on physical activity, religion, concepts of good and evil, loyalty, science, fair play, and discipline. Maurice spells out why Jews have different attitudes to all these moral and philosophical issues—and why these values are the opposite of those endorsed by Gentiles. Samuel then says that these inherent and unchangeable differences will always make the Jews out to be “destroyers” and the “subverters” of European culture and society.
Finally, he discusses the dangers presented to Jews by intermarriage with Gentiles, and concludes by saying that there will never be peace between Jew and Gentile until the last European state has “lost its racial homogeneity.”
“I do not believe that this primal difference between gentile and Jew is reconciliable. There will be irritation between us as long as we are in intimate contact. For nature and constitution and vision divide us from all of you forever…
“This distinction between us again points to the root difference between us—your triviality and our seriousness.
“I have no doubt that when Germany and England and America will long have lost their present identity or name or purpose, we shall still be strong in ours.
“Repudiation of the Jewish religion or even of Jewish racial affiliation does not alter the Jew. We joined your armies and fought in them beyond our numbers: yet Jewish pacifism and Jewish pacifists gave the tone to the world's pacifism.
“We have joined your capitalistic world in deliberate emulation and rivalry: yet Jewish socialism and Jewish socialists are the banner bearers of the world's "armies of liberation."
“But you feel our disruptive difference most keenly, most resentfully, in our deliberate efforts to change your social system. Seen in the dazzling lights of your desires and needs our ideal is repellently morose.
“Because your chief institution is the social structure itself, it is in this that we are most manifestly destroyers. We Jews, we, the destroyers, will remain the destroyers for ever. Nothing that you will do will meet our needs and demands.
“We will for ever destroy because we need a world of our own, a God-world, which it is not in your nature to build.
“If, then, the struggle between us is ever to be lifted beyond the physical, your democracies will have to alter their demands for racial, spiritual and cultural homogeneity within the State.”
Maurice Samuel (1895–1972) was a Romanian-born Jewish writer, who focused on Judaism or the Jewish role in history and society. A leading member of the Zionist Organization of America, he was widely celebrated in Jewish circles, and won many awards, including the Anisfield-Wolf Award, 1943, the award of The Saturday Review of Literature, 1944; the Stephen S. Wise Award, 1956; and the 1967 B'nai B'rith Jewish Heritage Award. In 1964 Brandeis University awarded him an honorary degree. In 1972 he was posthumously awarded the Manger Prize for Yiddish Literature, for which he had been nominated by Israeli President.
Samuel Roth first embraced Judaism and Zionism, but later blamed other Jews for his financial and legal troubles--which landed him in jail. He became so embittered with this treatment at the hands of his co-religionists that he wrote this book which he said exposed their underhanded dealings with the Gentile world.
Written by one of America's most famous Jewish pornographers, this work provides a shocking and insightful account of Jewish attitudes towards Gentiles.
Samuel Roth first embraced Judaism and Zionism, but later blamed other Jews for his financial and legal troubles--which landed him in jail. He became so embittered with this treatment at the hands of his co-religionists that he wrote this book which he said exposed their underhanded dealings with the Gentile world.
The engrossing narrative starts with the origin of Jewish behaviour, which Roth identifies as coming from the Old Testament/Talmud. Using specific examples (such as the Jewish patriarch Abraham's pimping of his wife Sarah to blackmail neighbouring Gentile tribes into handing over their possessions), Roth claims that such behavioural patterns are repeated to the present day.
This behaviour, Roth says, is founded in a Jewish belief that all the world's possessions belong to them by divine right. He then discusses the effect of Jews in law, media, medicine, prostitution, literature, arts, and much more. Also included is a fascinating section on the vow-breaking Kol Nidre prayer.
Roth also includes detailed sections on his own experiences at being swindled, and concludes that anti-semitism is always a reaction to Jewish behaviour, and not the product of some irrational disposition on the part of Gentiles, as is so often claimed.
He explains his own position in this way: "I don't think I ever shared the Jewish contempt for the goyim, which is part and parcel of all Jewish psychology."
This is the first full unexpurgated edition to be published since this book's original publication. It contains all seventeen chapters (including the appendix) and all seventeen original illustrations by John Conrad.
About the author: Polish-born Jew Samuel Roth (1893-1974) emigrated to America with his family at the age of four. By the 1920s he was an established poet, with his work published in some major literary outlets. At the same time, he began publishing erotica, most famously a pirated version of D.H. Lawrence's Lady Chatterley's Lover, which, although tame by present-day standards, landed Roth in jail on pornography charges. Later, he began publishing real pornography and was repeatedly arrested and jailed, eventually serving around nine years behind bars all told. His last great court case, which took place in 1957 (Roth v. United States, 354 U.S. 476), redefined the Constitutional test for determining what constitutes obscene material unprotected by the First Amendment and became a template for the liberalizing First Amendment decisions of the 1960s.
The purpose of this article is to prove, through documented evidence that Jews in America are the prime movers and guiding force behind the massive attempt to mongrelize the White Christian people with the Black Race.
Of course everyone realizes that there are many gullible and brainwashed Gentiles working toward this same end. But the movement to mix the races in America is most definitely sparked and financed by organized Jewry in every city of any size in America containing a formal Jewish community.
The first question which arises is why are the Jews so fanatical in their zeal to integrate the races and why do they intensely resist mixing of their own blood with either us White Christians, or the Blacks?
THE ANSWERS ARE COMPLEX
The difficulty in arriving at an accurate understanding of the problem of the Jews lies in the fact that there is a distinct Jewish religion and a distinct Jewish race. Where one ends and the other begins, or whether both mean one and the same thing, are subjects which are discussed in the following pages. We Gentiles, especially those of us who are of Anglo-Saxon origin, exact and yield the utmost tolerance in matters of religion. We have accepted the theory of citizenship which pays no regard to a man's religion but only asks of him, in return for the rights of his citizenship, a proper sense of its duties. Both in America and in the British Empire, we accord naturalization with freedom and we do not question the patriotism of the naturalized but take this for granted. Yet in moments of national gravity, when the State is in danger, especially from a foreign foe, we are inclined to watch with some degree of natural suspicion those in our midst who are of enemy origin.
There have been innumerable occasions when the loyalty of a new citizen to his new State has been admirable: on the. other hand, both here and in America, we have found that race instincts have been stronger than oaths of allegiance.
But in the case of the Jews, we find a people which has preserved both its religious and its racial ideals intact through many generations of cruel persecution. A race which has persisted in spite of such terrific pressure, constantly applied and often without mercy or justice, must be acknowledged to be a great and virile nationality in the mere fact of its persistence. But when we consider that this race has not merely persisted, but has achieved enormous power and influence in every civilized country, our admiration is easily aroused. Yet there is another side to the picture. How are you to regard these strangers in your midst? Are they Americans, Jewish Americans, or American Jews? The answer to this question is the solution of the Jewish problem.
Jews will, however, reply with assurance that they are not a race but a religion and that to differentiate between them and other religious bodies is sheer prejudice and bald Anti-Semitism. In some cases this claim is justified. There are in England Jewish families which have lived here for centuries and their devotion to their country is beyond question. It is necessary to distinguish, therefore, between those Jews who have definitely adopted a single nationality and those to whom the Jewish nationality is the only one that counts. How is one to distinguish? There again lies another great problem in this greater problem of Jewry in the world. Roughly speaking, the only way to mark out a line which would separate the good Jewish citizen from the bad Jewish citizen is to apply the political test. As a rule, though it is not without exceptions, a Jew who is politically active in a country is also racially active. But there are, of course, many Jews who are indifferent to the politics of the country in which they live and yet are ardent Jewish nationalists. In a word, be- cause the Jews can and do possess a dual nationality, they must remain suspect from the point of view of the man who acknowledges exclusive allegiance to a single country. This suspicion, which seems to me to be natural and by no means exaggerated, goes by the name of Anti- Semitism.
Are the great mass of Jews working towards a definite goal or are they mere ordinary citizens against whom envy, suspicion, and long-dated religious animosity have provoked an unfair prejudice? The answer to this question will be found in this book. Lately there has been published both in America and England a translation of a work entitled "The Protocols of the Elders ofZion." It is difficult to say whether or not it is a genuine document.
I am quite sure that, if it had been published in these countries ten years ago, it would have been received with incredulity and, perhaps, contempt. But today, after our experience of the War, the Peace Conference, and the doings of the Jews in Russia, it has received everywhere a great deal of earnest study and consideration. Many of its prophecies are being fulfilled before our eyes and, because of this, we are justified in giving to it a greater credence than could have been possible ten years ago. Jewish writers and newspapers have denied with indignation the authenticity of the protocols. But even if indisputable proof were adduced tomorrow that they are a forgery, there would still be asked the same question which the protocols have provoked and are provoking every day. Have the Jew a foreign policy of their own with a definite end in view?
It would be difficult to deny to that section of Jewry which is best described as political, a definite national policy. There is nothing inherently wrong or improper in this. All that we Gentiles ask is that acknowledgment should be made that such is the case. When that is made clear, we can then judge whether or not such policy is to our advantage and we can act accordingly. Yet many Jews attempt to deny that they have any political ambitions apart from the interests of the country in which they live. This denial can carry no weight, as the reader will acknowledge after reading these pages. And it becomes incumbent upon us therefore to study the nature and scope of this Jewish policy in order to see how far it is compatible with our own national policies. This book is an attempt to give an outline of the political aims and objectives of political Jewry. But a word of warning is necessary. Political Jewry does not comprise all Jewry. There are many Jewish citizens both in America and here who differ from the rest of us only in their religion. A blind Anti-Semitism directed against all Jews is both bad policy and an act of injustice to Jewry.
But while we must be just, we must also be firm in our determination not to allow a duality of national policy in one and the same citizen.
H. A. GWYNNE,
Editor The Morning Post, London.
September, 1920.
This book is only an uncomfortably large note-book ; and it has the disadvantages, whether or no it has the advantages, of notes that were taken on the spot. Owing to the unexpected distraction of other duties, the notes were published in a newspaper as they were made on the spot; and are now reproduced in a book as they were published in the newspaper. The only exception refers to the last chapter on Zionism; and even there the book only reverts to the original note-book. A difference of opinion, which divided the writer of the book from the politics of the newspaper, prevented the complete publication of that chapter in that place. I recognise that any expurgated form of it would have falsified the pro- portions of my attempt to do justice in a very difficult problem; but on re-reading even my own attempt in extenso, I am far from satisfied that the proper proportions are kept. I wrote these first impressions in Palestine, where everybody recognises the Jew as something quite distinct from the Englishman or the European; and where his unpopularity even moved me in the direction of his defence. But I admit it was something of a shock to return to a conventional atmosphere, in which that unpopularity is still actually denied or described as mere persecution. It was more of a shock to realise that this most obscurantist of all types of obscurantism is still sometimes regarded as a sort of liberalism. To talk of the Jews always as the oppressed and never as the oppressors is simply absurd; it is as if men pleaded for reasonable help for exiled French aristocrats or ruined Irish landlords, and forgot that the French and Irish peasants had any wrongs at all. Moreover, the Jews in the West do not seem so much concerned to ask, as I have done however tentatively here, whether a larger and less local colonial development might really transfer the bulk of Israel to a more independent basis, as simply to demand that Jews shall continue to control other nations as well as their own. It might be worth while for England to take risks to settle the Jewish problem; but not to take risks merely to un- settle the Arab problem, and leave the Jewish problem unsolved.
For the rest, there must under the circumstances be only too many mistakes; the historical conjectures, for they can be no more, are founded on authorities sufficiently recognised for me to be permitted to trust them; but I have never pretended to the knowledge necessary to check them. I am aware that there are many disputed points; as for instance the connection of Gerard, the fiery Templar, with the English town of Bideford. I am also aware that some are sensitive about the spelling of words; and the very proof-readers will sometimes revolt and turn Mahomet into Mohammed. Upon this point, however, I am unrepentant: for I never could see the point of altering a form with historic and even heroic fame in our own language, for the sake of reproducing by an arrangement of our letters some-thing that is really written in quite different letters, and probably pronounced with quite a different accent. In speaking of the great prophet I am therefore resolved to call him Mahomet; and am prepared, on further provo- cation, to call him Mahound.
G. K. C.
https://archive.org/details/ARealCase...
Written by a Jewish author and originally published in The Century Magazine in January 1928.
This article asserts that if gentiles understood the depths to which Jews control our countries and their institutions of power and the way in which they wield that power in an effort to destroy gentile interests, they would rise-up.
If there are riddles in the history of the nations, then the Jews most certainly present one of the chief instances; and, whoever has occupied himself with the problems of humanity, without advancing so far as the great problem of the Jews, has, so far as knowledge and experience of life arc concerned, merely skimmed the surface of the subject. There is scarcely a field, from Art and Literature to Religion and Political Economy, from Polities to the most secret domains of sensuality and criminality, in which the influence of the Jewish spirit and of the Jewish entity cannot be clearly traced, and has not imparted a peculiar warp or trend to the affairs in question.
Indisputable as these tacts are, it is nevertheless equally certain that Science, Literature and the Press, which concern themselves, not only in Germany, but all the world over, with all manner of valuable knowledge, display the utmost anxiety to avoid casting any light into the secret and mysterious sphere of Jewish influence. It is, as if a silent mandate had been issued, that the essential relations of life with Jewish are on in account to be disturbed — that the Jews, in fact, are not to be discussed. And thus, one is entitled to maintain, that in no department of knowledge is the ignorance of our learned men so pronounced, as it is in everything, which is connected with the Jews.
Zionism may be said to be as un-American as Communism or Fascism.
In its political racism it patterns Nazism.
U.S. Senator Jack B. Tenney exposes how Jewish Racism and Nationalism is subverting America with treachery and deceit. The Jewish Lobby, ADL, Anti-Defamation League, AIPAC, SPLC and other powerful Jewish lobbies are working in concert to strengthen the Apartheid State of Israel at the expense of American geo-political security.
to all men of good will of all racial origins and of all religious faiths Knowledge is a collection of facts. Wisdom is the use of knowledge. Without facts there is no knowledge. Without knowledge there is no wisdom. Facts prevent what nothing can cure. Facts are Man's best defense mechanism. Without them men fumble, falter and fail.
Without them nations decline and fall. Wisdom wins wars before they start. Knowledge aborts national hostilities. Wisdom obviates racial antipathies. Knowledge effaces religious animosities. Emancipation from bigotry prefaces peace. Intolerance takes all and gives nothing. Peace rewards reciprocal respect and regard. To all Men of Good Will, "Pax Vobiscum!"
When I went to school, many years ago, we were taught history and geography, and we were taught these subjects with great thoroughness. We were taught by teachers who loved our Republic and believed in discipline. Today they are called Educators. These Educators have abolished History and Geography as distinct subjects and have invented a thing called “Social Sciences.” This course of study has been created by taking a little history, and a little geography, and strengthening it with a strong dose of socialism. In New York, I understand that the “Educators" have now abandoned the discredited title of “Social Sciences,” and watered down history and geography even more by calling the new course “Citizenship Education.”
When I was young, we were taught some wonderful historical stories, some of which were completely factual, and some of which were facts clothed in fiction. These stories made a lasting impression on most of us. We were told, of the fine deeds of our forebears. The authors of our histories taught us that most Americans were pretty good people, and encouraged us to strive to live up to the best deeds of the heroic figures who had led the country through various crises.
The revolutionary part played by Freemasonry and Judaism in the world.
We are actually witnessing an immense revolutionary movement of which the first outward manifestation was the French revolution of 1789. This movement, which, since then, has spread all over the world, has a much deeper significance than is generally supposed, and aims at the overthrow of civilization.
The fate of humanity is at stake, and it is of great importance for us to know the causes of the movement and its consequences, or, in a word, to know where we are going.
But among the revolutionary forces there are two, which, although more or less hidden an unknown to the public, and none the less promordial.
The are Freemasonry and Judaism.
It is these two forces which we wish to make better known.
It must be clearly understood that what follow applies to continental Freemasonry, the question of English masonry being treated separately at the end.
The aim of this work is not to produce new unpublished evidence to to set out and summarize the whole question...
"The first and immediate aim is then to overcome the systematic obstruction made to any divulgation of the real state of things."
Vicomte Leon de Poncins
The first edition of my book took nine months to complete. I began work on it in the Spring of 1945. Berlin had fallen and Hitler had died among his soldiers. Mussolini had been bestially murdered. The San Francisco Conference was in full swing.
This book has entailed many hundreds of hours of labour. Working entirely by hand, with the aid of a few friends, countless difficulties had to be overcome. Owing to the limited number of first edition copies produced, I asked my friends to make known the facts contained herein.
The appalling events which have taken place in Europe since the Spring of 1945 are sufficient justification for all that I have written. As long ago as 1924 I stated that there are two things worse, even, than war. The one is INJUSTICE. The other is a Bolshevist Peace!
ARNOLD LEESE
22nd December 1945
PORTIONS of this book, which at various times appeared in the newspapers and periodicals, received the honour of being noticed and discussed. This has induced me to write the few lines that follow.
It has been my intention to write neither an apology nor a diatribe, but an impartial study in history and sociology. I dislike antisemitism; it is a narrow, one-sided view, still I have sought to account for it. It was not born without cause, I have searched for its causes. Whether I have succeeded in discovering them, it is for the reader to decide.
An opinion as general as antisemitism, which has flourished in all countries and in all ages, before and after the Christian era, at Alexandria, Rome, and Antiochia, in Arabia, and in Persia, in mediaeval and in modern Europe, in a word, in all parts of the world wherever there are or have been Jews such an opinion, it has seemed to me, could not spring from a mere whim or fancy, but must be the effect of deep and serious causes.
It has, therefore, been my aim to draw a full-size picture of antisemitism, of its history and causes, to follow its successive changes and transformations. Such a study might easily fill volumes. I have, therefore, been obliged to limit its scope, confining myself to broad outlines and omitting details. I hope to take up, at no distant day, some of its aspects which could only be hinted at here, and I shall then endeavour to show what has been the intellectual, moral, economic and revolutionary role of the Jew in the world.
BERNARD LAZARE
Paris, 25 April, 1894.
To take a race and lay it open with the dissecting knife of psycho-analysis, so that one ‐ may see the inside of it, is certainly an impossible task; yet anyone who has read Little Blue Book No. 985, A Psycho-Analysis of America, may know that a nation, and even a race, will yield up some of its secrets to the new insight.
It should be understood, too, that a psycho‐analysis can never be a celebration of the patient. Even a Helen of Troy, if placed upon the dissecting table, would appear, finally, as far less beautiful than she seemed to be. How‐ ever, the reason for an analysis is to find out what is the matter, so that the patient may be cured. The world today is sick. As I showed in the booklet on America, modern Christianity is a sickness, and, so we must admit, is Judaism. Not until sicknesses of this nature pass can the world enter upon a new and greater era.
It physical sickness has yielded more and more to the science of medicine, so we may hope that mental sickness, whether of the individual or the mass, may also begin to yield to that outgrowth of medical science, the new psychology.
This is not the place to discuss the theories of the new psychology. Readers who are interested may find them set forth in Little Blue Book No. 978, The Psychology of Jung, which gives a summary of the work of Freud, Adler and Jung. It will, however, for the understanding of those who have not read either of the booklets mentioned, be necessary to devote a few pages to those theories which are applied in this treatise. Since they are quoted from my other work, they may be skipped by those who already are acquainted with them.
That a second edition of this work is called for within six months of its first issue, is a matter of deep gratification to the writer. The kind and warm appreciation with which the volume has been received both here and abroad, encourages him in the hope that his humble effort may contribute to a speedy solution of the great problem of his people. The writer has used the opportunity to thoroughly revise the book and improve it in many ways. To make the work accessible to the millions of his Yiddish speaking brethren on both sides of the Atlantic, a Yiddish and Hebrew version has since been prepared, which is now being published. Philadelphia,
M.G
November, 1908.
The writer of this volume is a physician; he is neither a professional writer, nor a theologian. However, years of study and contemplation of his people's problem, entitle him, he believes, to respectfully present his views before his people. Although not fortunate enough to be among the leaders of the great movements now going on in the midst of Jewry, he has had the opportunity of observing them all from the vantage-ground of objectivity, and so is perhaps, more able to consider them with impartiality. As a physician, moreover, accustomed to the daily work of diagnosis and treatment, he may have been able to approach his people's case with the modern scientific methods applied in the treatment of bodily ailments.
Among the Jewish physicians, in this country, the writer, we believe, is the second one to offer a volume on the Jewish question. While we agree with our distinguished New York colleague* on many points in the diagnosis of the case, we cannot help being at variance with him as regards the treatment. Dr. Fishberg sees the remedy in gradual assimilation, in the gradual loss of the Jew among the nations. But assimilation is certainly not the burden of our message. To look to assimilation as a remedy is to fail to appreciate the many and repeated lessons in the long history of our people. It means also to have lost the value of the Jew's highest possessions.
The national reawakening of the Jew, the great movement Zionward, the revival of the Hebrew tongue, and the appearance on the scene of the new Jew, who although Socialistic in his tendencies, is so unlike the assimilating Socialist of yesterday, all these the writer cherishes as precious facts. He sees in it the coming of the great Jew of tomorrow, who, speaking the language of Moses and Isaiah, will again become imbued with the spirit of our own, and real, Prophets. The young Jew cultivating the Hebrew tongue must go for his models of style to the Prophets and Psalmists, and, sooner or later, he is bound to discover that the so-called prophets^ of today have added, and can add, nothing to the justice and righteousness which those of old have proclaimed.
The writer is painfully conscious of the present unpopularity of his standpoint. It is certainly always more pleasant to stand on the popular side. He feels, however, that no unkind criticism can come from those who will approach his representation of the problem with earnest and unprejudiced minds. To them the motto of our ancient sages is not unknown: "Accept the truth from whomsoever gives it."
The book is intended, of course, for the people whose problem it considers. We trust, however, that it may also prove of some value to Christian readers. Is not a Christian, if true to his religious profession, also an Israelite ? Child by faith of the first Hebrew, Abraham, he needs must be a Hebrew in spirit. As such, the problem of his brothers of the ancient stock of Abraham cannot but be of the highest interest to him.
Those familiar with the works of Edersheim will know the writer's indebtedness to him. Although our points of view differ somewhat, we should never have been able to get through the labyrinth of Rabbinical literature without the guidance of that great scholar. The quotations, however, as the Appendix will show, are all taken at first hand, and, with the exception of two or three passages, have all been carefully copied from the original works. The same may also be said of the English renderings, all of which have been written with the original in hand.
We also must express our obligation to that treasure-house of Jewish lore, the Jewish Encyclopedia.
In the Biblical texts, the Revised Version was used as standard, but it was found necessary in some cases, for the sake of clearness, or in conformity with the object in view, to deviate somewhat from that version. In every case, however, careful comparison was made with the original. A few texts have only been paraphrased. These will be recognized by the absence of quotation marks.
In conclusion, the writer wishes to express his heartfelt thanks to the dear friends, without whose aid and encouragement this volume would never have been written or published.
M.G
Philadelphia, April, 1908.
“...a double-minded man, unstable in all his ways." James 1:8
The curse of double-mindedness is of epidemic proportions in America today and the following serve as just a few examples of this deadly spiritual malady.
Recent years have seen a stirring among the dry bones of history and some attempts to rectify errors and supply omissions. The strange reticence of historians generally as to the part played by the Jews, especially in the Roman Republic and Empire, has led inevitably to grave misconceptions. It has come to be believed that the Jewish people, after their partial return to Judsea from the second captivity, innocently incurred the hostility of Rome, which culminated in the destruction of Jerusalem and their final dispersion. We have been induced to imagine that they subsequently found themselves in scattered groups, frequently exposed to unmerited persecution, which demands the sympathy of civilised mankind. This impression, which is eminently advantageous from the Jewish point of view, especially at the present time, is absolutely false. The Jews were spread in large colonies over territories which were or came under the control of Rome long before the Diaspora, and had made themselves distinctly formidable politically and otherwise. The remnant, dispersed from Judrea, doubtless, in great part, joined existing long-established communities, and their descendants continue to pursue methods inherited during at least twenty-five centuries.
An important recent work (1927) of 366 pages, profusely illustrated, finely printed, published by the Oxford University Press, and highly commended," aptly illustrates the causes of these persistent misconceptions. The following are the only allusions to Jewish activities in the Roman world : -
Pompey satisfied the knights by adding to the Eastern Provinces. -Judeea and .Jerusalem (p. 133).
This [the strengthening of the Euphrates frontier] policy . . . led in the reign of Nero to a. long and bloody conflict in Judea, The conquest of Judllla was carried out by Vespasian and, after he had been proclaimed Emperor, by his son Titus (p. 223).
Trajan's further designs in the East were arrested by a rebellion in Mesopotamia, a rising of the Jews in Syria and Egypt, and also complications in Africa and Britain (p, 237).
The trade carried on within the [Roman] Empire . . . grew steadily ; the class of traders grew larger, and the Semites-Syrians, Jews and Aramreans-became more prominent members of it (p. 302).
When the dispersion of the Jews took place in the Hellenistic Age, the Jewish communities spread far and wide and were followed, under the Roman Empire, by Christianity (p. 340).
The exchange of commodities [in the later Roman Empire] still went on. . . . Trade . . . dealt chiefly with articles of luxury imported from Eastern countries, and naturally fell into the hands of Eastern mer- chants-Syrians, Levantines, and Jews (p. 354).
This and no more! Who could gather from these bare allusions that the Jews were able to challenge the might of Rome and to raise widespread revolts of the most dangerous character?
In the hope of drawing attention to facts, pregnant with meaning to the Gentile world at the present time, the following brief synopsis has been written.
Originally uploaded a 1957 version, and the 1932 original is now published here too.
"THE JEWISH UTOPIA", discovered by the author in an unlisted Jewish collection in the library of the University of Texas, is the authentic and complete plan of the Zionists for world domination. It pictures the ultimate "new social order" which the Zionists hope to establish after they have used Communism, democracy and a third world war to gain their ends. THE ULTIMATE WORLD ORDER is an analysis of "The Jewish Utopia", with photographs and excerpts from the original text.
This book is reprinted, with alterations and considerable additions, from the article on " Zionism and Anti-Semitism," which I contributed to the Quarterly Review, April 1902. I am glad to take this opportunity of expressing my thanks to the editor and to the proprietor of that periodical for the necessary permission which they have kindly conceded.
My chief object in expanding and republishing the essay has been to make an impartial survey of the Jewish question in Europe. All the books and pamphlets—and they are many—which have been written in various languages on the subject err by the common defect of narrowing the outlook.
The writer in each instance sets out to prove something, and he selects his facts in order to suit his conclusion. It is natural enough that Jewish writers should seek to justify their race, and it is comprehensible at least that the detractors of the Jews should confine their record to evidences making for anti-Semitism. Unfortunately, the result has been that, instead of one Jewish problem, there seem to be half-a-dozen. There is the problem of the conversionist associations, with their somewhat hysterical propaganda, who profess to admire the Jewish race, and to desire above all things that it should embrace Christian dogma. There is the problem—of the philosophic Radicals, who would let the Jews practise any form of religion that pleases them, as long as that form does not require the maintenance of a separate race. Then — there is the Tory problem of the statisticians and economists, who avoid in their speeches calling a spade a spade, and to whom we owe a Jewish question under the name of an anti-alien movement. And there is a party of surrender among the Jews themselves, who make a glory of the title of alien by asserting their national unity.
It is obvious that, though these opinions may co-exist, they are not compatible. You cannot assimilate a population which is conspiring with the Turks for a grant of territory in Palestine. You cannot open churches for a people whom you turn back from your ports. You cannot expect the Jews to develop their best powers peacefully, amid simultaneous shouts of "Be Christians!" "Be Aryans!" "Be Zionists!" and "Be off!".
The confusion of remedies points to an imperfect diagnosis. It is conceivable that, when the Jewish question is reconsidered in the broader aspect which 1 have tried to present, the need of a violent method will disappear. After all, it is a dangerous thing, however common the habit, to generalise about the Jews. Anti-Semitic literature is constantly testifying to this fact, and the Zionists, if ever their scheme came to a practical issue, would soon discover it for themselves. But if one is to generalise about the Jews, as the mere name of anti-Semitism requires, and as so frequently happens in the prejudice of ordinary life, at least let us be certain that we know who these Jews are, what they believe, on what they wait, how they have been treated, and how they have borne the test. It is only today that our comparative historians in the new encyclopaedias have discovered—to use a stock phrase—the inevitableness of the Jewish problem in the reaction of modern Western Jewry from medieval conditions. If the accompanying map be consulted, it will be seen that the pressure of Jews westward is not likely to cease till the Russian Pale is broken down. And the Russian Pale will not be broken down till the Jews of Russia have succeeded, like the Jews of England before them, in asserting their right to civil and religious liberty. Liberty in Russia is non-existent ; when Russia has learnt its blessing, Russian Jews will share in it. The real problem of the twentieth century is the backwardness of the nations, not the forwardness of the Jews. Meanwhile, the westernmost countries do well to protect themselves. Great Britain is bound to scrutinise her immigrants from time ta time, and to see that they do not abuse her receptive capacity. But there is no escape from this circle. The solution which would make Romanian or Russian Jewry the type and standard of Jewish life, and would drag down the Jews, say, of England, to the level of a persecuted race, betraying the record of nineteen centuries, is false, retrograde, and unpractical.
My belief in the foredoomed failure of neo- Zionism, my objection to its leaders' readiness to " make capital," in Mr Zangwill s words, of the " longing for Palestine " (as if to say that the name of Isaiah has been added to the directorate of Zion, Limited), and my conviction that neither Turkey nor the Great Powers would ever seriously consider the project, are independent of my admiration for Dr Theodor Herzl himself I venture to take this opportunity of enrolling myself among his admirers, not at all because I conceive that he will be otherwise than indifferent to my sentiment, but because, among many kind things which were said of my Quarterly article, " I was blamed in certain quarters for attacking the author of " The Jewish State " and President of the Zionist Congress. The attack on the scheme must stand for what it is worth, but there is nothing personal in its intention. I have twice had the pleasure of meeting Dr Herzl; once, in Vienna, in 1896, and again, in London, this year. On each occasion he has allowed me to express my disagreement from his views, and on each, and especially on the second, I have been deeply sensible of the single-mindedness, the devotion, and the sincerity which inspire the leader of this hope. He does, I believe, more harm than good, but the conclusion of the matter lies on the knees of the gods.
In preparing this little book for the Press, I have had the advantage of the help of the Rev. Isidore Harris, M.A., editor of the "Jewish Year Book," in reading the proofs and compiling the bibliography, and I am further indebted to other friends and correspondents for assistance and advice. If the book does something to promote the cause of Jewish progress and reform, which the writer has sincerely at heart, his purpose will be thoroughly fulfilled, and his debt to those who have helped him will be discharged.
London, September 1902.
To be of major significance, a book on the current world scene must meet three requirements: (1) It must be the work of a person who has been in an exceptional position for breaking through censorship and learning the truth; (2) it must be full and complete and written fearlessly, with no effort to hide or gloss over the evil deeds of any faction or minority; and (3) it must be written by one who is skilled in the writer's art. ZION'S TROJAN HORSE, by Jack Tenney, possesses the triple qualification.
(1) Ten years of arduous work in the California Senate as Chairman of the Committee on Un-American Activities has given Senator Tenney a great body of information on vital facts to which newspaper columnists and other political writers, and even academic historians, have no means of access. The reason is obvious. In his strategic position, Senator Tenney not only had opportunities denied to others for uncovering secret data; he even had the power to force the disclosure of much information which would under no circumstances have become known to a writer who was not in a similar position of government authority.
(2) An author's inumbency in high office or in a strategic position does not, however, guarantee that his book is of major importance. Too many such personages have written books to throw a smoke screen over their own surrenders to political expediency or to alien pressure. Other authors have written books which purport to cover the history of the past half century or to deal with the foreign policy of the United States of America and yet, from fear of an alien minority, make no reference whatever to Middle East, Israel, Jews, Judaism, Khazars, or Zionism! These books name names, but never the names of such history-making Jews as, for example, the Rothschilds, Chaim Weizman, Samuel Untermeyer, Stephen A. Wise, and Louis D. Brandeis-much less the names of those Jews prominent in more recent times in atomic espionage; in the U. S. executive departments, especially Treasury and State; and above all, in the personal staffs of the last three Presidents of the United States.
Books that leave out such topics and such names are worse than useless. They are dangerous. They teach the reader to place the blame for the world's perilous condition upon people of his own creed and kind, and not where it belongs-upon scheming alien manipulators. Such books present a picture as much distorted from the truth as would be presented by a history of the U. S. Revolutionary War which made no reference to taxation without representation, the Declaration of Independence, and the Continental Congress; and made no mention of Thomas Jefferson, Benjamin Franklin, John Hancock, or other men prominent at the time in influencing public opinion.
But how, the reader may ask, can one tell without reading it whether a book by a seemingly authoritative author gives a full coverage of its subject? Fortunately, there is an easy test. Consult the index of each book which has attracted your attention. Make your own comparison, and back the book of your choice. The merest glance at the index of ZION'S TROJAN HORSE will show its full and fearless coverage of all phases of its vital subject.
(3) Whatever a man's former position of authority and however full his coverage of his subject, he cannot have maximum effective- ness unless he writes well. Senator Tenney writes with a confidence and a zeal which the reader immediately senses and shares. Imbued by the emotion of the author, the reader is swept forward through the mass of details which fill the years between Karl Marx and the present. He is both fascinated and terrified by the climactic story of the growth of two tremendous forces, Communism and Zion- ism, so closely related in their objectives. The reader sees with the horror which can be induced only by superb literary writing how the aims of these two forces, Communism and Zionism, are alike hostile to America as a nation and to the Christian civilization of which our nation is the finest flower. The reader shares the author's indignation at the subtle way in which Communism and Zionism have played Christian nations against each other in bloody
conflict, and is appalled at the combination of subtle infiltration, brazen bullying, and everlasting propaganda with which. these two alien forces have ridden rough-shod over the world and have demanded and secured in this country rights and privileges which involve the destruction of America and the degradation of the Christian West.
In Paradise Lost John Milton wrote the epic of the fall of man, a fall which was engineered by an alien intruder into the Garden. In ZION'S TROJAN HORSE, Jack Tenney has written of the fall of American man, and of American women, too, under the blandish- ments, the bribes, and the intimidation of alien intruders into our garden-spot, AJnerica. To read this great book is to arm yourself with knowledge. With your increased knowledge you will feel increased confidence and have a new power to go forth and defend your country, your ideals, and your faith.
DALLAS, TEXAS
DECEMBER 4, 1953
When her books were published Elizabeth Dilling was attacked as being ‘anti-Semitic’. Without being aware of it, Elizabeth Dilling had stumbled upon the connection between the Jews and Marxism. In 1940 she published The Octopus under the pen name, Rev. Frank Woodruff Johnson, which examined the Jewish role in the Communist movement.
Elizabeth Dilling and her husband worked with the American Liberty League. The league consisted of wealthy businessmen and conservative Democrats opposed to the New Deal. Industrialist Henry Ford and Chicago Tribune publisher Robert McCormick supported Elizabeth Dilling and her work.
During her work, Elizabeth Dilling toured 60 countries including National Socialist Germany. There she attended the Nuremberg party congress in September 1938. Although Dilling was an opponent of Jewish supremacism, particularly in its Bolshevist manifestation, she had little understanding of National Socialism. Dilling did however admire the popular German leader and approved of his methods in suppressing Bolshevism.
(from http://www.renegadetribune.com/elizabeth-dilling-great-sedition-trials/)
The object of this book is more modest, I fear, than that of much which has appeared upon that vital political matter, the relation between the Jews and the nations around them.
It does not propose any detailed, still less, any positive legal solution to what has become a press¬ ing problem, nor does it pretend to any complete solution of it. It is no more than a suggestion that any attempt to solve this problem ought to follow certain general lines which are essentially different from those attempted in Western Europe during the time immediately preceding our own. I suggest that, if the present generation in both parties to the discussion, the Jews and ourselves, will drop convention and make a principle of discussing the problem in terms of reality, we shall automatically approach a right solution.
We have but to tell the truth in the place of the falsehoods of the last generation. Therefore, of the three principles upon which this essay reposes, the principle that concealment must come to an end seems to me more important than the principle of mutual recognition, or even the principle of mutual respect. For it may well be that my judgment is at fault in the matter of Jewish national conscious¬ ness ; it may well be that I exaggerate it, and it is certain that one party to a debate cannot be possessed of the full knowledge required for its settlement; the other side must be heard. But neither my judgment nor the judgment of any man can be at fault on the value of truth and the ultimate evil consequences of trying to build upon a lie.
The English reader (less, I think, the American) will often find in my sentences a note that will seem to him fantastic. The quarrel is already acute here in London, but it has not here approached the limits which it has reached long ago elsewhere; and a man accustomed to the quieter air in which all public affairs have, until recently, been debated in this country, may smile at what will seem to him odd and exaggerated fears. To this I would reply that the book has been written not only in the light of English, but of a general, experience. I will bargain that were it put into the hands of a jury chosen from the various nationalities of Europe and the United States it would be found too moderate in its estimate of the peril it postulates. I would further ask the reader, who may not have appreciated how rapidly the peril approaches, to consider the distance traversed in the last few years. It is not very long since a mere discussion of the Jewish question in England was impossible. It is but a few years since the mere admission of it appeared abnormal. The truth is that this ques¬ tion is not one which we open or close at will in any European nation. It is imposed successively upon one nation after another by the force of things. It is this force of things, this necessity for national well-being, and for the warding off of disorder, which has thrust the Jewish question to-day upon a society still reluctant to consider it and still hoping it may return to its old neglect. It cannot so return.
I will conclude by asking my Jewish, as well as my non-Jewish, readers to observe that I have left out every personal allusion and every element of mere recrimination. I have carefully avoided the mention of particular examples in public life of the friction between the Jews and ourselves and even examples drawn from past history. With these I could often have strengthened my argument, and I would certainly have made my book a great deal more readable. I have left out everything of the kind because, though one can always rouse interest in this way, it excites enmity between the opposing parties. Since my object is to reduce that enmity, which has already become dangerous, I should be insincere indeed if from mere purpose of enlivening this essay I had stooped to exasperate feeling.
I could have made the book far stronger as a piece of polemic and indefinitely more amusing as a piece of record, but I have not written it as a piece of polemic or as a piece of record. I have written it as an attempt at justice.
ON 15th July, 1936, Mr. Oliver Locker-Lampson, M.P., a childhood friend of the Rothschild family, asked in the House of Commons whether the Attorney-General proposed to institute legal proceedings against the authors or publishers of The Fascist, the issue of that paper for July containing allegations against the Jews of the practice of ritual murder. The Attorney-General replied that the matter was under consideration.
As an ultimate result of this "consideration," I was sentenced to six months' imprisonment among criminals on 21st September, 1936, the Judge in the case being a 31st Degree Mason of the Scottish Rite. But it is important to note that the conviction was obtained, not on the ritual murder issue alone, which was not relied upon by the Prosecution for the purpose of silencing me, but on the whole contents of the July Fascist, and particularly on words used by me with reference to the disposal of the Jews.
Under the law of libel, the truth of my statements with reference to Ritual Murder could not be used as an argument in my defence; it was deemed sufficient under the law that the statements had been written, and that they "rendered His Majesty's subjects of Jewish faith liable to suspicion, affront and boycott" and so amounted to a Public Mischief.
I came to Court very fully prepared, if the truth of my statements was challenged, to justify the statements I had made in The Fascist, and was even ready to demand that "Rex," the prosecutor, should produce from the Public Records Office certain Close and Patent Rolls of the State wherein Jewish Ritual Murder is recorded as an established fact in this country! But I was forbidden by the Judge to use this line of defence; it did not matter who else had charged the Jews with ritual murder, or how often, or what historic facts proved it, or how many convictions there had been under proper juridical authority; thus, when I asked Inspector Kitchener, the only witness who appeared against me, "When you brought this case, were you under the impression that Ritual Murder was a thing of the past?" and he replied "Yes," the Judge intervened with the remark "The truth of a libel is no defense, I must point out again."
Again, the Attorney-General, who was acting as Prosecuting Counsel, interrupted another question of mine to the same witness, by the remark: "In my submission, it is correctly laid down that the defendant is in no case allowed to prove the truth of a seditious libel as a justification for having published it." The Judge then said, "That is the law as I understand it." He made it clear to me that to proceed further in such a line of defence would be contempt of court, as the "truth" of the "libel" was "irrelevant" to the issue of the trial! Such may be the law, but it is not justice!
The last thing the Judæo-Masonic Hidden Hand wanted was the truth about Ritual Murder!
Since I came out of prison on 6th February, 1937, I have, until recently, been too busy to write on the subject of Ritual Murder; but finding that there are, even among anti-Jewish workers, people who, never having investigated the matter for themselves, still imagine that Jewish Ritual Murder not only has not existed and does not exist, but is a fiction invented by crazy anti-Jewish fanatics, and as such, exploited by me, in my campaign against the Jews, it becomes necessary for me to take steps to defend my own reputation as a man of good faith by compiling and publishing this book.
What the court procedure prevented me from doing in my own defence, I do now in these pages, and I have no anxiety concerning the conclusions at which my readers will arrive on the matter.
The subject of Ritual Murder has always been one that the Jewish Money Power, which controls this country as well as most others, has taken all possible steps to suppress. The reason is that Ritual Murder was the dynamite which finally blew the Jew out of England in 1290, out of Spain in 1492, and out of Germany in our time. The Jews know it; and I know it too!
But there is no British law, and no 11th Commandment, which makes Ritual Murder by Jews a forbidden topic in this country. Sir Richard Burton's book about it was published shortly after his death near the end of the last century; Strack's book, defending the Jews against the accusation, was translated and published in England in 1909; whilst the Jew, C. Roth, published his Ritual Murder Libel and the Jew in 1935. In France, as in Germany, there is free speech on the subject.
I challenge and defy the Judæo-Masonic Power, which rules this country, by publishing the present work in 1938, not only in my own defence, but in the public interest to break the attack on Free Speech that is rapidly developing wherever any criticism of the past or present conduct of Jews is concerned, an attack which relies for its success upon the ridiculous charge that a breach of the peace is likely if the truth about them is spoken! I do so in order that the Jews shall not escape simply through the power of Money and Masonry from bearing the burden of a charge which, in my opinion, has been proved against some of them through the ages. My object is, and always has been, in spite of what my Masonic Judge had to say about it, to alter "a matter of State established," namely the status of Jews in this country on an equality with Britons, a condition which is imperilling our civilization, and to enlighten the public on their true nature as beings possessing instincts utterly incompatible with our own, so that they may be removed, legally and peacefully, to a National Home in which they will be required to live together. In this aim, I keep troth with the greatest of English kings, Edward I, who expelled the Jews from these shores in 1290.
The maintenance of Free Speech demands that Jewish Ritual Murder shall be a subject for open discussion, like Suttee and Thuggee and the sacrifices of Aztec Mexico, all of which were ritual murders which, like the Jewish variety, would be practised to-day if the Aryan had not interfered to prevent them. If the world thinks that I have not, in this book, proved my case, let it laugh! I can bear it! But can the Jews? The Jewish Chronicle (25th September, 1936) complained after my trial was over that there had been no opportunity for the Jews to refute the charge of Ritual Murder. Well, they have one now!
ARNOLD LEESE.
1st March, 1938.
Here is the story that people have said would never be written in our time - the true history of events leading up to the Second World War, told by one who enjoyed the friendship and confidence of Mr. Neville Chamberlain during the critical months between Munich and September, 1939.
There has long been an unofficial ban on books dealing with what Captain Ramsay calls The Nameless War, the conflict which has been waged from behind the political scene for centuries, which is still being waged and of which very few are aware. The publishers of The Nameless War believe this latest exposure will do more than any previous attempt to break the conspiracy of silence. The present work, with much additional evidence and a fuller historical background, is the outcome of the personal experiences of a public figure who in the course of duty has discovered at first-hand the existence of a centuries old conspiracy against Britain, Europe, and the whole of Christendom.
The Nameless War reveals an unsuspected link between all the major revolutions in Europe - from King Charles I's time to the abortive attempt against Spain in 1936. One source of inspiration, design and supply is shown to be common to all of them. These revolutions and the World War of 1939 are seen to be integral parts of one and the same master plan.
After a brief review of the forces behind the declaration of war and the world wide arrests of many who endeavoured to oppose them, the author describes the anatomy of the Revolutionary International machine — the machine which today continues the plan for supranational world power, the age- old Messianic dream of International Jewry.
It is the author's belief that the machine would break down without the support of its unwilling Jews and unsuspecting Gentiles and he puts forward suggestions for detaching these elements.
Christians say ...
"Captain Ramsay, a Christian gentleman of unflagging courage, believed that the war with Germany was not conceived in the interests of Britain and could lead only to the extension of Communist and Jewish power. Because he warned his fellow countrymen of the forces at work, he was put in prison without trial for 4+ years, for 'reasons' so preposterous that those who framed them dared not submit them to a court of law."
Truth
"For years Captain Ramsay had been a member of the British Parliament. His book is an analysis of the Jewish-Zionist war against Christian civilization."
The Cross and the Flag
Jews say ...
"There is no limit to the depths of human depravity, Captain Maule Ramsay ... seems to have made a very determined attempt to plumb those depths."
The Jewish Chronicle
"The publication of such a book, at this time, underlines the urgent need for the law to be reformed so as to make it a crime to preach racial hatred or publish libels on groups in the community."
The Daily Worker
"When the number and variety of works already published, and the ability with which some are written, to abolish social evils, are considered, it may be judged presumptuous for one of no pretentions to possess the advantages of a classical education, to dictate means to dispel the errors of a tribe, who boast of a genealogy thousands of years prior to the nativity of the compiler of the Ten Commandments, The author of this treatise, as the reader will find, has adopted a method peculiarly his own, and gives publicity to facts, under the firm impression that shame will exterminate human errors, when all other measures hitherto attempted, have failed. The author feels a particular interest in promoting a practice of virtue ; and with this view , he trusts it will meet the approbation of every well-disposed person. If his course is faithfully regarded, it will doubtless contribute very materially to the true happiness of the rising generation of the Jewish persuasion. If the author has adopted a system, which, on the whole, is best suited to the nature of the subject, he may warrantably indulge a hope that the work will be justly approved and extensively circulated. If otherwise, he is fully prepared to reap the reproof he has meted out to others as his just reward. In conclusion he would remark, that parties who had perused his first reply, Oct. 3d, 1877 (herein copied), to a lecture on "The Jew," having requested him to further expatiate on the subject, which he, for his part, had concluded not to do, has solely prompted him to reaction. And that amusement may accompany instruction, matter analogous has been added to render the work more accept- able.
San Francisco, California, Semper Veritas. June, 1878.
EVERY year, especially about Easter-time, there is a revival of the accusation that the Jews, or, if not all the Jews, certain Jews, make use of the blood of ChriStians for purposes of ritual. The charge is bound to be often repeated, so long as the replies to it are limited to the contradiction and exposure of the falsity of the reasons brought forward...... That is why I discuss the accusation in connection with the significance of blood as regards religious belief, and particularly as regards the superstitious of humanity at large.
I expressed my opinion on the question, whether the Jews use Christian blood for ritual purposes, as far back as 1882, the year of the Tisza-Eszlar trial, (12th August, No. 32). Further investigations (apropos of the Bernstein case, v.p. 144 sq.) convinced me more than two years ago, that, whilst I was correct in my negative answer to the charge, it was possible, and even necessary, to base it upon a deeper foundation. I am now compelled to publish the results of my fresh researches by the renewal of the controversy about ritual murder in consequence of the assassination of an eight year old girl in Corfu during the night of the 12th to 13th April this year (v.p. 213 sq.) ... I have made it my special business to let the facts speak for themselves, and have ...... almost confined myself to quoting, without alteration, the actual statements in the sources of information I have utilised : so anybody who wishes can arrive at an unbiassed judgment for himself.
The facts I have had to bring forward are, for the greater part, of a very loathsome kind. But, in order to cure the terrible disease of superstition, we must Erst of all know the disease.. ', . My exhortation to our Christian priesthood, to our whole Christian people is: Up and gird yourself for battle, not only against unbelief, but also against superstition! When German Christendom, free from superstition, stands firm in true belief in the crucified Saviour, risen from the dead, the question, so far as concerns Germany, whether Christian blood is ritually employed by Jews, will be exploded and futile, for more reasons than one.
H. L. Strack.
2 July, 1891.
Note the full, original four-volume edition is available here too.
In the year 1920 Henry Ford, Sr. published The International Jew, a comprehensive survey of Jewish power in the United States and throughout the world. This four-volume work was originally serialized in the Dearborn Independent, the house organ of the Ford Motor Company.
These books have been best-sellers in many parts of the world, and have been translated into the languages of most civilized countries. Sadly, there are many countries today where possession of these books has been made punishable by confiscation or worse. In Germany, for example, a person who wants to borrow The International Jew from a library must first prove that he needs it for historical research. In other words, an ordinary tax-paying member of the public who supports the public library with his hard-earned money is unable to fuMet his knowledge or satisfy his curiosity in this regard..
It is therefore in the interest of spreading truth that we republish these books in full so that new generations shall see for themselves how our problems of today are the same problems which have "mysteriously" occured since the tum of the century. The fact that even the wealthy Henry Ford, Sr. could be forced to withdraw these books, starkly illuminates the power of the Jews, even in the l920's. To reprint The International Jew now, when the Jews are so natch more powerful, is some indication of the tremendous courage of the publisher.
Every American who loves his country should makelit his duty to buy sufficient copies for donation to libraries, universities, business associations, etc.
Most important, every American parent should have at least one set at home to pass on to his children.
Christof Friedrich
IS it possible to produce a short. simple definition of the term "Communist"?
What is a Communist?
Last year someone remarked in the House of Assembly that he had asked an officer of the Special Branch to define a Communist. The only answer he could get. he said. was that a Communist is a person who believes in one-man-one-vote. This he took as proof that even the police. whose job it is to track down Communists, don't know what they are looking for.
This is not as strange as it sounds. You all know what a chair is don't you? But have you ever tried to define the term "chair"? This term, too, cannot be reduced to a simple definition. The Oxford Dictionary explains that a chair is "a separate seat for one". That is rather like saying that a Communist is a person who believes in one-man-one-vote. It tells us something about the term to be defined but it is certainly not a complete definition.
Terms like "Communist" and "chair" defy definition for precisely the same reason. In each case, the word has a number of different meanings. One kind of chair you can see and sit upon. But we can think of things that fit this description but which no one would take for a chair. Then there is the chair that is entirely invisible, the abstraction, like the Chair of History or of Chemistry at a University.
In the same way, Communism is not one thing; it is several different things. Even when it presents itself as a single danger as in South Africa today, if we examine it closely, we find that it is a combination of different phenomena working towards the same end - the undermining of a lawfully established government and its overthrow by unconstitutional means.
Communism can mean different things to different people even when they are intentionally working together for a Communist cause- not to mention all those weak, confused and misguided elements in the population who lend themselves so willingly, and yet unwittingly, to a Communist cause - "innocents" as the hardened Communists called them.
How are we to explain the fact that in South Africa, as in most other countries, Communists can always find zealous defenders and protectors among people who are supposed to be helping in the fight against Communism?
Why all the anti-anti-Communism?
Whatever view point one may take of national or international conditions there is a general unanimity of opinion that present forms of government are in a state of flux. In spite of the experts or "brain trusts" whose counsel has been solicited to guide the nations out of the present wilderness we seem to be far away from the Promised Land. Many factors contribute to this situation and some of these are set forth in the following pages.
Except for a few, neither the author nor those whom he quotes have any personal animosity towards any particular race other than that which is developed by the evidence. In the matter of the Jewish race and the conditions in Germany much is being said on both sides of this momentous subject. Because of the attitude of the press in this country little space has been given therein to defending the position taken by the government which is in control in Germany. It is conceded that there are some conditions that are deplorable as they relate to that type of Jew who has always been loyal to the country that has furnished him with an asylum as well as a home. To their credit it may be said that such are to be found in all the nations of the world. Among this class we have many friends and nothing that we would write is directed against them.
Of the other group no stronger indictment has ever been brought against them than by Disraeli who, in the Life of George Bentinck, pp. 496, 497, wrote:
"The people of God cooperate with atheists; the most skilful accumulators of property ally themselves with communists; the peculiar and chosen race touch the hand of all the scum and low castes of Europe. And all this because they wish to destroy that ungrateful Christendom which owes to them even its name, and whose tyranny they can no longer endure."
(Citation from Secret Societies, p. 382, by Nesta H. Webster)
PALESTINE is a country about the size of Wales. Its population before it was singled o u t to be a National Home for the Jews, in round figures, consisted of :‐
The number of Jews is now (1938) over 400,000.
By means of constant propaganda the Jews have induced the Gentile peoples to believe that the Jews have some moral right to occupy Palestine.
No such moral right exists.
The Jews crept into Palestine by stealth ; for only about 350 years in the whole history of the country was it under Jewish control ; and the Jews lost it by conquest. Since the Romans came to control the country in A.D. 70, the Jews have never ruled Palestine in any form. They actually have no historical claim to the country at all. They have generally been an absolute nuisance in it.
The Christians have a far better moral claim to Palestine, for there . their religion was founded by a Galilean. They have always called it “The Holy Land” and have waged several Crusades to regain it from the Mohammedans, and in these wars thousands of Christians lost their lives. The Founder of their religion was done to death there by the Jews.
There is another point. The Jews who have immigrated into Palestine since the “National Home” was attempted, have been chiefly Ashkenazim Jews; these are the Jews of Eastern Europe; unlike the Sephardim Jews who are mainly congregated in the countries around the Mediterranean Sea, these Ashkenazim Jews are the descendants, not of Jews who were ever domiciled in Palestine, but of the inhabitants of the Khazar Empire in Southern Russia, which flourished from the 7th to the 10th century, and whose early ruler became “converted” to the religion of the Jews and forced his subjects to do the same. Thus, the Ashkenazim Jews have not even the excuse that their ancestors ever lived in Palestine
By the Rev. E. L. LANGSTON, MA
THE Rev. S. H. Wilkinson has done the whole Church of God in Great Britain a real service in making such a lucid and exhaustive examination of the claims of the British-Israel theory.
This book is of all the more value, in view of the fact that large numbers of earnest men and women of God are being drawn into the British-Israel net, imagining that our land and Empire is under the special protection of God, because we are supposed to be descendants of the ten tribes of the House of Israel.
In these days when the Bible is being dealt with very critically by scholars, surely it is a thousand pities that those of us who believe in its inspiration, historicity and authority, should be beguiled and led astray by this strange theory, which on close, careful investigation, has not one substantial fact to stand upon, whether the investigation he in the realm of Scriptural inspiration or historical facts; from beginning to end it is pure conjecture, built up upon coincidences.
It is perfectly amazing to think that such a movement could have developed and extended as it has done, upon so flimsy a foundation. I would, there‐ fore, very earnestly commend Mr. Wilkinson’s close study of the whole situation to every servant of God. It is a book which every Christian should both read and circulate.
His motive in writing, as is very evident when we read the book, is not because he wishes to thrust himself into the midst of a controversy; but on the contrary, it is his love for the truth of the Word of God that compels him to write as he does. We are most thankful to not also the spirit in which he writes. Nothing could be saner, fairer and more Christian than the way he takes up dispassionately point by point and proves to the hilt the position for which he contends.
THE Jews, like other childish people, enjoy pretending, and when pretending brings them the tribute due to the character assumed, they revel in it. In this way they have obtained much credit which should not have been given to them. They first were tricked out in borrowed traditions and supplied with an entirely false idea of themselves about 430 B.C. Then commenced the Great Jewish Masque, a pretence which has been maintained to the present day.
Myron C. Fagan's address to the Fellows of the Cinema Educational Guild at their meeting on September 6th, 1951 at the Wilshire-Ebell Theatre in Los Angeles, California.
An Invitation Address Before the Famous Cardinal Newman Club of New York February 7, 1937
The subject listed for this address is “Anti‐Semitic Causes of Today”.
Quotation marks enclose the word “Anti-Semitic” because it is a misleading term.
It is of primary importance to know exactly what we are to talk about before analyzing a subject. Therefore, let us examine the designation “Anti-Semitic".
The number of Arabs, Syrians and Egyptians who are also Semites practically equals the Jewish world population total as supplied by Jewish authorities.
Therefore, to be “Anti‐Semitic" you must be against ALL members of the so‐called Semite Race‐which is an absurdity, since most Occidental peoples contact only the Jewish Oriental or Asiatic Semites.
In preparing to read this book you are about to view some of the most sensational and thought-arresting language ever to be put in print.
The publishers of this treatise by Dr. Martin Luther, the pioneer of Protestantism, do not necessarily present this work as an accurate expression of their opinion. The chief reason for its publication is to give the reader an accurate translation of Luther's treatment of one of the most delicate and dangerous subjects for a public man to discuss-the Jews.
This translation is not presented as a sectarian work or a partisan treatise. When we set out to find the book in its original language and when we proceeded to have it translated, we were shocked and amazed at the interference we encountered from a wide variety of sources. Two different translators were made the victims of intimidation, and only after a rather dramatic experience were we able to complete its translation in spite of its brevity. Jn effecting the translation of this work we became increasingly convinced that a well organized plot to keep this book hidden exists.
The old saying that truth is stranger than fiction is strikingly confirmed by a study of the dynamic strategy and tactics by which the Communists have made giant strides towards their ultimate objective of complete world conquest. And yet, in spite of the disastrous retreats by the non-Communists in the face of the Communist offensive, even now there is only a handful of people outside the ranks of the Communists who have any real understanding of the Communist faith, dialectical materialism, or how the use of the “law” of dialectics has been a major factor in enabling the Communists to defeat their opponents time and time again.
Although the Western world is depicted as representing a civilization based upon spiritual values fighting for survival against a Communist challenge based on materialism, the truth is that various forms of materialism have so affected the peoples of the Western world that they are incapable of understanding that Communism is the policy of a certain philosophy, that which the Communists call dialectical materialism. Until sufficient people understand the claim of this Communist philosophy, grasp clearly the ideas which provide Communists with their motives for action, and learn something about how these ideas are applied, there is no legitimate hope of halting the Communist advance.
Over the recorded history of man there have been many attempts by some men to obtain complete power over all other men. But for the first time man is faced with a challenge by a power-seeking movement which claims that it is based upon a philosophy which can be used to demonstrate “scientifically” that murder, lying, deceit and stealing are but an aspect of Truth.
Now that the worst world war is over, it is well to know who caused it and why. For that reason I have written this article. - Henry H. Klein
Two thousand years ago, Jesus tried to save Jewish civilization. He advocated the law of God and Moses, the law of nature, the law of limitation-limiting excessive private fortunes by law. The Jewish Sanhedrin, composed of some of the worst money gangsters and political crooks of Palestine, condemned Jesus. They charged him with sedition against the Roman government and had him convicted and executed by the Roman governor. Palestine was a province of Rome. That was the beginning of the end of Jewish and Roman civilization and the beginning of Christian civilization.
For more than thirty years I have advocated the law of God and Moses -- the law of limitation. I have been urging a capital tax, limiting excessive private fortunes by law. During all that time and since the publication of my first book, "Standard Oil or The People" in 1914, the word "limitation" as applied to excessive private wealth, has been kept out of public print though the law of limitation applies to everything in life, including life itself.
The Second World War was said to have been waged for "the rights of small nations," but the author, like countless other Hungarians, is literally "on the run from Communism." He has been living in exile since 1945 because of his anti-communist views. Although he was never a member of any party, the Communist regime of Hungary, with typical effrontery, demanded that the U.S.A. authorities "hand Louis Marschalko over as a war criminal." A former special correspondent of two leading newspapers in pre-Communist Hungary, Marshalko is a brilliant novelist, playwright and poet and has many hundreds of articles in his credit. WORLD CONQUERORS expresses some of the bitterness and contempt of enslaved Europeans for the rulers of the "victorious nations." It shows that by being urged to throw off the German yoke, the central European nations were tricked into becoming satellites of the Soviet. WORLD CONQUERORS indites the real war criminals. It gives horrifying glimpses of the agony behind the Iron Curtain and describes the plot to extend the slave system to the Western world. Thousands of copies of the Hungarian edition have been sold and this English translation is published to warn the West. It is written by one who is a firm friend of the English-speaking people but an implacable foe of their vacillating and corrupt governments.
Where is the Englishman who does not love the land of his nativity? Where is the one who in the hour of struggle does not forget all that is bestial in her cities and remember only all that is beautiful in the things left undefiled?
(Photo of Dr. Schacht (of the German Reichsbank) and Mr. Montagu Norman (Governor of the Bank of England) talking things over before the Second World War.)
"In view of the disastrous policy followed by the Bank of England after the last war and the part it is believed to have played in the re-armament of Germany, does not the right hon. gentleman (Sir John Simon) consider it time that the people knew a bit more about the proprietors of this unique concern?"
— Mr . R. Stokes, in the British House of Commons, April 16, 1940.
Most orthodox history that is crammed into the heads of our children is one long list of contradictions. There is no real background to our social development because the main underlying factors have been completely ignored.
The part played by the money system in the growth of society has been tremendous; yet how many of our historians mention it? We teach our children about the development of the British Commonwealth of Nations, although the real basis of this growth has been either neglected or distorted, while the development of that powerful, private and anti-social institution, the Bank of England, is very rarely mentioned. If we are really desirous of preserving and developing British culture, it is essential that we attempt to gain at least an elementary knowledge of the attack which was launched against the British people at the time of Cromwell. It is significant that the introduction of what has been termed a "spurious Whig culture," marked the origin of the present banking racket in Britain. This cultural and financial attack has been going ever since, although there is sound reason to believe that the enemy is at last being turned on both flanks. However, as yet, there is no sign of a rout in the enemy's ranks.
Even the London "Times," one of the chief mouthpieces of the financial oligarchy, offered the following criticism of "Whigism" in its issue of August 4, 1840:—
"There is certainly in 'Whigism' an inherent propensity to tyranny; and of all the methods which tyranny ever invented for sucking out the essential vitality of free institutions, without appearing materially to touch their forms, this centralising system is the most plausible and the most pernicious. . . . If it shall be fully carried out, British liberty . . . will rest no longer on the possession of constitutional power by the people, but upon the sufferance of a majority of those who, for the time being, may call themselves the people's representatives."
The man who wrote the above lines, 100 years ago, had a deep insight into the principles of social organisation.
Those who seek to re-write history find it a very formidable undertaking, because it has become a "vested interest" with the official historians. Any historian who refused to portray Cromwell as a saviour of the British people, pointed out that his real name was Williams, and that he belonged to a small group of men who had been enriching themselves at the expense of the Monarchy and the people, while bringing a group of foreigners from Holland to batten on the British people, would not find his books recommended for use in our schools or universities. Our "Whig" historians tell us about the tyrannies of Charles I. and Charles II., and how they reigned without Parliament. The impression is given that Parliament in those days was similar to what we have to-day. Nothing is further from the truth. It was comprised of a group of wealthy men who were not very responsible to the British people. The real fight was between the Money Power and Monarchy, with the victory of the Money Power in 1688, when James II. was driven off the throne by his son-in-law, William III., who was brought to Britain at the behest of the financial interests. The Bank of England was formed six years later—1694—and with it began the National Debt. The Bank was formed for the purpose of lending money to the crown and was modelled on the Bank of Amsterdam, founded in 1609, the first bank in Northern Europe. The part played by Jews in this formation of the modern banking system, together with the modern Stock Exchange, was considerable.
It is essential that we make ourselves conversant with the growth of the forces which paved the way for the establishment of the Bank of England and the debt- system. Anyone who cares to study British history during the six and a half centuries from the Norman Conquest, until the financiers arrived at the invitation of Cromwell, will find that the Monarchy did exercise its sovereign right of issuing money. There was adequate money for the people's needs. Modern history books fail to tell us of the general standard of prosperity and culture which existed prior to the banking swindle. It has remained for such writers as William Cobbett and Thorold Rogers to give us a true picture of those times. Writers like Sir John Fortesque (about 1460) give detailed evidence of the general prosperity of the English people.
Early in 1946, the press carried headlines concerning the disclosure of Communist espionage activities in Canada on behalf of Soviet Russia. After the initial information, which revealed that highly placed officials in Canadian Government Departments and one Federal Member of Parliament were actively associated with fifth column activities, the press generally, both in this country and in Great Britain, made little or no further reference to the matter. The significance of this policy of suppression by the press will be referred to later.
So serious were the disclosures of espionage activities in Canada, that, on February 5, 1946, the Federal Government appointed a Royal Commission "To investigate the facts relating: to and the circumstances surrounding the communication, by public officials and other persons in positions of trust of secret and confidential information to the agents of a Foreign Power."
The Report of the Royal Commission on Soviet Espionage lists as agents of the spy network men and women working in high positions in universities, in the Department of External Affairs, the National Research Council, the Foreign Exchange Control Board, the Bank of Canada, the R.C.A.F. Intelligence, the Office of the U.K. High Commissioner, the Cana- dian Passport Office, etc.
The information contained in the Report of the Commissioners is of the greatest public concern at this critical period in history when the very foundations of our civilization are being destroyed. The Report concludes with these words: " We consider it of paramount importance that there should be available for all to read as complete an account as possible of the illegal activities which have already so seriously affected, and were designed even more seriously to affect, the safety and interests of Canada." Unfortunately, however, the Report has received practically no publicity outside Canada, while copies of the Report are very difficult to obtain. It is strange to learn from Canada that the first edition is exhausted and that the next will be reserved for the legal profession.
This small booklet aims to bring before the Australian public the most important portion of the Report, together with complementary information concerning the real Communist threat to the British Empire.
The Canadian Report brings into clear relief the fact well known to students of the real nature of Communism: namely, that Communism is an international conspiracy with secret conspirators in nearly every country. Also, and most important, that the disclosed Communist activities, although a threat to our civilization, camouflage the more effective policies of the undisclosed Communists in Government Departments and other "key" positions.
It la generally thought that Social Credit is merely a scheme of monetary reform. Nothing could be further from the truth. Mr. L. D. Byrne, Technical Adviser to the Social Credit Government of Alberta, Canada, has said:
"Social Credit Is the belief Inherent in society that its individual members in association can obtain the results they want."
It is true that social crediters have directed a considerable amount of attention to the financial system, simply because they believe that the controllers of that system have used it to prevent the people from getting what they want.
Major C. H. Douglas has said:
"In my opinion, It Is a very superficial definition of Social Credit that it Is merely a scheme of monetary reform.
Social Credit is the policy of a philosophy.
This booklet is designed to outline briefly the manner in which the Australian Labor Party—it is really a Labour-Socialist Party— in its attempt to attain its socialisation objective, has consistently brought forward legislation for overcoming the major barrier to complete Socialism in Australia: the written Federal Constitution. It is hoped that the information provided in this booklet will prove of value to all anti-totalitarian campaigners.
The basic feature of Socialism is the centralisation of all power—political, economic and financial—into one set of hands. Socialism in practice means the centrally Planned State. But the centrally Planned State cannot be operated unless the planners compel all individuals to subordinate their policies to the central policy. This necessitates coercion of the individual: Manpower Control.
The more central planning a community accepts, the less liberties and rights the individual has. The fundamental issue confronting the Australian people today is whether they are prepared to accept the centrally Planned State and Manpower Control, or whether they will fight for the decentralisation of all power in order that the individual may, in voluntary association with his fellows, gain genuine independence. This issue must be made clear to all electors. A brief examination of the Labour-Socialists' legislative programme over the past seven years leaves no doubt that, unless halted, Labour-Socialism will eventually destroy the Federal Constitution and create the Monopoly State in Australia.
If the Labour-Socialists are to be defeated, it is essential that all sections of the community take their place in an overall campaign •designed to show there is a common totalitarian policy being advanced by all major legislation. Bank Nationalisation, National Health Schemes must be thoroughly exposed as means to an end—the complete centrally planned economy—rather than as ends in themselves. This does not mean that every section immediately threatened by nationalisation should not make its own special contribution—the public expects this. But if the Labour-Socialists are to be defeated, the overall campaign must deal with fundamental principles and show how those principles are being violated. Every individual in the community—particularly the wage-earner—must be clearly shown how complete socialisation in practice will affect him as an individual. Thorough exposure of the totalitarian policy underlying all Labour-Socialist legislation is urgently required.
The fountainhead of Socialist ideas in English-speaking countries is the English Fabian Society and its associated organisations.
One of the most notorious Fabian Socialist theoreticians is Professor Harold J. Laski, whose influence has dominated Socialist Movements in all parts of the world. Late in 1946 Laski paid a visit to Soviet Russia and had discussions with Stalin. After these discussions Laski made the public declaration that English Socialists and Russian Socialists were approaching the same objective by different roads. This was a very important statement.
Late last century Karl Marx said that the British would never make their own revolution and that foreigners would have to make it for them. (This statement was made in 1870 in a secret message sent by Marx from London to the Internationale in Geneva.) But a violent revolution such as the Communists envisage, is not the only type of revolution. There is such a thing as a silent revolution, the undermining of a nation’s institutions from within. This is what the Fabian Socialists set out to accomplish. Their policy was one of influencing all other political groups by permeation and infiltration: Sovietisation by stealth.
The Fabian Society, which took its name from Fabius Cunctator, the Roman dictator who eventually defeated Hannibal as a result of a policy of gradualness, was launched in the winter of 1883-84 under the leadership of Professor Thomas Davidson, “an ethical Anarchist Communist.” He was soon superseded by the Webbs and George Bernard Shaw.
The policy of permeation soon started to bear fruit. Politicians of all parties were influenced. George Bernard Shaw has frankly described this policy: “Our propaganda is one of permeating—we urged our members to join the Liberal and Radical Associations in their district, or, if they preferred it, the Conservative Associations—we permeated the party organisations and pulled all the strings we could lay our hands on with the utmost adroitness and energy, and we succeeded so well that in 1888 we gained the solid advantage of a Progressive majority full of ideas that would never have come into their heads had not the Fabians put them there.”
Marcus Aurelius, who set the fashion for acknowledgments, was able to trace with brevity yet with care the qualities of which his meditations were the fruit to the friends who had most intimately affected his character and molded his attitude toward life. Were I to begin to enumerate the persons to whom I am conscious that some aspect of this book is due, the patience of the publisher would be soon exhausted. I can only say that in bringing my materials to some sort of literary unity, the imaginative sympathy of Mr. Walton H. Hamilton of the Robert Brookings Graduate School, first secretary of the Amherst committee, has been a constant inspiration.
The insight of Dr T. E. Gregory of the London School of Economics aided me while in London to some, understanding of British finance. A long-continued interchange of ideas with my friend and former student Dr. Edward S. Mason, of Harvard University, has been invaluable in clarifying my fundamental economic conceptions.
The manuscript has also had the benefit of the criticism of Professors C. J. H. Hayes, R. L. Schuyler, E. R. A. Seligman, and Dr. James W. Angell, of Columbia University; Professor Paul H. Douglas, of Chicago University, second secretary of the Amherst committee; and Dr. Charles O. Hardy, of the Institute of Economics, who first showed me the interrelation of history and economics. Chapter III has been read by Professor Arthur Cole, of Harvard ; Chapter VIII by Mr. Edgar Speyer, of New York City; and Chapter IX by Mrs. Margaret Briscoe Hopkins, of Amherst, Massachusetts. I am under obligations to the Macmillan Company and Macmillan & Company, Ltd. for permission to use extracts from Sir Henry Drummond Wolff's Rambling Recollections. And I wish finally to say to some young mar who were from 1923 to 19^5 students of mine in Amherst College, that, in delaying, they helped mature this book.
Leland Hamilton Jenks.
New York City, June 1, 1926.
An insightful look into the global jewry's reaction to The Balfour Declaration and their celebratory reaction to it.
IT is well if at the outset I make clear that these pages are not written from a pro- Semite or anti-Semite point of view. Many books have been published about the Jews; but the majority are marred by over-enthusiasm or violence of opinion, and lack the judicial spirit which is necessary in contemplating a phenomenon which is also a problem.
To be quite frank, this little volume is the consequence of an accident. For a good many years now it has been my custom to visit different parts of the world to study and write upon the development, chiefly economic, of various countries. And wherever I have gone I have found the Jew a principal factor.
A collection of some of the earliest reports of the Bolshevik Revolution in Russia as reported in Australian newspapers up to the year 1920 archived by The National Library of Australia.
Spengler predicted that about the year 2000, Western civilization would enter the period of pre‑death emergency whose countering would necessitate Caesarism (extraconstitutional omnipotence of the executive branch of the central government). - Wikipedia: Oswald Spengler
This is a three-volume publication, with parts two & three entitled "Socialism" and "Feminism" respectively.
Opinions usually results from a discussion that tries to take all possible points of view.
All of the first two volumes and most of the third was completed in the first draft before the war raging in Europe, which our nation has just entered, had begun. This calamity has necessitated a few alterations in words and a few additions of thought, but has required no modification in the general treatment. For the author was one of those who have long expected this war, and he was surprised less at its occurrence than at its delay. Occasionally some passages would not have been written exactly as they stand, had the work been planned after the commencement of the war. But it has not been convenient, and it was not necessary, to rewrite or reset them.
This volume constitutes a work by itself, which the reader can understand without first reading The Climax of Civilisation; and yet his comprehension of the argument running through it will be improved by consultation with that book. References back to that book are here sometimes made in the text currently, as if the two were within the same covers; and in the notes they are sometimes indicated simply as to vol. i. The third book on Feminism is complementary to this, as its subject is complementary to the subject here treated.
The present book is complementary to that on Socialism, as no student can have a full grasp of all the tendencies and bearings of socialism without knowledge of the feministic teachings which are its consummation. That feminism may be advocated without socialism—without the whole of which it is a part,—and woman suffrage be supported similarly without the rest of feminism, is only an illustration of the fact that consistency is not a necessary ingredient in the human mind. As feminism simply is sometimes advocated alone, it may here be criticised in a work standing by itself. Within this volume the two chapters on woman suffrage may also be regarded as forming a treatise complete in itself.
These are three short articles written by Arthur Kitson, lifted from The New Age periodical.
Published in:The New Age, 1037, Vol.11, No.13, July 25, 1912
THE Oracle has spoken! The Mountain has laboured and brought forth-a Mouse a miserable little specimen at that ! Its name is ‘‘Gold and State Banking,” “A Study in the Economics of Monopoly,” by Edward R. Pease, published and sold by the Fabian Society. In response, no doubt, to the earnest solicitations of many of its members to say something upon a subject which, just now, happens to be a vital political issue in the United States, and has been honoured with discussion at most, if not all, of the annual meetings of our Associated Chambers of Commerce f’or some years past, the leading Pundits of the Fabian Society found it necessary-for the sake of their reputation-to issue some sort of a pronunciamento on the banking and currency question.
Published in: The New Age, 1050, Vol.11, No.26, Oct.1912
IF political historians and economic writers had been as eager to record the experiments and efforts of mankind to achieve economic independence and to discover that form of government most conducive to individual freedom and public welfare, as they have been to exalt the doings of rulers and to find excuses for those legal privileges which form the basis of our selfish class interests, our political and economic knowledge would doubtless be far more extensive and reliable than it is.
Our present day economic problems are certainly not new. From time to time our ancestors undoubtedly attempted to discover a way out of the economic labyrinths. And yet how meagre our knowledge is!
One of these problems-which we know has occupied the attention of thinkers in all ages-has been how to provide a safe and satisfactory method of employing national and municipal credit for currency purposes, instead of borrowing the credit of professional bankers and moneylenders.
Very early in human history it was known that an industrial community, properly organised, having a stable form of government, and voluntarily submissive to a reasonable amount of taxation necessary for the expenses of the Government for constructive undertakings, such as roads, public buildings and for maintaining an Army for national defence, etc., etc., was possessed of an amount of credit superior to that of any individual member or to any single body of its citizens.
Abstract of lecture delivered June 19th before the members of the Banking and Currency Reform League, at Caxton Hall, Westminster.
Published in: The New Age, 1089, Vol. 13, No. 13, July 24, 1913
The world’s rulers are men mainly conspicuous by their noses, who occupy quiet offices at the backs of the great banking houses of London, Paris, New York, Berlin and Vienna -men who know nothing of the smell of gunpowder except that used for killing grouse and pheasants. Your modern Napoleon is a moneylender, a credit dealer, a direct descendant of those whom Christ drove from the Temple!The conquest of the world-which means the acquisition of economic and political power-has been achieved by a small group of otherwise insignificant persons who deal in gold and credit.
“The people have rights, and they will dare to assert them, and the greed of gold and the concupiscence of trade must give way to the broad, ethical principle which forbids the use of drugs and chemicals in food." ‐- Dr. H. W. Wiley
Created/Published: Sydney : W. McLeod, 1907-1921, Issue Vol. 2 No. 10 (1 February 1908), Sydney, Australia
Created/Published: Sydney : W. McLeod, 1907-1921, Issue Vol. 2 No. 10 (1 February 1908), Sydney, Australia
THE present trade slump is not an entirely surprising or unexpected event to certain people. It had been predicted by two or three writers and economists, and particularly by certain financiers more than a year ago, when business was booming, and when there seemed a long period of prosperity before us.
THE LEEDS CONFERENCE! 1917
The following is a copy of the Manifesto issued by Mr. Ramsay MacDonaldand other "Labour" leaders during the Great War. Great Labour, Socialist and Democratic Convention to hail the Russian Revolutionand to Organise the British Democracy To follow Russia. May 23rd 1917.
The historical process has been understood at various times, but this understanding on the part of a diligent minority fighting for the public good is again and again thrust down beneath the surface. In 1878 my grandfather said the same things that I’m saying now, but the memory of his efforts has been obliterated.
"Schoolbooks do not disclose the inner workings of banks. The mystery of economics has been more jealously guarded than were ever the mysteries of Eleusis. And the Central Bank of Greece was at Delphi."
"This war was not caused by any caprice on Mussolini’s part, nor on Hitler’s. This war is part of the secular war between usurers and peasants, between the usurocracy and whomever does an honest day’s work with his own brain or hands."
"The cardinal fact of the American Revolution of 1776 was the suppression, in 1750, of the paper-money issue in Pennsylvania and other colonies, but history as taught in the U.S.A. speaks of more picturesque matters, such as the Boston Tea Party."
"What constitutes a sound basis of credit was already known & affirmed at the beginning of the 17th century by the founders of Monte dei Paschi of Siena. It was & is the abundance, or the productive capacity, of nature taken together with the responsibility of the whole people."
"What the sages understood was recorded, but inscriptions disappear, books decay, while usurocratic publicity floods the public’s mind like a muddy tide, and the same greed, the same iniquities and monopolies rise up again subjecting the world to their foul dominion."
"I quote these apparently unconnected facts to indicate certain high crimes are not due to any negligence on the part of a handful of scholars, & cannot be attributed to the ignorance of humanity, but they can only happen on account of the ignorance of the great majority."
"My ignorance, & yours, & that of the surrounding public is not today a natural phenomenon. Above & beyond natural ignorance, an artificial ignorance is diffused, artificially created by the usurocratic press & organizations striving to preserve their monopolies & privileges."
"The modern revelation of the usurocratic mechanism remained at this point until Arthur Kitson gave his evidence before the Macmillan Committee, when he traced the curve showing the relationships between debt & credit after..." WARS!!!
"Wars are provoked in succession, deliberately, by the great usurers, in order to create debts, to create scarcity, so that they can extort the interest on these debts..."
"Usurocracy had discovered that the slave-owning system was less profitable than that of “free” labour...."
"This opinion of the various Shermans, Rothschilds, etc., proved to be perfectly right. The protests of the minority representatives in the U.S.A, and of various cranks elsewhere, have failed to overcome the power of the usurers and of the international usurocratic press."
"... all the artful dodges of accounting used by the usurers to manipulate the present forms of money would be attempted in the case of any new kind of money... But the fundamental fraud is monopoly ! It is necessary to understand this."
(1) Wars are made to create debts.
(2) War is the highest form of sabotage, the most atrocious form of sabotage.
(3) A nation that will not get itself into debt drives the usurers to fury.
"It’s so much waste of time to speak of this or that “democracy.” The real government was, and is, to be found behind the scenes. The “democratic” system works as follows... "
"The reason for the present publication, at this particular moment, is to indicate the incidence of the present war in the series of wars provoked by the same never-dying agency, namely the world #usurocracy, or the congregation of High Finance"
"The usual frauds of book-keeping, monopoly, etc., have been known since the beginning of history, and it is precisely for this reason that the usurers are opposed to classical studies."
'The following phases follow one another: Freehold. The need of craftsmen. Slaves. Debts. “Free” craftsmanship in competition with the slave system. In the beginning personal commerce without indebtedness to finance.'
Ezra Pound, arguably one of America's greatest poets, moved to Italy in 1924 and became involved in the newly regenerated Italy of the time. He soon broadcasted from Fascist Italy during the Second World War. His broadcasts were a mix of politics, personal commentary, anecdotes, and old fashioned wit. These were heard in England and America with his aim to try and enlighten people on why the war was fought and for whom. His message was against the hyper-internationalism that held the world hostage under the thumb of finance bankers and criminal politicians.
"To send boys from Omaha to Singapore to die for British monopoly and brutality is not the act of an American patriot...This war did not begin in 1939. It is not a unique result of the infamous Versailles Treaty. It is impossible to understand it without knowing at least a few precedent historic events, which mark the cycle of combat...This war is part of the age-old struggle between the usurer and the rest of mankind: between the usurer and peasant, the usurer and producer, and finally between the usurer and the merchant, between usurocracy and the mercantilist system ...The present war dates at least from the founding of the Bank of England at the end of the 17th century, 1694-8. Half a century later, the London usurocracy shut down on the issue of paper money by the Pennsylvania colony, A.D. 1750. This is not usually given prominence in the U.S. school histories. The 13 colonies rebelled, quite successfully, 26 years later, A.D. 1776."
With the close of the war because of his broadcasts Pound was tried by the US government for treason and locked away in a mental institution in Washington D.C. He was later released and died in solitude in Italy. Following is a radio broadcast from Italy of April 20, 1943 discussing the controversial Protocols of the Learned Elders of Zion.
This is a collection of 120 radio speeches by the noted American poet Ezra Pound. These controversial radio speeches were given while Pound was an expatriate in Italy during World War Two.
Hegel declared, “the ultimate end which has the highest right against the individual, whose highest duty is to be a member of the State ”. This doctrine Coudenhove-Kalergi shows to be the root of political evil.
Hegel was, indeed, the foster-parent of the Totalitarian State idea, and the parent of the modern reaction against freedom. To his influence can be traced the form of Russian Bolshevism as of Italian Fascism and of German Nazism. Mussolini’s dogma that “the State is an Absolute” is merely an echo of Hegel’s error. Some knowledge of the philosophical antecedents of this totalitarian heresy may, indeed, be needed before the full force of Coudenhove-Kalergi’s demolition of it can be appreciated. His doctrine runs:
This creature of man plays the part of an intermediary between God and man ; this artificial machine sets itself up as a natural organism; this servant of mankind parades itself as mankind’s master...
We are living through the most dangerous revolution in the history of the world‐the revolution of the State against mankind. We are living through the most dangerous idolatry of all ages‐the deification of the State. Thus speak the new idolators:
To these idolatries Coudenhove-Kalergi makes cogent reply. He affirms with truth that “the least of men is immeasurable and infinite, a true child of God”. Every man constitutes a world for himself, lives his own life, and dies his own death. Ten million human beings remain always ten million individuals, ten million separate worlds, even if they are living in the best of all States. For this reason, Coudenhove-Kalergi argues, the State as collective being, as super-man, as god, is an invention, a myth, a dangerous lie. The State, he declares, is an insurance company raised to the rank of an idol by its beneficiaries. “ We would fight against this idolatry, but not against the insurance company; not against the State, but against the deification of the State, the most fatal heresy of our age.”
BORN of a European father and a Japanese mother, I have been accustomed since my childhood to interest myself in questions which transcend all differences of civilisation and race and move men and humanity.
As the author of philosophical works I have always made it my object to seek out the primitive forms and forces which underlie life’s manifold phenomena.
As founder and leader of the movement which aims at a federation of the States of Europe I have had to grapple for a decade and a half with all the problems which are to-day uniting or dividing human beings.
I have thus had occasion to discuss fundamental questions of modern politics, culture, and economics with men of all peoples and all classes; with Europeans, Asiatics, and Americans; with kings and presidents, dictators and democratic statesmen; with leaders of industry and finance, workmen and peasants; with clerical, military, and academic dignitaries; with philosophers and artists, inventors and teachers, journalists and writers; with Liberals and Fascists, Conservatives and Communists.
This book is the distillation of such studies, ideas, and conversations. Its object is to introduce clarity into the confusion of demagogy and lying which to-day so obscures the grave problems of our time that even politicians can only with difficulty recognise the forces and ideas Which underlie the events and changes of our day.
Further, it attempts to indicate to all men of good will a way into a better and a clearer future out of the labyrinth of unsolved problems which vex our age.
This book is therefore intended for all men and peoples Who are seeking an answer to the riddle of our destiny.
R. N. COUDENHOVE-KALERGI
Prepared for THE UNITED STATES ARMED FORCES by THE AMERICAN HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION
This pamphlet is one of a series made available by the War Department under pamphlets provide material which information-education officers may use in conducting group discussions or forums as part of an off-duty education program, and which operators of Armed Forces Radio Service outlets may use in preparing GI Radio Roundtable discussion broadcasts.
The content of this pamphlet has been prepared by the Historical Service Board of the American Historical Association. Each pamphlet in the series has only one purpose: to provide factual information and balanced arguments as a basis for discussion of all sides of the question.
It is not to be inferred that the War Department endorses any one of the particular views presented.
Soviet book about the first homeland created for The Jews in the 20th century, before the nation state of Israel in Palestine see:
The torrent of literature that has swept the earth as a result of the war must also be considered one of the atrocities which followed in the wake of the catastrophe. Large and small books describing the actual fighting in its various aspects, volumes upon volumes attempting to place the responsibility for the dreadful turn of affairs definitely on one side or the other, or on both, heavy tomes and slender pamphlets advising the statesmen of all nations what should have been done after the war. or what should not have been done and why not, have appeared with unbelievable speed and are increasing with bitter futility. It may he confessed that they are disappearing at the same speed at which they are appearing, each being overreached at the time of its publication by a successor quite able to prove exactly the contrary of what the predecessor has conclusively shown.
Even this situation, the desire of the people to express their opinion in writing about a matter that affects all of us, has nothing marvellous in it. Since the art of printing books has been invented no political event has become of such economical importance affecting the entire civilized world as The Great War. Other wars have lasted longer, were fought over larger territory, the principles at stake may in fact have been more ideal than the actual principles about which the last war was fought. The economical consequences, however, were almost limited in former wars to the actual participants in the war and to a much slighter degree did they extend to the neutrals, and particularly to the neutrals of remote countries. It is different at the present time and it has become particularly different since the war ceased.
The economical revolution initiated by the peace throws not only its shadow but its actual devastating weight over all quarters of the globe, from Siberia to Spain, from Argentina to Italy. Even though the people may have become convinced that war, and especially this war, has been a most dreadful happening, they have become more convinced that the peace and the events which followed the peace seem to be more dreadful.
One of the most consequential important episodes of this peace is undoubtedly that step which in a general way has been termed "The Occupation of the Ruhr." The daily press continues to bring reports almost to the same extent, to the same full length, and about in the same tone. in which these daily reports came in between July, 1914, and November, 1918. Occupations, executions, oppressions, and whatever the terms may be to which we have become accustomed in the war news, we encounter them once more in those reports which deal with this “peaceful occupation.”
Published on behalf of the Institute for the Study of the Jewish Problem, Berlin.
Manifesto of the First Anti-Jewish Congress, held in the Saxon capital shortly after the first wave of German anti-Judaism peaked.
(Source: Manifest an die Regierungen und Völker der durch das Judenthum gefährdeten christlichen Staaten laut Beschlusses des Ersten Internationalen Antijüdischen Kongresses zu Dresden am 11. und 12. September 1882)
Two dramatic speeches, made by the German Minister of Propaganda, at the famous Nuremberg rallies of 1935 and 1936, which sum up the National Socialist interpretation of Communism and its threat to the world.
In Communism with the Mask Off (1935), Goebbels describes in detail the Jewish origins of Marxism and Communism, and lists the Jewish leaders and instigators of that ideology in Russia, Germany, many European nations and even China. "As far as we ourselves are concerned, we have completely overcome this menace. Indeed perhaps, outside of his work in Germany, the greatest service which our Führer has rendered the world is that here in Germany he has set up a barrier against world Bolshevism against which the waves of this vile Asiatic-Jewish flood break in vain."
In Bolshevism in Theory and Practice (1936), he discussed the practical social, political and economic consequences of Marxism-and how Germany had broken that menace. "We have proved under the most unfavourable circumstances that Bolshevism can be overcome if one wishes to do so, if one uses the proper means and if one is determined to oppose the powers of destruction with all one's strength and all one's manly courage. May the world follow Germany's example. Of course National Socialism is not suitable for export, and other nations shall not be persuaded or even forced to adopt its methods. Yet it may prove instructive, and its methods of procedure may stimulate other nations to adopt the same course and thus evade a terrible crisis." About the author: Paul Joseph Goebbels (1897-1945) was an early member of the Nazi Party and reputedly had the highest IQ in the party. He obtained a PhD from Heidelberg University in 1921 with a thesis in nineteenth century Romantic School Literature; he then went on to work as a journalist. By 1924, he had joined the NSDAP and two years later was appointed leader of the party in Berlin to wrest political control of that city from the Communist Party.
Contrary to post-war propaganda, it was not the Nazis who terrorized Germany prior to 1933, but the far Left. This book, based on original police case files from the time, shows how the far Left and their socialist party allies waged a campaign of violence, terrorism, armed uprising, forgery, subversion, and espionage from 1918 to 1933. It was the Left's violent attacks on ordinary Germans which forced the Nazis to develop their self-defense units, the Brownshirts (S.A) - who are nowadays quite falsely portrayed as the aggressors.
This illustrated work shows that the Communist conspiracy to create a 1918-style Bolshevik Revolution in Germany was very far advanced. Arms had been stockpiled in secret underground armories in the Communist Party headquarters. Bombings, assassinations, and a planned list of murders and street violence were already underway when the Reichstag arson-also now commonly falsely attributed to the Nazis-took place as part of their plan to create a Soviet Germany.
A fully documented and fascinating study of an important period in history which definitively exposes the lies of postwar propagandists. From the book: "No fewer than 200 S.A. men fell whilst defending Germany against the Communist Internationale; 20,319 S.A and SS men were beaten and injured for life by the Communist terrorist troops, or otherwise wounded or seriously wounded. The fight in which they fell was no less honorable and vital that the German defensive war of 1914-1918, with the difference that the other sides of the barricades were not manned by honorable soldiers of a foreign nation, but by criminal gangs of the lower orders and misled members of our own people in the service of a rootless, international group of Jewish and Marxist intellectuals." An exact reproduction of the 1933 edition issued by the American section of the International Committee to Combat the World Menace of Communism, complete with all original illustrations.
THE land of England has ruled it for six hundred years. The corporations of America mean to rule it in the same way, and, unless some power more radical than that of ordinary politics is found, will rule it inevitably. I confess that the only fear I have in regard to republican institutions is whether, in our day, any adequate remedy will be found for this widening flood of the power of incorporated wealth. -‐ Wendell Phillips.
The chief glory of America is, that it is the country in which genius and industry find their speediest and surest reward. Fame and fortune are here open to all who are willing to work for them. Neither class distinctions nor social prejudices, neither differences of birth, religion, nor ideas, can prevent the man of true merit from winning the just reward of his labors in this favored land. We are emphatically a nation of self-made men, and it is to the labors of this worthy class that our marvelous national prosperity is due.
This being the case, it is but natural that there should be manifested by our people a very decided desire to know the history of those who have risen to the front rank of their respective callings. Men are naturally cheered and encouraged by the success of others, and those who are worthy of a similar reward will not fail to learn valuable lessons from the examples of the men who have preceded them.
With the hope of gratifying this laudable desire for information, and encouraging those who are still struggling in the lists of fame and fortune, I offer this book to the reader. I have sought to tell simply and truthfully the story of the trials and triumphs of our self-made men, to show how they overcame where others failed, and to offer the record of their lives as models worthy of the imitation of the young men of our country.
This book is addressed not to citizens but to people; not to government but to society; not to lawmakers but to businessmen. It is not an indictment; it is a remonstrance. It is not an assault by a foe; but the warning of a friend. It deals with a phase of business which is, in some measure, a fruit of this new age; not anew form of dishonesty, but an old one, as old as faith itself and the betrayal of faith; as in which springs not from man’s native dishonesty but from his weakness, whenever that weakness is exposed to the lure of easy gain.
The book deals primarily with graft in business, not with dishonesty in business at all, save only as dishonesty is a by-product of graft. For graft is in its essence a profit drawn off from some perfectly legitimate business enterprise for some unnecessary service, perhaps for some service forced upon it. It is a device by which men tap the ordinary processes of production and distribution to drain away for themselves some portion of the product without giving anything in return. It is a parasitic growth which devours the substance of business. Because of the appalling cost, business recoils from old-age pensions, unemployment insurance, other just demands upon its fruits by, those who really serve business, yet submits tamely to a tax upon its earnings through the medium of graft large enough to cover several times the requirements of these essential reforms.
This is not a book of revelations. It makes no pretension to bringing to light hither to unknown facts. It aims merely. to assemble the fragmentary and known facts into a complete picture. Whatever value it may have must be derived from the light it throws upon the volume and weight of] graft which it exhibits by massing the evidence.
I have not included racketeering among the forms of graft treated here. It has been omitted, partly because of the too specious objection that? it is something for which business is not responsible. It is supposed to be a form of violence by which men not in business levy tribute upon men in business. But this is far from the whole truth.
A geopolitical and political economic account of the time at the end of The Second World War, from a British perspective, by Major C H Douglas, proponent of Douglas Social Credit.
http://samisdat.in/books/the-brief-for-the-prosecution-1945
THE tendency to argue from the particular to the general is a special case of the sequence from materialism to collectivism. If the universe is reduced to molecules, ultimately we can dispense with a catalogue and a dictionary; all things are the same thing, and all words are just sounds—molecules in motion. That is the ultimate meaning of "Equality"—having no quality.
There is a close connection between this mental attitude and the curious failure to notice the outstanding feature of our time. We know that our society is very sick; some, at least, of the causes of the disease have been isolated; we observe the great difficulty which is experienced in obtaining effective action in any one country in regard to these social poisons; but we rarely devote any attention to the question which transcends in importance any other with which we have to deal on this earth. Why is it becoming more difficult to bring peace upon earth, and to make effective, goodwill between men? What is the dynamism which will encourage the conquest of the earth, the sea and the air, but will only permit the substitution of poverty by slavery? Why does the mouthing of the phrase "the Common Good" merely ensue in individual evil?
More particularly at this time, there is a tendency to exalt War into a cause instead of a symptom. The more closely the structure and psychology of war is studied, however, the more clearly it appears that war is neither a cause nor a symptom, but a method. In the words of Clausewitz, "War is the pursuit of policy by other means." Once this fundamental idea is grasped, the fact that wars occur in the face of the expressed desire of all but a small fraction of the world's population to remain at peace, takes on a new aspect. What is it which is strong enough to plunge the world into a cataclysm of destruction at decreasing intervals, against "the common will"?
We shall find the answer to this question, if at all, in the period of uneasy truce between 1918 and 1939.
C. H. Douglas.
Perthshire, 1945
Werner Sombart (1863 -1941) was a German economist and sociologist and one of the leading Continental European social scientists during the first quarter of the 20th century. Sombart's "The Jews and Modern Capitalism" is an effort similar to Max Weber's historic study of the connection between Protestantism (especially Calvinism) and Capitalism, with Sombart documenting Jewish involvement in historic capitalist development. He argued that Jewish traders and manufacturers, excluded from the guilds, developed a distinctive antipathy to the fundamentals of medieval commerce, which they considered primitive and unprogressive. They tended to reject the medieval desire for 'just' (and fixed) wages and prices, a system in which shares of the market were agreed upon and unchanging, profits and livelihoods modest but guaranteed, and limits placed on production. Excluded from the system, Sombart argued, the Jews broke it up and replaced it with modern capitalism, in which competition was unlimited and new rules or order were established. Paul Johnson, who considers the work "a remarkable book", notes that Sombart left out some inconvenient truths, and ignored the powerful mystical elements of Judaism. Sombart refused to recognize, as Weber did, that wherever these religious systems, including Judaism, were at their most powerful and authoritarian, commerce did not flourish. Jewish businessmen, like Calvinist ones, tended to operate most successfully when they had left their traditional religious environment and moved on to fresher pastures. Chapters on: The contribution of the Jews to modern economic life. Introductory -- The shifting of the centre of economic life since the sixteenth century -- The quickening of international trade -- The foundation of modern colonies -- The foundation of the modern state -- The predominance of commerce in economic life -- The growth of a capitalistic point of view in economic life -- pt. 2. The aptitude of the Jews for modern capitalism. The problem -- What is a capitalist undertaker? -- The objective circumstances in the Jewish aptitude for modern capitalism -- The significance of the Jewish religion in economic life -- Jewish characteristics -- pt. 3. The origin of the Jewish genius. The race problem -- The vicissitudes of the Jewish people.
The essay "Unto This Last" profoundly influenced the ideas of Gandhi and labour movements.
http://samisdat.in/books/unto-this-last-1891
Surely Ruskin needs no introduction to the world. But of Ruskin's social teaching, of his message to society, of his gospel of the life in common, — of this we would say a word — not that he needs this either, but that we need it, — we need it to rightly appreciate and take home his message to our hearts. The production of a true social form has been the supreme task given to the nineteenth century. What is Ruskin's place ; what his message ; what his contribution to the century? Ruskin is first and foremost a Teacher. He has not originated. He is not the originator of a new system, of a new order, even of a new philosophy.
No one has yet challenged a single fact in Mr. Myers’ work. Every statement is made with the authority of corroborated and proven evidence. At no time did he indulge in tirades against personal traits, dispositions or temperaments. He was not concerned with the good or bad qualities of the individual founders and perpetuators of great fortunes. His only interest was in the means whereby great fortunes were acquired
Where the vogue for the more lurid revelations of gigantic scandals has long since passed, the research and conclusions drawn in History of the Great American Fortunes have withstood every test of time. The book has the same vitality and accuracy it had in the first decade of the twentieth century. Moreover, the additions made to bring this work completely up to date make it a definitive history of the fortunes that have been amassed during and since the World War.
A SHORT FINANCIAL HISTORY OF THE GOVERNMENT AND PEOPLE OF THE UNITED STATES SINCE THE CIVIL WAR 1865-1907
Being the Second and Extended Edition of “Thirty Years of American Finance"
SINCE this book was first published in 1898, under the title Thirty Years of American Finance, I have been repeatedly urged to bring the history up to date, in order to cover the remarkable financial episodes of 1901 and afterward. The undertaking did not then seem feasible, because the movement of events in one'
direction was so swift that, so to speak, no stopping‐ place was obtainable for a broad and comprehensive survey of the period. Such a stopping-place seems to have been provided by the panic of 1907. I have therefore undertaken to treat the ten years in American finance, which followed 1897, as I had already treated the thirty years preceding.
I take this opportunity to thank the numerous educators, public men, and others who have written to me since the publication of the first edition, for their interest in, and appreciation of, what this book has endeavored to accomplish. Their cordial reception of a work which was not an economic treatise, but, as far as its author possessed the power of making it so, a fair and unbiassed history of our own times,
has greatly encouraged me in taking up a period so surrounded by economic controversy, political prejudice, and confusion of financial ideas, as the decade from 1897 to 1907.
It is gratifying to be able to say that the facts and conclusions regarding the thirty years prior to 1897, set forth eleven years ago in the first edition of this work; have stood the test of criticism. I am making, in this edition, no important revision or alteration of either.
We live in a capitalistic era and should uncover and appraise all ascertainable truth about the age in which we live. Surprisingly enough, there has been little or no detailed scientific research carried on concerning the general effects of capitalism and the part it plays in the life of the ordinary citizen. Thorstein Veblen, Sidney Webb, R. H. Tawney, Harry Ward, Harold Laski, and others have done notable work in this field, but there are still large areas of virgin territory to explore. It is anomalous that while we are living under capitalism we should know so little about its effects. Like the men who were shipwrecked and dying of thirst and then discovered they were floating in the mouth of the Amazon, our society has a tendency to grant funds for research in almost any field except those on the actual effects of capitalism itself ; yet this area may be the most vital and fruitful of all.
The following book is not designed to be a complete study of capitalism. No one is more clearly aware of its imperfections than the author. To make an adequate study of capitalism would demand a staff of assistants and an appropriation of money equal to the amount spent on “Recent Social Trends.” No American research foundation apparently is willing to finance such a study, nor have students in the field seen fit to deal exhaustively with the subject.
Legal texts of the BIS, available on the Bank For International Settlements website. You need to read it to believe it, only four pages long. Essentially these banksters are a law unto themselves, based in neutral Switzerland, on inviolable territory, outside and above all international laws, their staff have diplomatic protection and are immune from prosecution for life. In addition to this no other nation may touch their assets in peace-time nor war.
Featured:
WHAT FOLLOWS IN this volume is obviously a series of biographical essays. They present the outlines of the lives of eleven men and one woman. They are offered as twelve significant fortunes since the Renaissance.
It would have been a simple matter to have made a somewhat different selection. I might have chosen one of the Medici or Sir Thomas Gresham or Jacques Coeur instead of Jacob Fugger in the dawn of the capitalist system. At a later period I might have written of the Brothers Paris or Samuel Bernard rather than John Law. I might have chosen Ouvrard, the financier of the French Revolution and Napoleon, as well as the Rothschilds. What excuse, someone will ask, can there be for including Cornelius Vanderbilt and not John Jacob Astor, Mark Hanna and not Carnegie, Hetty Green but not Jay Cooke or Jay Gould? And what reason can there be for leaving out Henry Ford and Andrew Mellon and the du Ponts?
In the course of the book I hope to make plain to the reader my reason for these choices. After all, the cast of characters of this or any other work having the same end must be determined upon some central principle of selection. I might have selected merely the dozen largest fortunes, in which event I would have left out not only Mark Hanna and Robert Owen, but J. Pierpont Morgan and, indeed, almost all of the others save perhaps Rockefeller, Vanderbilt, and Hetty Green. In fact, upon this standard of choice, it may be that Rockefeller alone could have been included.
Generally, what I have had in mind was to write of those figures in the history of wealth whose fortunes were, upon the whole, fairly representative of the economic scenes in which they flourished and whose methods of accumulating wealth offered the fairest opportunities to describe those methods. I have also tried to place these money-makers in certain important eras, putting more emphasis upon the latest. Having chosen Mr. Rockefeller as obviously the most important from any point of view in the period between 1870 and 1911, it was not possible to include Andrew Carnegie or Philip Armour or any of the oil barons in this country or Europe, however great the temptation. Having decided upon Vanderbilt I could not, without duplication, have added Gould or Huntington or Hopkins or Harriman or a score of other4 railroad kings.
Having chosen my subject my aim has been to make, as clearly and vividly as possible within the limits of a single essay, a picture of the economic system of the time; the means by which wealth was produced and the devices by which large amounts of it were siphoned off into the strongbox of the man of wealth. I have made, in part at least, one or two departures from this standard of choice. Hetty Green was selected because I wished to include at least one miser's fortune and one woman's fortune and happily she combined both. As for the omissions, I have left out several men whose lives I was sorely tempted to examine. Among them there was at least one Oriental fortune. There were one or two immense land fortunes. I omitted them because, after all, I felt they belonged not so much to the times in which they appeared as to a departed or at least a vanishing system of economic life. In the case of Mr. Ford—and this will hold for several others—I did not include him in obedience to a rule I made before I began my studies: that I would deal with the fortune of no living person.
I have been guided not merely in my selections but in the method of treatment by my conceptions of the means by which wealth is created and the mechanisms by which it is drawn off into the hands of rich men.
Wealth is created by labor—but by directed labor. It is created by labor working with tools and reinforced and multiplied by many skills—skills of hand and mind. It is created by this labor working upon materials. Putting it all together, we may say that wealth is created by labor working with various skills, with tools, upon raw materials, and under direction. The completed product is the composite of the materials, the common labor, the skills, the tools, including the whole technological endowment of the race and the direction of organizers.
No man working with his own hands, upon materials of his own possession and creation, with tools of his own fabrication, can produce enough to make himself enormously wealthy. The problem of becoming rich consists in getting a fraction—large or small—of the produce created by the collaboration of many men using all these energies.
The whole history of wealth accumulation consists in tracing the devices by which one man or a small group of men can get possession of this fraction of the produce of many men. In the beginning, when there were no machines, no money, no intricate inventions of credit, no man could establish a right to a share of the products of other men save through a simple and bald assertion of ownership over the materials and the men. Landownership and human slavery were the first instruments of the acquisitive. And as no man could acquire dominion over enough land and
enough men to become rich save by an assertion of divine political power, we find the first rich men were kings.
As society grew and developed, men became individually more productive, on the one hand, and, on the other, the invention of money and credit enabled private individuals to establish claims upon the labor of ever-larger groups of men. We may say that the whole history of the art of accumulating wealth is the story of the invention of machines and the invention of the instruments of credit. Indeed, the two forces that distinguish the older world and its appalling scarcities from the newer world and its growing abundance are technology and credit.
Scientists and scholars slowly added one scrap of knowledge to another, one mechanical device to another, gradually wresting from the earth its undreamed-of resources and multiplying the productivity of men. At the same time businessmen were slowly discovering and perfecting the devices of credit. They began with the simple transaction of lending a quantity of grain out of one crop to be repaid out of the next. They invented money as a measure of value. They got around to making loans of money. Then they reduced the money-loan transaction to a written record and then to a written record that could be negotiated. The layman who takes modern business methods for granted scarcely dreams of the immense advances made with this dynamic energy of credit. At first, when one man loaned a hundred drachmas to another,
the drachmas had to be in existence before they could be loaned. We have proceeded so far that now we have the modern miracle of the bank loan in which money is actually created by the very act of lending it, so that we have the phenomenon of a nation using for its money the debts of its people.
In the chapters that follow I have kept these facts in mind. And as these historic Moneybags move across our stage I hope we may be able to see men fingering these inventions of credit and exchange, then strengthening and refining them—money, credit, notes, interest, bills of exchange, discounts, banks of deposit, then banks of discount, property titles, mortgages, clearances, stocks and bonds, and finally all the innumerable gadgets of the modern corporate world.
My aim has been to present the histories of these men and their times as nearly as possible in terms of our own day. We are apt to think of the problems of our time, with its depressions, its armies of unemployed, its farmers crying for higher prices, its burden- some debts, its social devices for dealing with poverty, its programs and plans, as unique in history. We may suppose that the strata- gems by which our bewildered leaders have sought to elude fate and social disaster are quite new and untried. But it is not possible to wander through the market places and bourses and forums and slums of old cities and, indeed, ancient ones, without being struck by the parallels between their crises and our own. We shall see depressions in Florence, and France struggling against debt in the days of Louis XV, poverty tormenting farmers and workers in the Middle Ages and their sovereigns and premiers conferring and programming vainly against forces they did not understand which were changing their societies. We shall see businessmen and public officials quarreling about monopoly and government control and taxes and public debt and workers' claims and government spending. We shall behold economic messiahs with their gospels of peace and plenty all through the eras of Fugger and Law and Rothschild down to our own day. Men have been muttering about the same social ailments, the same disturbances, the same indignities and irritations for untold centuries.
These parallels, of course, can be pushed too far. The temptation is great. And because this will be evident I am eager at the outset to make it clear that I have faithfully sought to use no material that I have not laboriously examined and for which there is not ample support in history.
One further point. In the course of these several histories of rich men, questions have arisen and points have come to my mind which, it seemed to me, ought to be noticed. And yet I could not quite see how this could be done without interrupting the narratives with discussion that would serve only to distract the reader. I have attempted to solve this problem by including between some of the chapters certain interchapters in which I have offered brief observations on such of these questions and points as have in- terested me. The reader will find them in the interlogues so arranged that if he is sufficiently interested he may peruse them, and if he is not he may skip them without losing any of the essential parts of the twelve histories that follow.
JOHN T. FLYNN
February, 1941 Bayside, L. 1.
I beg the sincere and thoughtful consideration of this book by all its readers. Please follow the argument in the order in which it is presented. This is the way it developed in my own mind and led me, step by step, irresistibly to its conclusions. Do not read the closing chapters first, but begin with the “Definition.” I believe every candid reader doing this, and having a logical mind, will fully and heartily concur in the condemnation of usury.
I hope these arguments will be fairly treated and justly weighed even by those whose interests seem in conflict. I have simply sought the truth, believing that “the truth shall make you free.” It cannot be that this or any truth is in real conflict with the highest welfare of any man.
If any sincere friends of this truth are grieved that the argument is so crudely and roughly stated, I can only say in excuse, that, so far as I know or can learn from the great librarians I have consulted, this is the first attempt ever made to fully present the anti‐usury argument, and I sincerely hope that others, profiting by my effort, may be able to make it more effective.
THE AUTHOR.
Published by The Anti-Usury League, Ohio
A commentary and look at several important public figures in early Depression-era America.
THE PRINCIPLES ADVOCATED IN THIS PAMPHLET are:‐
“THAT NO COMMODITY can fulfil the functions of money, be it diamonds, gold, or silver. That money is in its nature arepresentationof wealth,and notreal wealth,asabillof lading, or a warehouse warrant, are representations of cargo, or of' goods warehoused ; and like these instruments must be documentary, or paper.”
“THAT THE STATE alone can issue Such paper money.”
There is nothing original in this book. It is, in the best meaning of the term, a commonplace book. If it fails to say for half-a-guinea what a multitude of men are saying in pub and club, tavern and train, for nothing, it will be because I have an impediment in my speech arising from the need for controlling the epithets which they can use freely.
It is agreed on all hands that society is sick, perhaps sick unto death. As the visible representative of society the plain man, the average citizen, is the victim of a malaise which has drawn about him a horde of economic busybodies eager to explain the cause of the seizure and to suggest and administer remedies. This book suggests bu t one remedy, the age-old advice of the onlooker - "give him air". Ignoring the Heath-Robinson-like contraptions of the currency cranks, this book advises the stricken wayfarer to take up his bed and walk. Deriding the nostrums of the rival schools of rejuvenators and the profferers of economic trusses and crutches, it suggests to that smitten traveller to “ get up and work it off It is, however, something different from a course of economic Coueism. It preaches not a faith cure, but a lack-of-faith cure—a cure to be induced by a healthy scepticism about those who have hitherto been the witch doctors of the tribe.
This book, it may be said, is a loose treatise on how to be happy though civilized. It is an expansion of the thought that a " managing " Government is as great an affliction as a " managing " wife into the suspicion that a Planning Body is only a new-fangled name for an old- fangled affliction, a busybody. It is based on the conviction that what is really wanted is not better leadership, more scientific leadership, reformed leadership, dictatorial leadership, democratic leadership, or any other qualified leadership—but less leadership. It enunciates the doctrine that we are suffering not so much from faulty organization as from organization without any adjective whatsoever . It also suggests, with courtesy, as I hope, and in a Pickwickian sense, that in the thieves kitchen of modern "leadership" too many crooks have spoilt our broth.
The book is no manifesto for perfect freedom. It does not clamour for a return to cut-throat competition. It is not a pleasing fable from the Blue Book of the Laissez- fairies. It is only an expression of Individualism inasmuch as i t suggests mildly that the individual should be the starting-point of political thought, and not the trade union, or the joint stock company, or the Empire, or the whimsies of some dead dreamer. We live in the age of George V, not in that of Thomas More, or of Utopia, or even of Oliver Twist. This book derides the idea that we shall at tain happiness by Marxing through Georgia or merely—as Mr. Chesterton might say* and advise—by asking for More.
Individualism is not enough. Social ism is too much. No “ism" is necessary. The individual cannot do every- thing alone ; he must indulge in communal co-operation for common purposes. But the individual does not need a Government Department or a Board of Governing Directors to spend his wages for him ; educate his children for him ; select and vet his mate for him before those children are begotten ; form his habits for him ; arrange his dietary for him ; construct his morals for him ; select and censor his amusements for him ; standardize the commodities of his daily life for him, and arrange his contribution to a burial club for him. He needs a Government which wi l l govern, in the old sense of maintaining law and order and the enforcing of contracts, and which will stand in relation to his life as the policeman theoretically stands in relation to his home—ready at call, but unable to enter without an invitation.
"The Oligarchy of Finance possesses more wealth, more power, more control over the destinies of the human race than any class or caste ever possessed" —T. Quelch.
In 1916 I wrote a series of articles on banking, currency, and "war loan" trickeries. Those articles were rigorously censored, many of the facts being either distorted or suppressed. In 1917 those emasculated articles were published in book form, and at once (Sept., 1917) the military censors organised raids and seizures and declared the book "absolutely prohibited in any form whatever."
A few days later (3rd Oct.. 1917) "George Pearce, Minister for Defence," added a new clause to regulation 28 of the "War Precautions." Any person who sold or gave or distributed or delivered, or carried on his person, or kept on his premises, "or received through the post or otherwise" any copy of a prohibited publication, was liable to six months' imprisonment, or to a £100 fine, or both, or if prosecuted "upon indictment" then short of death itself there was no limit to the punishment that might be inflicted. All that was needed to put a man away was to send him a prohibited publication, and then denounce him for having it in his possession. Under those circumstances few "Shylocks" went into circulation.
Yet "Shylock" did not deal with the merits of the war. It dealt with the economic causes of war, and the inevitable "aftermath." It dealt with modern wars and their distinctive financial characteristics, and it said nothing that was not permitted to be freely said in every country at war except Australia. As a matter of fact the book contained dozens of statements from financial and other journals in England. Statements freely made in England without fear of suppression—were here prohibited.
For the time being the military censorship is in recess. The suppressed facts therefore see the light of day, and the material within the sup- pressed book is once more placed upon the market. Five more years of history have brought more facts necessitating much re-arrangement, especially in connection with recent economic events within Australia. Therefore, for the majority of readers this book will be as new in material and structure as it is in title.
"The War to End War" has finished these two years. The "New World After the War" and the "Green Fields of Perpetual Peace" are no longer unveiled to the gaze of admiring audiences. All the mirages have disappeared, and in their place come the pressure of governments squeezing from the masses the wherewith to meet the demands of the oligarchy of bondholders whom the "War for Democracy" has made more powerful than ever.
Frank Anstey, M.H.R., and the most extraordinary character in the Federal Labor Party. He has been a sailor. a laborer, a caretaker, and a hundred other things, but he has latterly achieved the hauteur of calling himself a person of “no occupation.” Anstey is a native of Devonshire, but the thought of its green lanes is obscured in his mind by slimy vistas of slums. There is no need to ask his opinion of the English wage system. He is an episode in its history, quite negligible among numbers equally arduous, but still poignant to him after years of comparative prosperity.
From a single-page biography of Frank Anstey by Jean Sibi from the magazine "The Lone Hand" in 1918.
"Washington Merry-Go-Round" was anonymously published in 1931 by Horace Liveright and Co., who also published such diverse books as "The Wasteland" by T.S. Eliot and "The Book of the Damned" by Charles Fort, as well as first books by such authors as Ernest Hemingway, William Faulkner, Dorothy Parker and other well-known authors. Co-written by Robert S. Allen and Drew Pearson, this book is a collection of scandalous news stories about key figures in politics, flying in the face of the ethics of correspondence at the time. Upon discovery of who the authors of this book and its sequel were, Drew Pearson actually lost his job at "The Baltimore Sun." In 1932, as a result of the successful release of the sequel to this book, More Merry-Go_round, both authors signed on to write the Scripps-Howard syndicated column, "Washington Merry-Go-Round."
THIS work is divided into three parts:‐
PART I gives a History of the Rise of the London Money Power.
PART II proves that this Imperialism of Capital,‐ the London Money Power,‐is foretold in prophecy, under the symbol of the Great Red Dragon.
PART III gives the Remedy for the industrial evils that afflict our country.
There are many persons, perhaps, who will be deeply interested in Part I, and Part III, who will feel but little interest in the prophetic portion of the work. The work is so arranged that all such persons can skip Part II , and pass from Part I to Part III, without any break in the connection of thought: though they will miss the most striking delineations of the character and the activities of the Money Power.
On the other hand, those who are interested in the prophetic aspect of the work, will find its structure in proper logical arrangement as a prophetic exposition; since it is necessary to present the history of the Money Power, before the symbols of prophecy can be applied to it.
This work is the outgrowth of a life of thought, largely directed to the study of Prophecy, History, and Political Economy. Indeed, the work is the product of original thought. Its historical portion is the history of an Imperialism whose existence has been hitherto unrecognized. Its remedy is based upon principles of Political Economy that have never before been presented to the world. Its Prophetic Exposition is part of a System of Prophetic Interpretation that is entirely new. The Author may therefore claim the indulgence due to a pioneer, whose movement is over a pathway unsmoothed by the progress of earlier thought.
As no history of the London Money Power has ever been written, the Author has been under the necessity of gathering his facts from newspaper items, and from the statements of individuals whose reliability is above question. His store of facts has been constantly increasing down to the present time. Some important facts he has learned since the publication of this work began; other facts he learned too late for them to appear in the present edition. No doubt, in every community facts are known which illustrate the course of the Money Power in this country. These facts will doubtless soon be published; and it is hoped that ere long a full and connected history of the Rise of the Money Power may be given to the world.
Originally published in 1922. From The Holland Memorial Lectures.
THE friends of the late Henry Scott Holland founded a lectureship in his memory, the Deed of Foundation laying it down that a course of lectures, to be called the Holland Memorial Lectures, are to be delivered triennially, having for their subject the religion of the incarnation in its bearing on the social and economic life of man The first course of these lectures was delivered by Mr, R. H, Tawney at Kings College, London, in March and April 1922, but it is only now,more than three years later, that the work of preparing them for publication has been completed, andthat I have been called upon, as the chairman of the Holland Trustees, to introduce our first series of lectures to the public. They are a historical study of the religion of the Reformation in its bearing on socialand economic thought. We have been for many years feeling our want of such a study, sufficiently documented and grounded upon an adequate knowledge of the literature of the period, as we have watched the modern battle between zealous medievalists impugning the Reformation as deeply responsible for the sins of modern industrialism, and no less zealous Protestants rebutting the charge or throwing it back.
THE following pages are put forth with much diffidence by the author, partly because his pursuits for some years past, having had more relation to the sword than the pen, have unfitted him to wield the latter with that ease and success at which his ambition aims, and with less of familiarity than formerly belonged to him; and partly, also, from a sense of the great difficulty in adequately coping with a subject of such importance as the one he has now attempted. But as the work contains a great deal of new and curious matter never before collected together, and which the author believes will be found alike useful and interesting to the lawyer, the banker, the merchant, and the general scholar, he hopes its advantages may be allowed to outweigh its defects.
And subscribes himself the public’s
Obedient servant,
THE AUTHOR
PHILADELPHIA, January, 1866
BEFORE you enter the confines of “Frenzied Finance,” here spread out‐for your inspection, at least; enlightenment, perhaps‐halt one brief moment. If the men and things to be encountered within are real‐did live or live now‐you must deal with them one way. If these embodiments are but figments of my mind and pen, you must regard them from a different view-point. Therefore, before turning the page, it behooves you to find for yourself an answer to the grave question:
Is it, the truth that is dealt with here? In weighing the evidence remember:
My profession is business. My writing is an incident. “Frenzied Finance ” was set. down during the twenty-fifth and twenty-sixth hours of busy days. I pass it up as the history of affairs of which I was a part. The men who move within the book’s pages are still on the turf. A period of twelve years is covered. So far, eighteen instalments, in all some 400,000 words, have been published. The spigot, is still running. I have written from memory, necessarily, While it is true that fiction is expressed in the same forms and phrases as truth, no man ever lived who could shape 400,000 words into the kinds of pictures I have painted and pass them off for aught but what they were. The character of my palette made it mechanically impossible to shade or temper the pigments, for the story was written in instalments, and circumstances were such that often one month’s issue was out to the public before the next instalment was on paper. Considering all this, the consistency of the chronicle as it stands is the best evidence of its truth.
In submitting it to my readers I desire to reiterate:
It is truth‐of the kind that carries its own bell and candle. Within the narrative itself are the reagents required to test and prove its genuineness. Were man endowed with the propensity of a Munchhausen, the cunning of a Machiavelli, the imagination of Scheherezade, the ability of a Shakespeare, and the hellishness of his Satanic Majesty, he could not play upon 400,000 words, or one-quarter that number, and make the play peal truth for a single hour to the audience who will read this book, or to one-thousandth part the audience that has already read it in Everybody’s Magazine.
Such as the story is, it is before you. If in its perusal you fathom my intentions, my hopes, my desires, I shall have been repaid for the pain its writing has brought me. At least you will find the history of a colossal business affair involving millions of dollars and manned by the financial leaders of the moment. It is a fair representation of financial methods and commercial morals as they exist in America at the beginning of the twentieth century. As a contemporary document the narrative should have value; as history it is not, I believe, without interest. As a message it has had its influence. Indeed, it is not an exaggeration to say that no man in his own generation has seen such a crop come forth from seed of his own sowing since the long by‐gone days when the wandering king planted dragons’ teeth on the Phoenician plain and raised up an army of warriors.
THE old meaning of the word “capital” ‐ that is, an accumulation of wealth, either money or substantial property, for use in the production of more Wealth has been greatly enlarged within recent times. In earlier days, under the crude methods then prevailing, a given manufacturing plant might earn, say, ten per cent on its invested capital; but when power machinery and improved processes came into use and earnings increased, say, to twenty‐five or forty per cent, the practice began of putting a valuation on this increased earning power, and the “value” of a given property, instead of being based on its original or replacement cost, came to be measured by its capacity to earn profits.
Upon this new basis, “capital,” as expressed through the iSSue of corporate stocks and bonds, was created by leaps and bounds. As the industry of the community became more "efficient and the unit of effort brought forth greater results, corporate securities were created in an ever increasing ratio. Then, as the new custom became more firmly established, it was found that the limit of capitalization was by no means reached when present earning power alone was capitalized, for in a growing country like the United States, with population practically doubling every generation, future earning power was seen to be vastly greater. So the capitalists quite naturally took the further step and issued corporate stocks and bonds based on estimated future earnings.
Naturally, this modern practice of pre-empting or capitalizing probabilities was overdone.- Such a process inevitably invited speculation; and “boom” periods, with recurring lapses and setbacks, became characteristic of the times. Eventually, the capitalists learned that this new capital, which represented not only accumulated wealth and current earnings but the future possible earning power of the community generally, must be bolstered up and insured by some artificial process. So long as normal growth in population and industry continued, the capitalists could feel fairly secure, but during industrial and banking crises, crop failures, or other adversities, the earnings of capital might ' decline to such a point as seriously to impair the valuation. Thus there arose among capitalists ‐ large and small‐‐ a widespread demand for legislation and public aid to protect the integrity of the values which they had set up ‐ a demand that customs tariffs be made more rigid than before to prevent foreign competition and for other measures to preserve the status quo of the new dispensation.
THE PUBLISHERS OF FOUNDATION TRACTS ARE PRIVILEGED TO RE- Tissue "Why Colleges breed Communists," written by the New Zealand author, the late A. N. Field, and first published in that country in 1941.
Evolutionism is the subject which the author examines. It is a subject the implications of which are, for some, obscured by the rodomontade of certain scientists. More dangerously, the true character of evolutionism is clouded for many by the vapourings of professional religionists, and in particular by such as choose to dispense that peculiar mixture of clergianity and Marxism known as the Social Gospel. In the mass media of England, the T.V., the press and the wireless, evolutionism is sacrosanct, and its speculative basis must not be discussed. The more vocal propagandists of the cult, however, have been granted access to the schools and universities. It is as paid educationalists that these are now licensed to press their atheism upon captive audiences, and, where and whenever possible, to overthrow the faith of children.
In this compact survey, Mr. Field shows evolutionism to be a scientific fraud. He brings forward the facts which enabled him to recognise the modern university college as a machine for de- Christianising and demoralising the community.
In his chapter, Evolution's Offspring, the author opens up a very fruitful line of research, and reveals the origin of much of the spiritual and intellectual unrest of our times. This is generated by the wilful abandonment of Scripture; yet there are signs that the wheel is coming full circle. Again, one here, one there, is prompted to return to, and to dare to believe what God has written.
May this book play some part in encouraging that return.
WHILE Louis D. Brandeis’s series of articles on the money trust was running in Harper’s Weekly many inquiries came about publication in more accessible permanent form. Even with‐ out such urgence through the mail, however, it would have been clear that these articles inevitably constituted a book, since they embodied an analysis and a narrative by that mind which, on the great industrial movements of our era, is the most expert in the United States. The inquiries meant that the attentive public recognized that here was a contribution to history. Here was the clearest and most profound treatment ever published on that part of our business development which, as President Wilson and other wise men have said, has come to constitute the greatest of our problems. The story of our time is the story of industry. No scholar of the future will be able to describe our era with authority unless he comprehends that expansion and concentration which followed the harnessing of steam and electricity, the great uses of the change, and the great excesses. No historian of the future, in my opinion, will find among our contemporary documents so masterful an analysis of why concentration went astray. I am but one among many who look upon Mr. Brandeis as having, in the field of economics, the most inventive and sound mind of our time. While his articles were running in Harper’s Weekly I had ample opportunity to know how widespread was the belief among intelligent men that this brilliant diagnosis of our money trust was the most important contribution to current thought in many years.
“Great” is one of the words that I do not use loosely, and I look upon Mr. Brandeis as a great man. In the composition of his intellect, one of the most important elements is his comprehension of figures. As one of the leading financiers of the country said to me, “ Mr. Brandeis’s greatness as a lawyer is part of his greatness as a mathematician.” My views on this subject are sufficiently indicated in the following editorial in Harper’s Weekly.
ARITHMETIC
About five years before the Metropolitan Traction Company of New York went into the hands of a receiver, Mr. Brandeis came down from Boston, and in a speech at Cooper Union prophesied that that company must fail.
Leading bankers in New York and Boston were heartily recommending the stock to their customers. Mr. Brandeis made his prophecy merely by analyzing the published figures. How did he win in the Pinchot‐Glavis-Ballinger controversy? In various ways, no doubt; but perhaps the most critical step was when he calculated just how long it would take a fast worker to go through the Glavis‐Ballinger record and make a judgment of it; whereupon he decided that Mr Wickersham could not have made his report at the time it was stated to have been made, and therefore it must have been predated.
Most of Mr. Brandeis’s other contributions to current history have involved arithmetic. When he succeeded in preventing a raise in freight rates, it was through an exact analysis of cost. When he got Savings Bank Insurance started in Massachusetts, it was by being able to figure what insurance ought to cost. When he made the best contract between a city and a public utility that exists in this country, a definite grasp of the gas business was necessary‐com‐ bined, of course, with the wisdom and originality that make a statesman. He could not have invented the preferential shop if that new idea had not been founded on a precise knowledge of the conditions in the garment trades. When he established before the United States Supreme Court the constitutionality of legislation affecting women only, he relied much less upon reason than upon the amount of knowledge displayed of what actually happens to women when they are overworked‐which, while not arithmetic, is built on the same intellectual quality. Nearly two years before Mr. Mellen resigned from the New Haven Railroad, Mr. Brandeis wrote to the present editor of this paper a private letter in which he said:
“When the New Haven reduces its dividends and Mellen resigns, the ‘Decline of New Haven and Fall of Mellen’ will make a dramatic story of human interest with a moral‐or two‐including the evils of private monopoly. Events cannot belong deferred, and possibly you may want to prepare for their coming.
“Anticipating the future a little, I suggest the following as an epitaph or obituary notice:
“Mellen was a masterful man, resourceful, courageous, broad of view. He fired the imagination of New England; but, being oblique of vision, merely distorted its judgment and silenced its conscience. For a while he trampled with impunity on laws human and divine; but, ashe was obsessed with the delusion that two and two make five, he fell, at last, a victim to the relentless rules of humble arithmetic.
“Remember, O Stranger, Arithmetic is the first of the sciences and the mother of safety.”
The exposure of the bad financial management of the New Haven railroad, more than any other one thing, led to the exposure and com‐ prehension of the wasteful methods of big business all over the country and that exposure of the New Haven was the almost single-handed work of Mr. Brandeis. He is a person who fights against any odds while it is necessary to fight and stops fighting as soon as the fight is won. For a long time very respectable and honest leaders of finance said that his charges against the New Haven were unsound and in‐ excusable. He kept ahead. A year before the actual crash came, however, he ceased worrying, for he knew the work had been carried far enough to complete itself. When someone asked him to take part in some little controversy shortly before the collapse, he replied, “That fight does not need me any longer. Time and arithmetic will do the rest.”
This grasp of the concrete is combined in Mr. Brandeis with an equally distinguished grasp of bearing and significance. His imagination is as notable as his understanding of business. In those accomplishments which have given him his place in American life, the two sides of his mind have worked together. The arrangement be‐ tween the Gas Company and the City of Boston rests on one of the guiding principles of Mr. Brandeis’s life, that no' contract is good that is not advantageous to both parties to it. Behind his understanding of the methods of obtaining insurance and the proper cost of it to the laboring man lay a philosophy of the vast advantage to the fibre and energy of the community that would come from devising methods by which the laboring classes could make themselves comfortable through their whole lives and thus perhaps making unnecessary elaborate systems of state help. The most important ideas put forth in the Armstrong Committee Report on insurance had been previously suggested by Mr. Brandeis, acting as counsel for the Equitable policy holders. Business and the more important statesmanship were intimately combined in the management of the Protocol in New York, which has done so much to improve conditions in the clothing industry. The welfare of the laborer and his relation to his employer seems to Mr. Brandeis, as it does to all the most competent thinkers today, to constitute the most important question we have to solve, and he won the case, coming up to the Supreme Court of the United States, from Oregon, establishing the constitutionality of special protective legislation for women. In the Minimum Wage case, also from the State of Oregon, which is about to be heard before the Supreme Court, he takes up what is really a logical sequence of the limitation of women’s hours in certain industries, since it would be a futile performance to limit their hours and then allow their wages to be cut down in consequence. These industrial activities are in large part an expression of his deep and ever growing sympathy with the working people and understanding of them. Florence Kelley once said: “No man since Lincoln has understood the common people asLouis Brandies does.”
While the majority of Mr. Brandeis’s great progressive achievements have been connected with the industrial system, some have been political in a more limited sense. I worked with him through the Ballinger-Pinchot controversy, and I never saw a grasp of detail more brilliantly combined with high constructive ethical and political thinking. After the man who knew most about the details of the Interior Depart‐ ment had been cross‐examined by Mr. Brandeis he came and sat down by me and said: “Mr. Hapgood, I have no respect for you. I do not think your motives in this agitation are good motives, but I want to say that you have a wonderful lawyer. He knows as much about the Interior Department today as I do.” In that controversy, the power of the administration and of the ruling forces in the House and Senate were combined to protect Secretary Ballinger and prevent the truth from coming to light. Mr. Brandeis, in leading the fight or the conservation side, was constantly haunted by the idea that there was a mystery somewhere. The editorial printed above hints at how he solved the mystery, but it would require much more space to tell the other sides, the enthusiasm for conservation, the convincing arguments for higher standards in office, the connection of this conspiracy with the country’s larger needs. Seldom is an audience at a hearing so moved as it was by Mr. Brandeis’s final plea to the committee.
Possibly his work on railroads will turn out to be the most significant among the many things Mr. Brandeis has done. His arguments in 1910‐11 before the Interstate Commerce Commission against the raising of rates, on the ground that the way for railroads to be more prosperous was to be more efficient, made efficiency a national idea. It is a cardinal point in his philosophy that the only real progress toward a higher national life will come through efficiency in all our activities. The seventy-eight questions addressed to the railroads by the Interstate Commerce Commission in December, 1913, embody what is probably the most comprehensive embodiment of his thought on the subject.
On nothing has he ever worked harder than on his diagnosis of the Money Trust, and when his life comes to be written (I hope many years hence) this will be ranked with his railroad work for its effect in accelerating industrial changes. It is indeed more than a coincidence that so many of the things he has been contending for have come to pass. It is seldom that one man puts one idea, not to say many ideas, effectively before the world, but it is no exaggeration to say that Mr. Brande is responsible for the now widespread recognition of the inherent weakness of great size. He was the first person who set forth effectively the doctrine that there is a limit to the size of greatest efficiency, and the successful demonstration of that truth is a profound contribution to the subject of trusts. The demonstration is powerfully put in his testimony before the Senate Committee in 1911, and it is powerfully p u t in this volume. In destroying the delusion that efficiency was a common incident of size, he emphasized the possibility of efficiency through intensive development of the individual, thus connecting this principle with his whole study of efficiency, and pointing the way to industrial democracy.
Not less notable than the intellect and the constructive ability that have gone into Mr. Brandeis’s work are the exceptional moral qualities. Any powerful and entirely sincere crusader must sacrifice much. Mr. Brandeis has sacrificed much in money, in agreeableness of social life, in effort, and he has done it for principle and for human happiness. His power of intensive work, his sustained interest and will, and his courage have been necessary for leadership. No m a n could have done what he has done without being willing to devote his life to making his dreams come true.
Nor should anyone make the mistake, because the labors of Mr. Brandeis and others have recently brought about changes, that the system which was being attacked has been undermined. The currency bill has been passed, and as these words are written, it looks as if a group of trust bills would be passed. B u t systems are not ended in a day. Of the truths which are embodied in the essays printed in this book, some are being carried out now, but it will be many, many years before the whole idea can be made effective; and there will, therefore, be many, many years during which active citizens will be struggling for those principles which are here so clearly, so eloquently, so conclusively set forth. The articles reprinted here were all written before November, 1913. “The Failure of Banker Management” appeared in Harper’s Weekly Aug. 16, 1913; the other articles, between Nov. 22, 1913 and Dec. 17, 1914.
March, 1914.
NORMAN HAPGOOD.
On May 17, 1944, the Allied Supreme Command in the second world war tentatively fixed June 5 as D-Day for the invasion of Normandy. This was the most important decision of the war and a jealously guarded top secret. Nine days after the decision was taken, and eleven days before the invasion actually began on June 6, New Zealand, in common with many other countries, on May 26 received an invitation from Washington to an international monetary conference to open in the United States on July 1. The conference met at Bretton Woods, New Hampshire, and lasted until July 22. It adopted an agreement constituting an International Monetary Fund and an International Bank. This project had previously been known as the White Plan, after its author, the late Harry Dexter White, then Assistant Secretary of the United States Treasury, and in contradistinction to the Keynes Plan for an International Clearing Union, framed by the late Lord Keynes on behalf of the British Treasury.
When the Bretton Woods Conference met on July 1, 1944, the whole issue of the war was swaying in the balance. When it dispersed on July 22 the Allied armies were still fighting with their backs to the sea, penned in within a few miles of their initial landing points, and the German front was holding solidly. The overwhelming interest of the whole world, including the delegations at Bretton Woods, centred on the titanic struggle going on in Normandy. The one and only thing that mattered was the maximum flow of munitions in to Normandy. A huge part of that flow consisted of American Lend-Lease aid. The nations were comrades in arms fighting side by side. The United States had been most generous. If it wanted a money agreement signed, it was no time for higgling and haggling. Anything dubious or obscure must be left over for revision and clarification when victory was assured.
SINCE the turn of the century it has been an open question in America whether Business would devour Government or Government would devour Business. During the first half of this period the trend was toward the emergence of Business as the dominant factor. During the latter half the trend has been in the opposite direction. The dividing line was, of course, the war, when for the first time the government assumed complete control of industry.
Relinquishing this control after the war, under the benign influence of the Reign of Normalcy, the government afforded business an opportunity to re-establish itself. It failed. Caught in the maze of a vast inflation of credit, ‐instigated by Wall Street and carried out with the aid of Washington‐business succumbed to the mania of speculation and emerged disrupted and discredited. It is to be doubted that it will ever be trusted to take the helm again.
As we look back over the years that have come and gone since the beginning of the century, the year 1917 assumes an epochal significance. In a real sense it marked the end of the old order. With o u r entrance into the World War the New Freedom of Woodrow Wilson became an actuality.
Before this the government had been largely in the hands of Big Business. Convinced of its righteousness, honestly enough, it set out to mold the social and economic order in its own image and, to a large extent, it succeeded. Despite the growing rumblings of discontent, despite the opposition of such a formidable force as the first Roosevelt, it succeeded on the whole in making the rich richer, whether or not it made the poor poorer.
For a decade and a half, under the tutelage first of Mark Hanna and later with the aid of Speaker Joe Cannon and Senator Aldrich‐twin guardians of the old order‐Big Business made unprecedented gains. It consolidated its position. It imposed its philosophy of Rugged Individualism on a complacent world, and in its name it extended the scope of Monopoly and broadened the realm of Privilege. Through an unconscionable tariff system it added immeasurably to manufacturing profits and placed a back-breaking burden on consumers.
Through legal trickery or outright seizure it took over the public domain and acquired timber, mineral and water power rights which were a part of the nation’s heritage. Through bribery or political influence it acquired municipal railway and gas or electric power franchises, as in a previous era it had obtained railroad rights and had built great systems on borrowed money at costs which were inflated to cover vast construction profits for the promoters and then casually wrecked these systems and bought them back at a fraction of their original cost. Through secret shipping or price agreements it crushed competition and destroyed its rivals. In the race for wealth it adulterated foods, falsified advertising and oppressed labor and in every field it opposed to the last ditch any reform that threatened to cut into profits or lessen the power of Privilege. When occasion demanded or profit dictated it wrecked banks, looted insurance companies and fostered panic‐all in the name of Rugged Individualism. Then, as a final gesture it dumped its ill-gotten gains and tainted properties into the hopper of Wall Street and emerged with vast holdings of watered stock, which it manipulated to its own profit and to the undoing of small investors and ignorant speculators.
“In the end”, as a keen British observer, Bertrand Russell, recently wrote,* “America became, in its economic life, an organized whole ruled, for their own profit, by a handful of rich men”.
In other words, a system of Organized Plunder.
But the dictators of the old order reckoned without the war and the war wrecked their machine. Commandeering their plants and means of transportation, largely through the instrumentality of their own paid executives, the government took over industry and turned it to the uses of war. Not only that, but it did a remarkably fine job, shattering f o r once the illusion that Government was incapable of functioning efficiently in the field of private business. When the w a r ended the government handed back to private capital a well-oiled machine, which, however, was geared up to a production capacity that in time spelled the ruin of industry. For when the short-lived post-war spurt of prosperity had spent itself Big Business was faced with the alternatives of drastic liquidation or inflation on a grand scale. Unwisely it chose inflation and for seven mad years kept the ball spinning at an ever-increasing speed in a hope‐ less effort to save itself. Buoyed up by rampant speculation and cheered on by the vociferous disciples of the New Economic Era philosophy, it appeared for a time that it might succeed; in fact, it was almost convinced of the efficacy of its own nostrums, but in the end came collapse and business, big and little, found itself prostrate.
That business has fallen from its high estate is due not so much to ruthlessness of purpose as to an inherent weakness in its philosophy. Like the Profits System, which is its economic counterpart, individualism is wholly a philosophy of self-seeking. Ignoring the fact that self-seeking leads to greed and greed to injustice and injustice to retribution, we have sought to rear an economic order which contains within itself the seeds of destruction. For it is impossible to build a world that is fit to live in or a civilization that will endure on the basest human vices or passions.
But, say the defenders of the old order, it worked. All about us are the evidences of material wealth and progress. Look at the skyscrapers, subways, magnificent parks and homes. See the automobiles and radios in the hands of working folk. Has any other system ever done so much for the common man?
For the sake of argument, let us grant that it worked ‐ u p to a certain point. But in the interest of truth let it also be recorded that when the first real test came it failed miserably. This is perhaps the greatest lesson of the Depression.
As a matter of plain fact, if one cared to argue the point, it is a question whether the system ever really worked. It all depends on whether one looks at the scene from the standpoint of 1929, with a national income of 85 billion dollars, or from the standpoint of 1933, when the national income had dropped some 40 billion dollars with a corresponding decrease in living standards. It depends on whether one stands in the place of the farmer, who had faced declining prices and in‐ creasing costs for a decade or more, and the wage earner, whose gross earnings had continuously fallen during the same period, or whether one stands in the place of the investor or speculator, whose dividends and profits had mounted steadily. It was the curse of the so‐ called prosperity of the Twenties that it was distributed with glaring unevenness. In some fields it was a glittering reality; in others it was palpably lacking.
The essence of the theory behind the Profits System is the accumulation of profits at the top. It is true that, within limitations, its beneficiaries are willing to share their gains. In the interest of larger profits they will allow some small part of their wealth to “trickle down” to those at the bottom in the form of a living wage. But this is Feudalism‐with this exception: that in a feudal state the Great Lord assumes responsibility for the lives and property of his retainers, whereas under the existing system they are ever at the mercy of the capricious Winds of prosperity. Obviously to attempt to establish an Industrial Feudalism within the scope of a Political Democracy is a contradiction in terms. One must yield to the other. Either we will have to get rid of democracy and accept autocracy‐which is another word for Fascism‐or we will have to get rid of economic feudalism and accept the principle of govern‐ m e n t control of industry‐otherwise known as regimentation. The sole remaining alternative is collectivism, which thinking people are not prepared to accept, in America at least.
But we are getting into deep water. Let us return to the government. Under the NRA it is evident that at last Government has swallowed Business and in order to wash down its meal it has taken some potent draughts on the side in the form of other activities of the New Deal. Whether this is for good or ill, it is too early to say, but, as a choice between evils, there is a growing body of opinion which holds that it is the sounder course.
From the practical standpoint, can the new system be made to work? Will it stand the pragmatic test? Why not? its supporters ask. All that they are attempting to do is to set up a planned economy in place of a “hit-or‐miss” economy. We are not attempting, they argue, to subvert existing institutions. We do not propose to do away with the right of private property. It is possible, they admit, that they will exalt human rights, but that is not to say that they will destroy property rights, except perhaps insofar as they are anti-social. Nor do they seek to change the processes of government. They accept the Constitution and propose to live under it. Is this subversive? Is it unsound or unpractical?
But, notwithstanding this, it is not to be denied that the philosophy of the New Deal runs directly counter to that of the old order. In fact, there are signs that the new leadership is preparing to discard the Profit motive as a determining factor in its economics. Fortunately, it holds, there are other motives that will serve the same purpose more effectively and more humanely. There is, for example, the Security motive. If we can once convince ourselves that the security of all means the security of each and every one it is possible that we will find a common ground on which government and industry can meet.
Certain it is that the desire for security, or the instinct of self-preservation, is the deepest human instinct. To deny this or to say, as the old order does, that the predatory instinct‐which is the biological equivalent of the Profit motive ‐ is the primary impulse of natural man is founded neither on fact nor on human experience. In his natural state man was not a hunter‐he was the hunted. The Hunting Stage of mankind was a super‐imposed culture which was destined to go the way of other cultures, and to attempt to build an economic system on this discarded remnant of a dead past is an anacronism. Worse than that, it is a reversion to the “reign of tooth and claw”.
1983 reprint.
Tne insidious crime of secretly or surreptitiously altering the monetary laws of a State‐than which no more dastardly or fatal blow can be dealt at its liberties‐is not a new one. There is a suggestion in the decree of B. C. 360, concerning the ancient iron money of Sparta, that Gylipus was not unfamiliar with this grave offence. In a later age, Pliny, who justly calls it “a crime against mankind,” evidently refers to that alteration of the Roman mint code by which what remained of the nummulary system of the Republic was subverted, about B. C. zoo, in favor of the authorised private coinages of the gentes. Such alteration seems to have been secret, for no explicit allusion to it appears in the fragments that have been preserved concerning the legislation of that period. But the coinages and the decadence of the State tell the story with sufficient distinctness to justify the anathema of the Roman encyclopedist.
Upon the establishment of the Empire, the State resumed the entire control of its monetary issues; and this policy it continued to maintain until the barbarian revolts of the fifth and sixth centuries subverted or weakened its authority and obliged it to connive at breaches of the prerogative which it had lost the power to prevent or punish. The latest notable exercise of its resentment for an usurpation of the coinage prerogative was the war which Justinian II declared against Abd-el-Melik for daring to strike and issue gold coins without the Imperial stamp or authority.
After the Fall of Constantinople in 1204, the prerogative of the Roman Emperor fell into the hands of the numerous potentates who erected their crowns upon the ruins of the empire and its maintenance became the source of numerous contests with the inferior nobles, who, in their ignorance and avidity,would fain have retained a right which, so long as it remained in their hands, rendered the erection of kingdoms and therefore the recognition and due support of their own nobility, impossible. The process of King Philip le Bel against the Comte de Nevers emphasised this view of the subject very clearly. Before the Discovery of America private coinage was everywhere suppressed; and the essential prerogative of Money be‐came vested and centered in the various crowned heads who governed the states of Europe.
It was not long after that great event, when avidity awoke to new life over the spoils of a plundered Continent, that attempts were renewed to snatch the prerogative of Money from the State. This time it was not the truculent noble, who impudently claimed a right that had once belonged to the Caesars and boldly exercised it in defiance of the Crown, but the sneaking billoneur, who stealthily sought to acquire it through the arts of falsehood, intrigue, and forgery.
Such were the crimes of 1666, 1742, 1870 and 1873.
THE final deductions in this treatise, and in particular the relating of the Final Act of Bretton Woods to the financial policy which led to the foundation and perversion of the U.S. Federal Reserve Board, are the author’s own, for which he must not fasten any responsibility upon his authorities. Those readers, however, who wish to check the facts from which the deductions are made may be recommended to the following works : “All These Things” and “The Truths About The Slump,” by A. N. Field; “The Bankers’ Conspiracy” and “A Fraudulent Standard,” by Arthur Kitson ; “Analysis of Usury” and “The Modern Idolatory,” by Jeffrey Mark ; “The Mystical Body of Christ and the Reorganisation of Society,” by Father Denis Fahey ; “The Money Illusion,” by Professor Irving Fisher; “The Two Nations” and ”The Breakdown of Money,” by Christopher Hollis; ”Post-War Monetary Stabilisation,” by Professor Gustav Cassel; “America Conquers Britain,” by Ludwell Denny; “The Brief for the Prosecution,” by Major C. H. Douglas; and the volume is of Hansard covering the debate on the Loan Agreement. Another book, “The Economics of Human Happiness,” by W. Collin Brooks, although it draws none of the conclusions here set down, and indeed draws some which are at variance with them, is never‐the-less well worth reading because of the wonderful lucidity with which its author deals with perversions of the monetary system.
THIS little book has been produced with the object of filling a vacancy which the author considers has too long existed. Works on the Rothschild's are many, but nearly all these are either purposefully inaccurate or, like Count Corti's masterpiece, long and rather dry. This book of :nine contains no padding and needs to be read slowly.
I am not concerned with anecdotes about the Rothschilds, nor with registering their " wise-cracks," nor with their "charity." I take no interest in the Rothschilds as men or robots, but orly as .]us ; this book, which has been condensed so as to be within the reach of any working-man or woman, deaJs with the principal aspects of control over
be Gentile by sheer weight of money-power, a control used for purposes
not Gentile.
Dealing, as it does, with the last 150 years which have been so full of world-shaking events, it has been no easy task to squeeze what I have to say within the compass of a one-shilling publication. To enable those who have either forgotten their history or (let us be honest) never learned it, to follow the narrative more easily, a calendar of some of the principal historical events of the period follows this preface, and I would advise the reader to have within reach, when reading the book, an ordinary school history-book for occasional reference.
On the page following the Calendar, the reader will End a list of the principal works from which quotations, etc., have been taken, together with the letters of the alphabet used as references to them.
Thus, for example, the sign (B, Vol. IV. p. 272) refers to that volume and page in the ]ewi.rb Egg/zlopadia.
In attempting my task, I know that I am only able to expose a small fraction of the total evil done by certain members of this Jewish family in the past ; but, like a geologist who tells the story of the earth by his observations upon outcrops of rock, I tell the story of Roths- child control over the Gentiles from the evidence which has happened to come to light, so that my readers may judge for themselves what still lies underground.
Trusting that this book may enable others to dispense knowledge of the subicct, I now drop this spanner into the wobbling, squeaking, overheated machinery of an outworn democracy, hoping for the best. I ask my readers to get busy, for the time is short.
ARNOLD LEESE.
28th February, 1940
I HAVE tried to collect and to put into some consecutive form a number of extracts, taken from various authors, often with her own comments, which were amongst my dear mother’s papers.
These extracts form a valuable index to forty years of reading! They are occasionally to be found scattered through her diaries, but more generally entered in small unpretentious note-books, which she always kept by her side, where she could transcribe in pen or pencil the passage that struck her fancy. Often the marks of the pencil were faint, or the pen was remiss in its duty, but if the instrument so employed was at times faulty, her own exquisite literary taste was never so.
Although, as far as possible, a continuity of dates has been faithfully observed‐from 1860 to 1907‐f0r a selection of extracts, still there occurs many a gap in the notes on books during those years, for which it would be difficult to find an explanation other than the fact that some note-books were probably destroyed or lost in the lapse of time.
Thou mayest loan to many nations but thou shalt not borrow ‐ Moses.
This century will not close before we shall have a general reorganization of international relations THROUGHOUT THE WORLD and alliances and combinations on new lines to meet conditions which have long been changing SILENTLY and SLOWLY and have now reached the stage where the bud must burst into flower. -- Hemoranda of Baron Rothschild to Lord Salisbury, 1896.
Should the following pages prove fortunate enough to be favourably received by the public, they will owe it entirely to their subject-matter.
To this, and not to vigour of language or lucidity of style, must be attributed whatever interest they may possess. The Author makes no pretensions to the character of a practised writer and feels that the subject is worthy of a more able and experienced hand; he therefore ventures to solicit the indulgence he so sorely needs for his literary short‐ comings, of which no one can feel more conscious than himself. On the other hand, he boldly and frankly claims for his work the merit of perfect and impartial truthfulness; and, in the words of Montaigne, he conscientiously asserts, with perhaps justifiable pride: “C’est icy un livre de bonne foy, lecteur.”
THE Rothschilds, who have held in their hands for more than a century the threads of the financial life of the Old World, were described b Heine many decades ago as the first bankers in Europe. Even to-day there is not one of the more recent financial dynasties that can boast a wealth equal to that of the famous Jewish financiers. The mere mention of their name suggests the power of millions, and, to those who are ever ready to pay homage to wealth, these descendants of a petty hawker of the Frankfort ghetto seem to be the very personification of earthly riches.
This fabulous success of the Rothschilds seems the more remarkable when we learn that the immediate founder of this powerful dynasty, the aged Maier Amschel, was, little over a hundred years ago, a small trader in the Jewish quarter of Frankfort, and cannot have had even a dream of the millions which his family afterwards amassed. He began his career as a modest shopkeeper; his sons became millionaires, his grandsons multi‐ millionaires. Three generations sufficed to convert this obscure ghetto-family into the greatest financial power in the world. That fact is enough of itself to invest the origin of the Rothschild firm with the significance of an historical event, nor is the interest lessened when we realise the profound influence it has had on the fate of Europe and the whole political and social life of the west.
In order to afford the students of the School of Foreign Service of Georgetown University an opportunity to supplement and illustrate their classroom work by a rapid survey of the principal phases in the history of relations between sovereign states from the earliest antiquity down to our own times, the authorities of the School have undertaken to invite, each year, a number of distinguished scholars, each a master in his respective field, to deliver a special course of lectures on international relations.
The first fifteen of these lectures articulated into an organic whole and entitled "The History and Nature of International Relations," were delivered in the Auditorium of the National Museum, Washington, D. C, and were open to the general public. The presence, in gratifying numbers, of the general public on alternate Friday evenings during the winter and spring of 1920-1921 furnished abundant proof of the growing interest now being manifested by thoughtful Americans as well in theories of Political Science as in the actual conduct of our foreign relations.
The present volume reproduces such of the lectures as have been judged likely to prove of permanent value both for students of the School of Foreign Service and for general readers seeking authoritative guidance through the tangled maze of world politics.
Whether or not it is because the centre of political gravity in international affairs is to be found near, if not conterminous with the centre of financial gravity, it is beyond dispute that the Capital of the United States, at the present time, has become the focal point of interest for the civilized world. It was, therefore, never more imperative than at the present juncture to foster scientific study of the principles and practice of international relations and even of such preambles of the science of government as a right understanding of the origin of civil society and its first postulate, authority, since foreign policies will naturally be largely influenced by the philosophy underlying the decisions of those who direct the destinies of states.
The gunfire of an irresponsible fanatic at Sarajevo, seven years ago, unloosened elemental forces that not only swept crowns and thrones into the discard but tore the veil of respectability from a certain type of imported philosophy extremely popular in American universities, during the last two generations, but not professed so confidently since August, 1914. The "scrap-of-paper" solution of embarrassing difficulties arising out of international obligations is a logical through brutally expressed corollary of the metaphysics that would substitute expediency and the pragmatic sanction for the ethical basis of jurisprudence. It is hoped that the present volume will clear a satisfactory approach to the detailed studies of the various aspects of international relations which this series will present from time to time.
In conclusion, the Editor begs to express to the Regents of the Smithsonian Institution the thanks of the authorities of the School of Foreign Service for the use of the Auditorium of the National Museum; acknowledgment of great indebtedness is likewise made to Dr. Constantine E. McGuire of the Inter-American High Commission for his untiring labors in arranging the details of the course, to Dr. J. Franklin Jameson, Department of Historical Research of the Carnegie Institution of Washington, for his gracious words of introduction on the occasion of the first lecture, and to Mr. Thomas H. Healy, Secretary of the School of Foreign Service, into whose capable hands was entrusted the important but thankless task of correcting the proofs of this publication.
EDMUND A. WALSH
August 8, 1921.
Book 6 of Library of Political Secrets series. A little-known history of India's historic Jewish community from one of the few countries in the world that never expelled The Jews.
A collection of four English-language publications in Germany from 1930.
After World War Two, ‘fascist’ became the F word of political debate to be applied liberally against anyone who left-wing polemicists disliked. But what did it really mean and what did its British supporters really stand for? In this pre-War book written in convenient Question and Answer form by Oswald Mosley, the Leader of the British Union of Fascists challenges the simplistic nature of the stereotypical image. It acknowledges that if he had been elected to power political party warfare would have been brought to an end. Instead of voting for different party labels General Elections would be based on an occupational franchise. Under this system everybody would vote according to their vocation: miners voting for a choice of mining candidates; farm workers for agricultural candidates; health workers for doctors and nurses; and textile workers for textile worker candidates. There would even have been occupational candidates for housewives and pensioners. In this way, Mosley believed that a government of experts elected by experts would be created: a body far better equipped to provide good government than one based on a multi-party geographical franchise.Other questions and answers covered by Mosley in equal depth include freedom of speech; reform of the banking system; and the roles of trade unions in the modern workplace. Fascism may have lost the war of semantics but its true nature deserves closer scrutiny.
A pamphlet warning of an anti-American, anti-God fifth column operating in "The South" which threatens to bring economic ruin, moral bankruptcy, and the time-honored Southern Tradition.
The story that follows is an expansion of a broadcast made by John T. Flynn over the facilities of the Mutual Broadcasting System on June 5, 1955.
The people of the United States are now confronted by a movement to introduce into this country the project of Universal Military Training‐UMT, as it is called‐as a permanent institution. The ostensible purpose is to create a great reservoir of manpower to fight what‐ ever global or other wars in which we may be involved.
Preface by His Excellency Benito Mussolini begins:
It is now more than ten years that I have been reporting the war between the Internationalist-Communist Conspiracy and the American people‐ or, rather, I should say the fraction of the American people fighting to save our country.
During those more than ten years I have written millions of words. In all of those words I have endeavoured to be meticulously observant of all the ethics of journalism. At times it was distressingly unhappy reporting. But I never favored old friends who, for their own various reasons, had been rendering aid and comfort to the “Enemy” - I named and unmasked them just as bluntly as I named and unmasked all proven renegades and traitors. Moreover, whether reporting the charlatanry of an FDR, an Eisenhower, an Earl Warren, or the treason of those in Hollywood and on Broadway, I never sought to dodge responsibility by resorting to innuendo or to journalistic trickery. I reported the facts asI found them ‐ called a spade a shovel ‐ without favor and without fear. I named many hundreds of renegades and traitors, most of them in high places, who ordinarily would react with angry libel suits to just a mere insinuation of dishonesty or of untruth. I bluntly charged them with the heinous crime of treason, yet not one ever went into a court of law to challenge the integrity of my reporting.
Pamphlet ends with:
Please, please, Mr. Hoover, don’t you go down in history as the Pontius Pilate of the twentieth century!
Over the past few years the subject of (so-called) Holocaust Denial has become a major issue in the Western media. Almost universally the men (6) referred to pejoratively as Holocaust Deniers have been portrayed as neo-Nazis, anti-Semites, cranks, or even as agents of a sinister international conspiracy hell bent on rewriting the history of the Nazi era in order to restore the Third Reich. Many people have been misled by the media propaganda about Holocaust Deniers and Holocaust Denial, primarily because the campaign against them has been well-orchestrated and the stories related about them have had a certain consistency. However, people who have probed behind the media propaganda have often come to radically different conclusions.
Although both are covered peripherally, this short study is about neither Holocaust Denial nor those who, for many reasons promote it. Rather it is about what we might call Holocaust Affirmers, in particular the people who actively oppose Holocaust Denial and those who accept the stories of survivors, Jewish organisations and other vested interests more or less uncritically. The current writer accepts that many of the criticisms levelled at so-called Holocaust Deniers have some, often a lot, of validity. Many of them do have far right and/or anti-Semitic antecedents, a few of them are outright Nazis, and at times some of them have placed ideology on a higher plane than truth. But there are always two sides to every coin, and in this short monographI propose to examine the other side, that of the Holocaust Affirmers.
I do not propose to limit this study of Holocaust Affirmers simply to their active opposition to Holocaust Denial, but to cover their various ideologies, their methodologies, and their antecedents in all their attacks on academic freedom, freedom of speech and individual liberty. And their raison d'atre. For the biggest fallacy in the manufactured controversy over Holocaust Denial and Holocaust Deniers is not the presumption of the bad faith of the Deniers, but the presumption of the good faith of the Affirmers.
The term Holocaust Denier (usually denier with a lower cased) as popularised by Deborah Lipstadt is clearly a term of abuse. There are those who consider the term Exterminationist to be a term of abuse, including most Exterminationists. It seems that many of them object in particular to being represented as the other side, albeit the orthodox and accepted side, of a legitimate debate. Revisionists and the public at large are constantly reminded that there is no debate. The fact though is that, however much they may protest, there is a debate, a very real debate, and one which they have now given legitimacy to, however reluctantly, by their being dragged kicking and screaming to the debating table. The very fact that books such as AUSCHWITZ: Technique And Operation Of The Gas Chamber. have been written, indeed have to be written, means that a defacto debate exists.
The current writer does not regard the term Exterminationist as having any pejorative connotations, indeed I accept that, for the moment, the Exterminationists are the legitimate school. I accept that the perceived wisdom is that the government of Nazi Germany exterminated millions of Jews, including in mass gassings in gas chambers, and that the burden of proof, in the eyes of academia, in the eyes of the establishment, and in the eyes of the public is on the Revisionists. Not all Revisionists do. (8)
I have used the term Holocaust Affirmers in this book as a mild pejorative. I used this term for the first time in my book HOLOCAUST DENIAL: NEW NAZI LIE or NEW INQUISITION? (9) As far as I know this is the first time it has ever been used, although I have no intention of attempting to popularise it.
One final point, this book is intended for distribution on both sides of the Atlantic. Some English words have slightly different spellings in the United States. In Britain, the word centre is spelt thus rather than center, and defence thus rather than defense. In this book I refer to the Wiesenthal Center and to the Jewish Defense League.
I would like to thank especially the staff of the British Library (at Btoomsbury Aldwychand Colindale),the staff of the Library of the Imperial War Museum (Departments of Documents and Printed Books), the staff of the Wellcome Library, the staf fof the Public Record Office at Kew, and the staff of Westminster Central Reference Library.
Alexander Baron is an independent researcher into the Holocaust, Zionist mischief-making and disinformation generally. He is the author of HOLOCAUST DENIAL: NEW NAZI LIE or NEW INQUISITION?,and Holocaust "Revisionism" And Fraud.
I REGARD Mr. Johnston's book as of great public service. We cannot be too plainly reminded of the way in which the public is periodically fleeced by financial tricksters and swindlers ; because these highlights of capitalist enterprise are, after each exposure, quickly forgotten.
It is remarkable how regularly during the past hundred years the story is repeated. Each decade sees a new variant, but the process is essentially the same. Tens of thousands of small investors, and also some large ones, are persuaded by lies and misrepresentations to purchase shares in what is simply a swindle. Hundreds of thousands, if not millions, of pounds are pocketed by the swindlers and the crowd of accomplices and parasites who 'in the ordinary course of business' co-operate in what must not yet be termed fraud. Presently there is a collapse, and, more or less, exposure : occasionally one or more of the chief swindlers gets prosecuted and sentenced to prolonged imprisonment at the public cost. But there is no effective or prolonged publicity.
All the influences 'in the City' combine to hush things up. Any angry talk is bad for business on the Stock Exchange. The banks fear the spread of panic and conceal their own losses. The newspapers are warned on behalf of influential people that any financial scandal interferes with legitimate business, and especially with the advertising of 'promoters'. And so to the interest of the public in the latest financial swindle dies down. The figure of losses is concealed. Presently the crowd of small investors are ready to be robbed again, in some new guise.
Meanwhile, it should be noted, hundreds of little swindles are carried on to the detriment of the public, without any overt criticism or public denunciation. How large is the proportion of rubbish among widely advertised sometimes 'capitalized' monstrous price extracted from the investing public, from patent medicines to cheap glow-lamps, no one has ventured to compute. I do not remember that any professional economist has taken the trouble to estimate the total 'exchange value' during any one year of the various kinds of 'illth' that masquerade as 'wealth.'
Mr. Johnston's plain-spoken account of a dozen or so of the most spectacular of these swindles will, I fear, seem to some people almost indecent. To the honest and respectable banker, or the old-established stockbroker specializing in investment business, or the steady-going manufacturer producing a sound article, it will certainly seem in the highest degree unfair to class all sorts of swindling, along with their own upright service, as part of "the capitalist system."
Their protest would secure more support were it not for one fact. It is just these honest and respectable business people who make possible the hushing-up of the various successive scandals. If they united to demand public investigation and effective publicity the public would not be able so quickly to forget, and the new variant that the swindlers are even now elaborating would have to be postponed. But there is a more serious civic offence of which the banks and the Stock Exchange and such bodies as the Federation of British Industries are habitually guilty. Whenever the Government, or some important members of Parliament, are at last moved to devise some legislative reform,, which would make the successive financial swindles more difficult or more dangerous to the perpetrators, there is only the faintest support from 'the City.'
Presently, indeed, memoranda begin to pour in, showing that the proposed new restrictions to prevent swindling, or the suggested additional requirement in the revelations of promoters' would c interfere with prospectuses, legitimate business. The desired reforms are obstructed, whittled down and often prevented. That legitimate concern for their own profits, which the honest and respectable financiers are so prompt to manifest, actually keeps open the door for renewed swindles. It is even argued that the losses from such swindles are the price that has to be paid for industrial and financial freedom. It is a drawback that the price is not paid by those who get the profits of that freedom ! This attitude of the honest and respectable bankers, the old-established stockbroker doing investment business, and the steady-going manufacturer producing a sound article, is what justifies, and even compels, our inclusion of all the swindles, great and small, in the capitalist system for which the nation relies for nearly all its production and distribution of wealth. It would? indeed, be unfair to blame the bankers, the stockbrokers, and the manufacturers for causing the swindles. The proceedings of Hatry or Kreuger, Bottomley or Farrow, White or Loewenstein ; or those of the more shady of the issuers of foreign loans, or new amalgamations, are not actually caused by the capitalist system.
But I think we are warranted in concluding, from the history of the past hundred years, that are what the they logicians used to call 'inseparable accident8 of such a system. And it is the honest bankers, the respectable stockbrokers, and steady-going manufacturers, who, whenever the question of reform arises, in effect tell us that are 'inseparable' from their essential freedom to make profits.
Mr. Johnston has useful sections on such improvements in the system as the effective nationalization of the Bank of England ; the development of municipal banks like that of Birmingham, established by so reckless a Socialist as the present Chancellor of the Exchequer ; the throwing open to wider utility of the Post Office Savings Bank ; and the planning and direction of a capital investment Board. These are all reforms that have received high expert support. I must refrain from doing more here than invite the reader's special attention to them.
Cover of original publication:
Cover of the Sons Of Liberty re-publication:
Despite all the propaganda efforts made by the protagonists of the shibboleth of Democracy two world Avars in a generation have left the world not better off, but worse. And the propagandists for Democracy cannot change that fact, no matter what they do.
They can place the blame where they will, almost without opposition, because of their monopoly of the public opinion manufacturing agencies. And by constant repetition they can have most of the people believing them.
But here, the author challenges the monopolists of public opinion by examining unpublicized material —-unpublicized because this material reveals the UNDER COVER FORCES FOR WAR.
February 1, 1947
"So you see, my dear Coningsby, the world is governed by very different personages from what is imagined by those who are not behind the scenes."
— Coningsby (page 233, Century Edition, 1903) by Benjamin Disraeli, Earl of Beaconsfield, former Conservative Party Prime-Minister
(First published in 1844)
IT is a remarkable proof of the ignorance of politicians in regard to matters of finance and, in consequence, of their unfitness to play the important part which of necessity they do in the conduct of the nation's affairs, that neither the Conservatives, Labour nor Liberal Parties, not to mention the I.L.P., Communists and Common Wealth, have ever made any important statement of a policy in connection with the National Debt, nor shown the slightest indication that they realize that it is desirable to do anything about it.
The National Debt started in 1694, when the Government of the day unwisely arranged that a private syndicate, which later became known as the "Bank of England," should lend it £1,200,000 in gold, at 8% interest. With even greater stupidity, they then allowed the syndicate to issue bank notes to the value of £1,200,000 which it was able to lend into circulation, charging interest. Thus, although the Bank of England was not put to any expense beyond the cost of the paper and printing, it was allowed to
draw interest on two lots of money—its own gold and the new notes to the value of the gold! Later, the Bank of England managed to obtain still more gold which they also lent to the Government at interest, and, whenever they did so, they increased their issue of virtually costless paper money until they were getting interest on £16 millions in gold and £16 millions in paper notes. If the Government had done the obviously sensible thing and, instead of borrowing, had decided to issue its own paper money, it could likewise have done so at the mere cost of paper and printing; there would have been no need for interest to be paid to anybody; and the taxpayer would not have been burdened to provide interest.
...
Increasingly associated with the anti-Semitism espoused by leading BPP figures, Russell stated that the figure of six million Jewish deaths in the Holocaust was "grossly exaggerated" and argued that a figure of 300,000 concentration camp deaths, drawn from all those interned rather than just Jews, was more likely. He also denied that any concentration camp had a gas chamber, claiming they were just showers. He also funded the publication of Failure at Nuremberg, a pamphlet authored by the "BPP Research Department" (effectively Beckett, A.K. Chesterton and former IFL member Harold Lockwood) which denounced the Nuremberg trials of leading Nazis as a series of show trials that started from the basis of presumed guilt on the part of the defendants. Unusually he also contributed articles on Social Credit and pacifism to anarchist Guy Aldred's journal, The Word, between 1940 and his death. Russell died in 1953, aged 64, as a result of a gunshot wound in the grounds of his Endsleigh estate in Devon. The coroner recorded his death as accidentally inflicted, but his elder son suggested it may have been deliberately self-inflicted.
"They are unaccompanied by anything in the nature of either of comment or introduction, since they speak for themselves..."
http://samisdat.in/books/reports-on-bolshevism-in-russia-british-foreign-office-1919
This book is humbly dedicated to ‐
Marian Louise Edmondson, who, defying dual terror, faithfully stood beside her husband - to die before her time February 22, 1952, a heart attack victim. I hear testimony that she justified her existence by word and deed.
To "The Twenty Immortals,” that inspired band of fearless American lawyers, who, embattled in a courtroom of the Nation’s capital in 1944, went far beyond the Call of Duty in behalf of The Constitution versus the New Deal might, and in defence of impoverished Innocence ~ AND WON! And received the deserved judicial high-honor tribute: "You have maintained the highest traditions of your profession."
And to that magnificently courageous company of "fire-tested" men and women communistically smeared by New Dealer dominated newspapers of the Nation as "Crackpots of the Lunatic Fringe,” who, sacrificially hazarding all they held dear, enemy-hounded from pillar to post, with high morale and indomitable spirit, gave back blow for blow ‐ I take off my hat in reverential salute to rare individualistic valor.
With a veneration for Truth, a zeal for Principle and an unquenchable love for and loyalty to our immortal Constitution I hereby hail them with congratulatory felicitations on the ineluctahle fact that thEy alone in prophecy nearly two decades ago forecast, with incontestable accuracy, today‘s fulfilling exposures of direful socialistic subversions, which those heroic unsung militant Christian soldiers then envisioned and, cherishing no "passion for anonymity" (like their "invisible enemy") they patriotically broadcast signed warnings, to awaken unsuspecting countrymen to the imminence of the greatest danger ever menacing The Republic.
I would not be true to them nor to myself were I to fail, in the current crisis, to "stand up and becounted" publicly ‐ For The Republic!
To Them All: HONOR! PEACE! HAPPINESS!
"Inspection of the alleged libelous documents in this case will show the court that they are the result of mature study of the literature and press of the world. The defendant will have the right to occupy the time of the jury to read into the record a mass of material withOut end. There is no telling how many months trial might consume. It would develop racial and religious antagonisms that would rock the foundations of the community.”
The foregoing court argument was made May 2, 1938, by Defence Counsel Wise for Robert Edward Edmondson following backdown dismissal pleas by five amicus curiae, whose leadership is credited with having instigated a communistic misleading sectarian indictment, a violation of state and national guarantees of freedom of the press, and which petitions were succeeded On May 10, 1938, by an unconditional formal dismissal of the case by N. Y. judge Wallace.
While defending America by publishing exposures of the COMMUNISTIC politico-ECONOMIC subversions of The Jewish ECONOMIC System, Jewish Mayor LaGuardia of N. Y. City had Robert Edward Edmondson camouflage‐
indicted June 11, 1936, on an allegation of “incitingly” libeling “ ALL persons of the Jewish RELIGION” (which was not attacked as such)‐and this persecution trial to suppress FREE SPEECH was finally set for Nov. 15, 1937.
The author of this pamphlet has not been and is not now against Jews as to Religion, Race or Individuals; but because The Jewish Economic System is using control of Revolutionary Communism, High Finance and The Press to destroy the American Republic, National Patriot-ism and Christian Civilization for the benefit of International Jewry.
Is there a world-wide Jewish conspiracy to overthrow all Christian institutions in favor of Judaisism? Is Communism "Jewry in action"? Is the New Deal a Jewish expedient to pull the United States down to ruin, that organized Jewry, constituting only ten percent of our population, may take it over?
The answers to these questions is: "JEWS SAY SO!" and here are their specific Agreements and Attestments.
Extracts of speeches given in New York, Oct 30-Nov 1, 1937 by
Henry Hamilton Beamish, Adrien Arcand & Robert Edward Edmondson
The first part of this book was published several months ago under the title of "Zionist Wall Street." It was intended only as a preview. These chapters will not be repeated but only supplemented. The Zionists of Wall Street are the financial backers of the Zionists of the world and of the Zionist state of Israel. They are the head and front of the Zionist political organizations. They created the state of Israeli and they brought about two wars for that purpose.
The Zionists are anti-Christ and have been since His crucifixion. They are as much so now as they were then. They are communists. They would crucify our Savior Jesus Christ today if he stood in the way of their schemes.
They attempt to deceive us by assuming Christian names, e.g. Winchell for Lipschitz, and by their so-called "brotherhood" campaign: a rabbi, a protestant preacher, and a Catholic priest working jointly. They proclaim a brotherhood week. They preach tolerance but they practice intolerance.
Their motives are greed and power. They seek to acquire the wealth of the world and to enslave the gentiles. They claim that they are "God's chosen people" and that He promised them that they should rule the world. They are taught this falsehood by their Talmud and their rabbis. They seek to destroy all gentiles and all governments that interfere with their plans. Wars and depressions are necessary to accomplish these purposes and so we have wars and depressions. They always win and the gentiles (goy) always lose.
The Zionist Jews will denounce this booklet as anti-Semitic and me as an intolerant anti-Semite. I am anti-Semitic only to the extent that the Jews are anti-Christ and anti-American. I am no more anti-Semitic than was our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ who denounced the Zionists as idolaters, liars, thieves, and murderers.
I know their history and understand their purposes. I have tried to tell the truth about them without bias or prejudice, and without fear. They are intolerant and vindictive. I realize that I may be persecuted, but if this booklet is of service to my country, I will cheerfully accept the punishment.
There are a few tolerably good Jews but they are mostly of Sephardic origin, as were Benjamin Disraeli and Woodrow Wilson, and not of the Khazar tribe who are of Mongolian origin, as are the Rothschilds. It is estimated that 85% of the American Jews are of Khazar or Ashkenazi origin and that only 15% of all Jews are of Sephardic origin, which is about the percentage of good Jews.
The purposes of this book are two-fold:
(1) to bring about the trial and conviction of the traitors who have involved us in four depressions and two wars, and to thereby restore our solvency;
(2) the repeal of section one of the 14th and 15th amendments to our National Constitution and the limitation of the 16th, and to thereby preserve constitutional government.
I intend to devote my fortune, which I hope may be a considerable one, to the accomplishment of these purposes.
George W. Armstrong
April 29, 1950.
Under the leadership of Adolf Hitler, the German people has learnt to look not backward into the past, but forward into the future. But the war which has been enforced upon us, and which we are waging for the sake of Germany's future weal, renders it absolutely necessary that we should constantly bear in mind what led to the outbreak of the present conflict and wherein lay its ultimate causes. These facts have long been obvious to those who cared to see them and have often enough been publicly established by competent German authorities and especially by the Fuehrer in his speeches. Since, however, our enemies are untiring in their efforts to conceal the truth by means of lying propaganda and to mislead the world at large, not only as regards the causes of the war but also concerning their aims, it seems essential to furnish once again by authentic official documents the irrefutable proof that Britain, and Britain alone, was responsible for the war which she deliberately brought about in order to annihilate Germany.
The present status of the Revolutionary Movement in the United States based on documents seized by the authorities in the raid upon the Convention of the Communist Party at Bridgman, Michigan, August 22, 1922, together with descriptions of numerous connections and associations of the Communists among the Radicals, Progressives and Pinks.
In the following pages, the reader will find a translation of an often mentioned but very hard to find pamphlet by Wilhelm Marr, a German journalist and cultural historian from the late 19th century with the title The Victory of Judaism over Germanism (Sieg des Judenthums über das Germanenthum).
Wilhelm Marr’s work is highly controversial. As a journalist, he became known for his sharply critical attitude towards Judaism’s role in the Western world. Today he is considered one of the most important exponents of modern anti-Semitism.
Just how important a role he may have played is described in a book by Prof. Moshe Zimmermann of Hebrew University of Jerusalem with the title Wilhelm Marr, the Patriarch of Anti-Semitism.In this book, M. Zimmermann devotes a long chapter to The Victory of Judaism over Germanism. He describes Marr’s personal circumstances at the time this work was created. While much space is devoted to document the events surrounding its composition, Marr’s own words receive little attention. Instead M. Zimmermann states “I will not expand upon the content of this notorious essay here.”
a) A very brief exposition of some of the actual contents of Marr’s pamphlet appears in an annotated anthology of modern Jewish history by Prof. Paul Mendes-Flohr and Prof. J. Reinharz. It consists of the translation of several paragraphs selected from chapter 5 of Marr’s pamphlet.
b) The absence of any comprehensive translation of this pamphlet confronts the reader, who is interested in Marr’s own words, with a difficult task. He must find a copy of the pamphlet and he must read it in the original German. Finding a printed copy has been difficult. The Libraries Worldwide Catalog (World Cat.) at the University of California’s Melvyl library system lists only 29 copies worldwide. Only since the advent of the world wide web an electronic copy of Marr’s pamphlet has become available at www.archive.org/details/texts
For these reasons I have translated the entire pamphlet and provided annotations for names and concepts which may not be familiar to today’s reader. This will enable the researcher to obtain a first hand impression of Marr’s historical-cultural view of The Victory of Judaism over Germanism.
It is a significant fact that Marr never recanted the views he expressed in his pamphlet. However, he later expressed regret for having joined and assisted a certain anti-Semitic movement which he came to recognize as having just been a business, the “business of anti-Semitism”. Details regarding Marr’s later view of his pamphlet and of the type of anti- Semitism which he regretted joining after its publication, can be found in the translation of Marr’s The Testament of an Antisemite prepared by M. Zimmermann and included in his book as a separate chapter.
c) Also significant is, that in some of the secondary literature the present pamphlet is quoted as the one in which Marr first coined the expression anti-Semitism. That this is not so is easily verified, since the present pamphlet does not contain this term.
a) M. Zimmermann, Wilhelm Marr, the Patriarch of Anti-Semitism, Oxford University Press, 1986, p. 79.
b) Paul R. Mendes-Flohr and J. Reinharz, The Jew in the Modern World: A Documentary History, Oxford University Press, 1995, pp. 331, 332.
c) M. Zimmermann, ibid., p. 133 to155, particularly pp. 137,138.
Challenge and a Reply
SOME FACTS concerning Bolshevism, Judaism, Christianity and International (Jew-controlled) Finance, Bolshevism and Zionism By A. Homer, M.A., D.Sc., F.I.C., etc.
This article, which appeared in instalments in the issues of the "Catholic Herald" of the 21st and 28th October and the 4th November, 1933, was written in reply to a challenge issued by Mr. L. F. Hydleman. It was reprinted in pamphlet form in response to a widespread demand for this information, which had been collated from authoritative sources (both Jew and Gentile) to demonstrate the relation between JUDAISM and BOLSHEVISM, and the alliance between INTERNATIONAL FINANCE and its protégées, BOLSHEVISM and ZIONISM.The Editor of the "Catholic Herald" repeatedly reserved space for Mr. Hydleman to reply. But, so far as has been ascertained, neither Mr. Hydleman, nor any responsible member of Jewry has publicly denied or disproved these statements of fact.
An address by Captain Victor de Kayville, delivered in Chicago, Ill., April, 1934.
EDITOR'S NOTE: 'This pamphlet is a printed record of a speech delivered by Captain Victor de Kayville in April, 1934, in Chicago, Ill. The speech itself is a compilation based largely on the article by A. Hamer printed under the title "Judaism and Bolshevism" in the "Catholic Herald" of London, England, issues of October 21st, 28th, and November 4th, 1933.
Other sources which have been used by the speaker are: 'The Cause of Anti-Jewism in the U.S.' by Irvin L. Potter; "Halt, Gentile! and Salute the Jew" by 'The Britons', London, England; "Liberation", U.S.A., "Facing the Facts" and "The Plan in Action" by Earnest Sincere, U.S.A.; "The Gentiles Review" ; "Excerpts from Talmud" and "How to prevent the Second World War"*, by Major General, Count Cherep-Spiridovich, etc.
Thies Christophersen was a pioneer revisionist writer and courageous fighter for truth in history -- died February 13, 1997, at Molfsee, Kiel, in north Germany. He was 79.
In a memoir first published in Germany in 1973, he related his wartime experiences as a German army officer in the Auschwitz camp complex. "During the time I was in Auschwitz, I did not notice the slightest evidence of mass gassings," he wrote in Die Auschwitz-Lüge ("The Auschwitz Lie"). As one of the first important works squarely to confront the Auschwitz extermination legend, Christophersen's first-hand account was a major factor in the growth and development of Holocaust revisionism.
"The Auschwitz Lie" caused an immediate sensation in Germany, where it was soon banned. This did not stop publication of German-language editions in Switzerland and Denmark, however, and before long editions appeared in all the major European languages, including several in English. Christophersen predictably came under hostile and mendacious media attack. Numerous newspaper reports, for example, inaccurately referred to him as a former "SS officer."
Although he was never prosecuted for his "Auschwitz Lie" booklet, he was put on trial for other outspoken writings. In the 1980s he served a year in prison on charges of "insulting the state" ("Verunglimpfung des Staates") and "insulting the memory of the dead."
Source: Mark Weber, The Journal of Historical Review, May/June 1997 (Vol. 16, No. 3), page 32
Thies Christophersen ended an essay discussing his life and the book with:
The time will come
When people, especially in Catholic areas
Will put up a bust of Adolf Hitler
Next to the portrait of the Mother Mary
And they will no longer say “Heil Hitler”,
But “Saint Hitler.”
— Adrian Arcand
The people have already stopped believing the lies about Adolf Hitler and Germany. The truth will be victorious, even if today we are persecuted like the first Christians once were under Nero!
A collection of revisionist essays edited by Harry Elmer Barnes dealing with the duplicity of American foreign policy leading up to the Second World War.
Shows how the Roosevelt Administration deliberately manipulated events in Europe and Asia to bring the Us into the war; how Roosevelt was aware of the date, time and place of the Pearl Harbor attack before it happened (and deliberately let it go ahead); and much more. The authors show the deception perpetrated against the American people, who were 80 percent opposed to entering the war.
This book is a critical survey and appraisal of the development of American foreign policy during the Presidency of Franklin D. Roosevelt and of its results, as they have affected the course of world history, the national interest of the United States, and the welfare of its citizens.
The contributors to this volume represent the outstanding living revisionist historians, social scientists, and publicists who have thus far contributed actively to the furtherance of revisionist studies relative to the second World War. Each is a specialist in the field which he treats in his chapter. An effort has been made to cover adequately all the main aspects of the recent foreign policy of the United States.
The editor deals with the blackout of material concerning the revisionist position relative to responsibility for the second World War and the cold war.
Those readers who are stimulated to pursue further the subjects touched upon in any or all of these chapters will find ample guidance to more detailed literature in the footnotes or bibliographies of these chapters. There is no probability that later evidence will require any moderation of the indictment of our foreign policy since 1914, and, especially, since 1933.
There is no doubt that the opponents of truth and realism relative to recent world history and to American foreign policy will seek to smear this book as an example of, and appeal to, isolationism. Such criticism is as silly as it is inevitable today. The authors are all widely travelled men. They are all students of world affairs and of those changes in world conditions which have brought the peoples of the world into closer relationships, at least so far as the agencies of communication and transportation and their cultural impact are concerned. They know that the world has changed since the days of Abraham Lincoln. They favor the
utmost possible development in the way of international contacts, relationships, and understanding, and amicable co-operation between the United States and other countries of the world.
Public domain English translation by Terri Fabre, September 2014.
The works of S. Melgunov are not a popular reading matter, not now, not in Europe and North America. They are not nearly so well known as the works of A. Solzhenitsyn such as “Gulag Archipelago”, “Red Wheel” or “Cancer Ward”. Published in 1924 last time, “Red Terror” was translated to English and published by Hyperion Press only in 1975. It appears to be out of print, never re-printed since.
I came across “Red Terror” when researching material for an article on contem- porary religious, political and ethnic terrorism in the 21st century and did use many quotes from S. Melgunov’s writing. But also I realized that it was my civil duty to the peoples of Europe and North America to translate his book into English for the very first time.
The motivation for translating originated from realization, that many methods of the Bolsheviks are being more and more applied in today’s Western hemisphere: cyn- ical lies in mass media, confiscation of property, disarming of population, alienation of the young generation, re-defining the language. Even though I was intimately fa- miliar with the methods of communist regime in Russia, the book was en eye-opener in many areas. I even recognized some of the facts and could correlate them to the stories my grand-mother told me, even though she was only 8 years old when “Red Terror” 2nd edition was published in Berlin. Her stories were from the more recent late 1920s, but they were frightfully similar: searches by night, arrests, disappearance of people, executions, tips by the informants, poverty and suppression of rights.
Then there were Soviet era movies, such as “Ours among them, theirs among us”1: rittmeiser Lehmke telling Che-Ka operative Shilov that “you will return this gold, but your own will shoot you for that!” Only after reading “Red Terror” I realized what message the movie was trying to covertly convey: the story of captain Schastny – the saviour of Baltic navy from capture by German fleet (see p. 37).
One of the sources that S. P. Melgunov extensively quoted from – “Vessel Of Death” – is worth adding to this book as an appendix. At some point I will probably translate the entire “Che-Ka” almanac if time and resources permit.
Reviewing the book “Red Terror in Russia...” by S. P. Melgunov one cannot help but notice a grave injustice.
While Jewish holocaust was widely recognized, condemned on personal and in- stitutional level and lead to virtual banning of organizations (Nazi party, neo-Nazi affiliations, assemblies), press, symbols and even gestures, the more numerous, wide- spread and just as systemic democide by the communist party did not result in any kind of prosecution whatsoever. While Mossad was hunting down and even kidnap- ping the Nazi and their collaborators around the world, the crimes of communism were shoved under the rug. Soviet Union remained a recognized country for over 70 years that followed. That country was ruled by the Political Bureau of the Communist Party Central Committee (and not by the Soviets of the People’s Deputies as they would want us to belive – the soviets were powerless puppets). In other words that was a Communist party ruling the country. Thus the world recognized Communist party as a legitimate government despite multi-million genocide it committed.
One after another the “enlightened” democracies of the world first turned a blind eye and deaf ear to the plight of Russian population, than basically embraced thuggish psychopathic communist regime by recognizing Bolshevik government. While red terror was ravaging Russia and millions were executed in cruel and grotesque manner, tortured, intentionally starved to death, deprived of medical assistance, raped, robbed of all property, exiled to remote areas with severe cold climate, the world celebrated demise of a powerful emerging competing economy that Russian monarchy was.
A book published around the end of World War Two by an American pastor.
Contains courtroom addresses by August Spies, Michel Schwab, Oscar Neebe, Adolph Fischer, Louis Lingg, George Engel, Samuel Fielden, and Albert R. Parsons.
An early article by a prominent Russian Historian, editor of The Voice of the Past, author of The Red Terror in Russia, writes of the horror of The Red Terror of the Jewish Bolshevik Revolution of Russia.
Blog posts and books:
The Conquest of the World by the Jews (1873), by Major Osman Bey (also known as Frederick Millingen) reveals that Masonic Jews controlled Western media more than 150 years ago.
Major Frederick Millingen (born 1839) also known as Osman Seifi Bey a was an officer in the Turkish army and author of several books including, The Conquest of the World by the Jews.
Frederick Millingen was the son of British surgeon Julius Michael Millingen (1800-1878), who was attached to the Greek army and apparently of Dutch descent. Upon his surrender to the Turks in 1823 he became court physician to five successive sultans. Frederick Millingen's mother Melek Hanim was of Greek, Armenian, and French heritage and wrote the book Thirty Years in a Harem (1872)[1]
Frederick Millingen was baptized in the Greek Orthodox Church and took the name Alexis Andrejevitch (Alexis Andreevich).
FRANCIS E. WALTER
Chairman, Committee on Un-American Activities
United States House of Representatives
Communist leader William Z. Foster's TOWARD SOVIET AMERICA is easily the best-known book dealing with Communism by any American Communist. But the Communists themselves suppressed it; and, for all its fame, only a handful of Americans have actually seen the Foster work.
But here, at last, the legendary book is being brought out of hiding. Now it can be viewed in all its fascinating ugliness.
What you see here is not just a reprint. It is a re-publication. The original text has been followed exactly, including a misprint ("anomoly") on page 15. Even the page numbers are the same. The title has not been changed. There are, however, additions: the story of the book, the story of its author, and comments on the chapters.
It was in 1932 that TOWARD SOVIET AMERICA first made its appearance.
THERE is a great and growing mass demand in this country to know just what is the Communist party and its program. The masses of toilers, suffering under the burdens of the crisis, are keenly discontented and want to find a way out of their intolerable situation. They are alarmed at the depth, length and general severity of the crisis. They begin to realize that “there is something rotten in Denmark,” that there are fundamental flaws in the capitalist system. Their growing realization of this is further strengthened as they see the spectacular rise of Socialism in the Soviet Union. The masses are beginning rightly to sense that Communism has an important message for the human race, and they want to know what it is.
Capitalism is deeply anxious that the masses do not get this message. Hence, from the outset it has carried on a campaign of falsification of the Russian revolution entirely without parallel in history. There has been a veritable ocean of lies in the capitalist press against the U.S.S.R. The American Federation of Labor leadership and the Socialist party, defenders of the capitalist system, have outdone even the capitalists themselves in this wholesale vilification. The effort of the capitalists and their labor lieutenants has been to set off the Communists as willful enemies and destroyers of the human race. But the masses begin to see through this misrepresentation and they want to know the truth.
The present book is an attempt to meet this mass demand by a plain statement of Communist policy, avoiding technical complexities and theoretical elaboration. It outlines simply the program, strength, strategy and perspectives of the Communist party of the United States. It undertakes to point out what is the matter with capitalism and what must be done about it. It indicates where America is heading and it makes a practical application of the lessons of the Russian revolution to the situation in this country. Its central purpose is to explain to the oppressed and exploited masses of workers and poor farmers how, under the leadership of the Communist party, they can best protect themselves now, and in due season cut their way out of the capitalist jungle to Socialism.
This is a combination of the three source FBI Files of Nikola Tesla (1856-1943) with the following changes:
Imperative need of wresting our Congress (Both Houses) from the control of the CFK controlled dictatorship of (Johnson) the White House. That still continues to be our most imperative objective, but, as I stated in our previous “News Bulletin ” there are quite a number of Representatives and Senators who, in their innermost hearts, would like to be loyal to America, but who are swayed by the demands of their “Minority Group' ' constituents to support Johnson’s “Civil Rights” “Voting rights” “rent subsidies” integration ’ and other similar Bills. They have been committing these acts of treason — and “treason” is the only word that fits that kind of voting —on the theory that our (CFR controlled) Mass-Communications Media will either keep their loyal American constituents in ignorance of how their Representatives vote—or to brainwash them into the belief that all those treasonous “Bills” are very “desirable” for “the good of the nation” In addition to all that, there are other Members of Congress who are greatly intimidated by Johnson’s threats of depriving them of the “Federal Patronage ” upon which their communities depend.
Aside from all that, however, I frankly believe that many such members of Congress are utterly unaware of the real overall objective of the so-called “Racial Strife ” “Strikes” “Demonstrations” the cries of “Police Brutalities” etc., etc. On the other hand, many of them truly (mistakenly) believe in “ desegregation ” and in “housing” and jobs “equalities” for the Negroes — they truly believe that the “ poor Negroes” have been exploited and deprived of rights throughout the past hundred years by the American White people, particularly by the Whites in the Southern states.
I repeat, I firmly believe that those particular members of Congress are utterly unaware of the real objective of all that “ strife ” and “chaos” and I am confident that if they can be made aware of that real “ objective ” they not only will reject the demands of their “Minority Group" constituents, defy the threats of the White House cabal and the Warren U. S. Supreme Court “ Decisions” but would join us in the fight to restore our Constitution to its full powers and directives . . . that also goes for the members of the Legislatures of our 50 States.
To “educate all such members to the real objective of the so-called “Demonstrations and “Racial Strife I will now show how the “fight 9 for so-called equalities for the Negroes is the crux of the plot of the Masterminds of the Great Conspiracy to drive the U. S. into becoming a unit of their UN One-World Government.
Now, the unalerted American people — and the over-ambitious, but naive, members of both Houses of Congress and of our State Legislatures might ask what is that “crux of the Masterminds plot? — what is their real objective? The answer is very simple: the plot is to mongrelize our people and to transform the U .S. into a Land of Mulattoes — on the theory that they (the Masterminds) can very easily control the Mulattoes. Hence the cries of the Martin Lucifer Kings and all the other Negro Group “Leaders* and the apostate “Ministers of The “National Council of Churches** for intermarriage of blacks and Whites! . . . and of free sexual relationships between blacks and Whites!
That was exactly the way many of our greatest White nations and Civilizations were destroyed throughout the past centuries — and the Masterminds of the Great Conspiracy are fully aware of it.
Now, I fully realize that those same Masterminds and their stooges, including some of the more brazen Mass Communications Media, will denounce all of the above as the ravings of a deranged mind. To torpedo all such smears and brainwashings I will prove my charge with DOCUMENTED HISTORICAL facts which Abraham Lincoln discovered, and compiled.
To "live free" means to be able to control your own life and to avoid violence, or the threat of violence, by others. What you do and how you do it will almost always determine whether or not freedom will be yours. But YOU must take the responsibility for creating your own freedom. No one, especially the "government" will do it for you.
To "disappear" means to make it impossible for other people to invade your personal world of freedom. Since most of such invasion is by means of electronic data gathering and cross-referencing, you must be able to short-circuit these procedures effectively.
The most efficient method today is through the use of what we call "alternate identification". If the new names and numbers you plug into the networks don't match the old ones, you have not only "disappeared", but have also been "reborn". And being reborn means leaving your past records where they can no longer affect you and your lifestyle. This "disappearing" of individuals is obviously discomforting to institutions and governments determined to control personal activities in the Land of the Free. To them it appears downright seditious, since in reality their power depends directly on the number of people they can control -- through computerized records, of course.
To those who actually "disappear", however, the act is one of tremendous personal liberation. Free men owe very little to those who restrict opportunities on the basis of past records. An extreme example, which nevertheless applies to all of us, is this: When a person convicted of a felony has served his full sentence, is he then "free"? Hardly. What he will experience is really a LIFE SENTENCE of second-rate opportunity.
And what happens to the convict, in practice, happens to everyone who manages to have negative personal information placed in his "records". When it comes to the point of a person's having to live with a condemning past and ever- narrowing opportunities, it becomes easily understandable why he should be willing and anxious to scuttle his labeled identity and take on another.
Becoming a new identity, however, involves many things and requires careful attention to detail, as we shall show. At the heart of this process, though, is the ATTITUDE a person must assume if he is to make it work. He must forget about his "government"; he must become his own government, answerable only to himself, with his own rules, laws, and systems of behavior. This is an existential "moment" few are disciplined enough to experience, but it can be done.
The result will be a growing detachment from BIG BROTHER and a corresponding increase of personal freedom. The individual needn't worry about what would happen "if everybody else did this" because they WON'T. The object is for individuals, acting as individuals, to declare their mental independence from whatever System is attempting to enslave them. As individuals they are the best judges of what degree of slavery they can accept, how far down the road they can go before becoming robots for BIG BROTHER. Simply put, it's the Sheep and the Wolves. The Sheep go to slaughter, the Wolves wherever they wish...
There are numerous intermediate tactics between total compliance and complete disappearance, such as refusing to give your Social Security number (or giving it incorrectly), avoiding taxes, obtaining several foreign citizenships and passports, setting up bank accounts in several other countries, and planning at least two routes of escape to other countries, but in the end you will discover there really is no freedom in the world -- YOU MUST CREATE YOUR OWN. You must learn how to protect your own rights as you define them. No one else will do it for you, NO ONE.
The object of this publication is to suggest ways an individual can, in practice, escape his past and secure a new future, on his own terms. Individuals will vary greatly in how they carry out their disappearances, and it is our hope that the ideas we present here are useful towards those ends. We make no claims of completeness or of exhausting the subject, as that could be potentially dangerous were individuals to rely solely on this information.
We must stress that everyone should think over his situation as carefully as possible, and then pick and choose which among our methods are best suited for his needs. Above all, he must begin using his head, trusting his hunches and instincts, and thinking of himself as separate, different, and even superior to those stuck in the System. He will have to become a Wolf. He must stand alone to be free.
Barry Reid
January 1978
DEDICATED
TO MY BELOVED COMRADE AND FRIEND HERTHA EHLERT
AND TO ALL THOSE WHO SUFFERED
FOR THE LOVE OF OUR FÜHRER,
FOR THE GREATNESS OF HIS PEOPLE,
AND FOR THE TRIUMPH OF THE EVERLASTING TRUTH FOR WHICH HE AND THEY HAVE FOUGHT TO THE BITTER END
This book is merely an account of my arrest and trial, in western occupied Germany, in early 1949, on the charge of Nazi propaganda, and of my subsequent life in jail. The glimpse one gets, in it, of western occupied Germany, is a glimpse of Germany through my eyes, i.e., through the eyes of a non-German follower of Adolf Hitler. The impression that the representatives of the Occupying Powers might have of the same country from their angle, is probably quite different. God alone knows — and time alone will tell — which is the nearest to objective reality.
In the meantime, — should this book come to light before what I call “our Day” — on no consideration should the opponents of the Nazi faith, now in a position to harm them, incriminate any Germans on the ground of my personal impressions, or of words which I might have reported more or less accurately. I have named no Germans in this book, — save one, whom I know now to be dead, and to whom, consequently, the champions of Democracy can do no longer any harm. But several might be recognisable by the posts they held at the time of my imprisonment. What I have just said applies to them: I do not want them to be implicated on account of my impression about them.
I thank them however for having given me that impression; for whether true or exaggerated, it has strengthened my confidence in the people whom I call in this book (and in another) “the vanguard of the regenerate Aryan race,” and thereby helped me to find life worth living, even now, in our gloomy times.
Lyons (France), the 29th August, 1950
SAVITRI DEVI
Savitri Devi (wikipedia) was born Maximine Portaz on 30 September 1905 in Lyons, France at 8:45 a.m. She died shortly after midnight on 22 October 1982 in Sible Hedingham, Essex, England. Of English, Greek, and Italian ancestry, she described her nationality as “Indo-European.” In 1935, while studying at Rabindranath Tagore’s Shantiniketan Ashram in Bengal, Maximine Portaz, at the suggestion of some fellow students, took the pen name Savitri Devi. “Savitri” is one of the Sanskrit names of the sun, and “Devi” means goddess. It was a perfect name, since Savitri was a devotee of what she considered the primordial Aryan religion: the worship of Life and Light. (“Devi,” by the way, is not a surname, but a title that all Aryan women in India are entitled to take. Thus Savitri Devi should not be referred to simply as “Devi” for short, but as “Savitri” -- just as Saint Paul is referred to as “Paul” not as “Saint.” By themselves, titles such as Saint, Mister, Doctor, or Devi do not refer to any particular person.)
The New Right held their 29th meeting in London, England on Sat. Oct. 23, 2010. This is a speech by Jonathan Bowden entitled Savitri Devi: Daughter of the Black Sun.
Nine year old Moishe is arrested, and sent to Bergen-Belsen, with his family. His mother is gassed and died, but Moshe was gassed six times... and lived. Each time he survived, he watched with horror as many of the women and children gassed with him collapsed and died. To this day, Peer doesn't know how he was able to survive. "Maybe children resist better, I don't know," he said in an interview last week.
He tours Canada talking to children, telling them of the horrors of the death camps.
Moshe tells stories of how people would faint at morning roll call, and Germans would kill them for fainting. He also witnesses Russian soldiers barbecuing each other out of starvation. Peer and his siblings, all survived, along with their father. The family moved to Israel. Peer's four children were born in Israel, and after serving in the Israeli army in a number of wars, Peer moved to Montreal in 1974.
Moshe is often awaken with nightmares, he blames the world for standing by as 6,000,000 Jews
were gassed.
THE MOST SECRET SCIENCE rips the veil of secrecy from the men and the system behind America's economic crisis, and:
THE MOST SECRET SCIENCE makes you privy to the fruits of vast economic research, state legislature hearings, and court findings branding the Federal Reserve Act of 1913 "unconstitutional," and Federal Reserve banks "private corporations" which create money out of thin air and charge interest on it forever.
Graduate of the Officer Candidate School, Command and General Staff College, Armed Forces Information School, Airborne School, and the Medical Field Service School.
Enlisted 2 June 1939 at Denver, Colorado. Commissioned 19 December 1942 at Camp Pickett, Virginia. Assigned Pacific and European Theatres, World War II, and Far East during the Korean Conflict.
An ex-paratrooper who served with the 11th Airborne Division, the 187th Airborne Regimental Combat Team, the 101st Airborne Division, and the 3rd Infantry Division as an Army Information Officer.
Wrote and directed the 24th Infrantry Division, ""Pro-Blue" troop information program which was the central issue in the 1962 Senate "military muzzling" investigations. (Military Cold War Education and Speech Review Policies, Senate Committee on Armed Services, April 4-13, 1962).
Successful litigant (1962-65) in a precedent-setting law suit against the Secretary of the Army, Cyrus R. Vance, involving freedom of speech of military personnel. Voluntarily retired in 1965 after twenty-six years Army service.
Author of the award-winning book, Victory Denied (1966), The Anatomy of a Revolution (1968), Peace: By the Wonderful People Who Brought You Korea and Viet Nam (1972), The Republic: Decline and Future Promise (1975), The Crisis of Federal Regionalism: A Solution (1976), Emerging Struggle for State Sovereignty (1979), How to Organize for Survival (1982), and hundreds of articles on The New World Order and its U.S. manifestations: United Nations, Federal Regionalism, and Federal Reserve System. Roberts publishes a monthly bulletin with national circulation and distribution to state lawmakers, media and heads of conservative organizations.
THIS book is an assemblage of matter from many different sources exhibiting the nature and interconnection of certain world forces operating in many lands and making for the overthrow of the existing social order and the disintegration of patriotism, religion, and morality.
These influences are felt almost every day by every intelligent person. It is commonly assumed that the changes in opinion, conduct, and institutions which are taking place are, on the whole, changes for the better: that they represent progress and evolution from a lower to a higher and freer form of life. It is further widely assumed that they are a spontaneous growth.
Such was the author's own view until he was led some years ago to investigate the personnel behind certain great financial institutions. The facts encountered at first appeared incredible to him, but the further he went the more complete was the confirmation of their truth. The matter then collected was published in 1931 in a former volume The Truth about the Slump.
Since then a large amount of matter has come to hand showing the operation of the same forces in other fields. A library of books might be collected dealing with different aspects of the subject, but as there appears to be nothing in the nature of a general conspectus covering the whole field it seemed that something of this kind might serve a useful purpose. The material collected to date has been drafted into twenty-eight chapters, of which the first seven appear in the present volume. It is hoped to publish the remainder of the material in later volumes completing the work.
The present volume is self-contained, but it is necessary to remind the reader that what is here presented covers only a small portion of the ground, touching on certain leading events during the past quarter of a century from 1912 to the present day. To bring the whole picture into perspective it is necessary to range much further afield.
Culled from a great variety of sources, the matter brought together is of varying degrees of validity. Writing in New Zealand, far away from the centre of events and the great libraries of the world, the author has had but limited opportunity of checking his matter to the full. He has, however, endeavoured to make some check of the general accuracy of every source used. These sources are named throughout, and the reader is thus in a position to proceed with independent check and verification on any point desired. In general, the further the research has been carried the more completely have the main facts been confirmed and amplified.
A great part of the activities described traces back to Jewish origin. This fact is quite inescapable; and it is quite impossible to arrive at any true understanding of the matters dealt with if it is ignored. At the same time it is necessary to remember that although certain Jews, or groups of Jews, are found engaged in activities detrimental to the interests of other races, it is unjust to jump to the conclusion that all Jews necessarily support or sympathize with the doings of these Jews. A fair-minded man should at all times be on his guard against drawing wide and sweeping inferences far beyond what any evidence will support. The truth can only be got at by proceeding on from fact to fact.
All that the author asks is that the reader, whatever his race, should temperately and calmly consider whether the unchecked operation of the forces herein described is likely to make the world a better or a worse place. A great aggressive power is at work in the world boring, undermining, and overthrowing. Every effort is made to prevent knowledge of what is happening from reaching the people. Only by that knowledge can the nations avert the dangers threatening them.
The publication of the remainder of this work will depend upon the reception with which the present volume meets. Readers desiring to secure copies of the second volume, or further volumes, are therefore invited to notify the undersigned.
A.N. FIELD.
Nelson, New Zealand
July, 1936
Note the date of this page has been corrected to 1936 based on the Preface, although the filename/URL is 1934
Far in the future, the World Controllers have created the ideal society. Through clever use of genetic engineering, brainwashing and recreational sex and drugs, all its members are happy consumers. Bernard Marx seems alone harbouring an ill-defined longing to break free. A visit to one of the few remaining Savage Reservations, where the old, imperfect life still continues, may be the cure for his distress... Huxley's ingenious fantasy of the future sheds a blazing light on the present and is considered to be his most enduring masterpiece.
When the novel Brave New World first appeared in 1932, its shocking analysis of a scientific dictatorship seemed a projection into the remote future. Here, in one of the most important and fascinating books of his career, Aldous Huxley uses his tremendous knowledge of human relations to compare the modern-day world with his prophetic fantasy. He scrutinizes threats to humanity, such as overpopulation, propaganda, and chemical persuasion, and explains why we have found it virtually impossible to avoid them. Brave New World Revisited is a trenchant plea that humankind should educate itself for freedom before it is too late.
The only complete and officially authorized English translation.
This is the only complete, unabridged and officially authorized English translation of Mein Kampf ever issued by the National Socialists of Germany, and is not to be confused with any other version. Translated by a now-unknown English-speaking Party member, it was printed by the Franz Eher Verlag in Berlin for the Central Press of the NSDAP in limited numbers during the years 1937 to 1944. Most copies were distributed to the camp libraries of English-speaking prisoner of war camps, and became known as the “Stalag” edition (Stalag being a contraction of the German word Stammlager or “POW camp”) because they all carried a camp library rubber stamp on the title page. Only a handful of copies survived the war, and the text contained in this edition has been taken directly, without amendment, from one of these extremely rare editions.
In 1936, the German government decided that they would sponsor their own, complete, English translation. They hired a British writer and journalist, James Murphy. There not yet having been a second world war, and the worst excesses of Nazism still in the future, Murphy was inclined to produce a favorable and sympathetic translation. Unfortunately, there was a falling out with National Socialist officials and Murphy was ‘fired’ sometime in 1938, his project incomplete. Through some obscure process, the Germans completed Murphy’s draft version on their own, and published it in the late 1930s. Today this is known as the Stalag edition. It is not to be confused with Murphy's own later edition: By 1939, four new versions had appeared. After his dismissal, Murphy returned to England and revised and completed his translation, which was published by Hurst & Blackett in 1939. This is ‘the’ Murphy translation; it is widely available on the Internet, and through various reprints.
In sharp contrast, the only authorized “Stalag” edition contains none of these complicated and unnecessarily confused constructions, and is extremely easy to read, as anyone familiar with the other versions will immediately notice. Most importantly, this only authorized edition contains the full text of the original German—and none of the deliberately-inserted racial pejoratives used in the Murphy and Mannheim versions (words that Hitler never used in the original).
This edition also includes a reproduction of the original title page of a copy of the only official English translation of Mein Kampf ever issued, complete with a Stalag camp number 357 stamp. Stalag 357 was located in Kopernikus, Poland, until September 1944, when it was moved to the old site of the former Stalag XI-D, near the town of Fallingbostel in Lower Saxony, in northwestern Germany. Its internees included British air crews and, later, British soldiers captured at the Battle of Arnhem.
About the translator: The name of the translator was never released by the Eher Verlag, and has now been permanently lost to history. An English-speaking party member, his use of British English spelling throughout would indicate that his language instruction either took place in Britain or that his instructors were British, rather than American.
Contrary to postwar propaganda, Mein Kampf does not contain a “plan for world domination” and instead consists of a short autobiography, the effect of World War I on Germany, a discussion of race and the “Jewish Question,” the constitutional and social make-up of a future German state and the early struggles of the NSDAP up to 1923.
Compared to the version orginally on The Internet Archive, note:
Helen Tunnicliff Catterall composed this incredibly thorough series in the 1920s-30s which totalled over 3000 pages.
Elizabeth Donnan was a Professor of Economics and Sociology at Wellesley College and composed this incredibly thorough series in the early 1930s which totalled over 2,500 pages.
Delivered as the Presidential Address at the Fifty-Ninth Annual Meeting of the American Jewish Historical Society, February 18, 1961, and reprinted from the March, 1961, issue of its quarterly Publication, with the assistance of a grant from the Rabbi's Publication Fund of Reform Congregation Keneseth Israel, Elkins Park, Pennsylvania.
As we inaugurate this five-year long observance of the Civil War, there is certain to be no diminution of the quantity of historical volumes already flooding forth from the nation's presses. One of the major subjects will undoubtedly continue to be the question of the causes of the Civil War. Some writers will favor political interpretations; others will emphasize economic factors; still others will cite social ingredients. Some will blame the North, and others the South. Some will denounce fool-hardy leadership in the South, or in the North, or both. Others will underline the failure of ordinary citizens in both sections to express their feelings and desires. Many of these writers will be so enamoured of their theories that they will overlook the all-pervasive influence of the crucial problem: slavery. Political, economic, social, psychological, and other currents were present as contributory factors, but they were all related in one way or another to the persistence of the slave system. Had Negro slavery not been an integral aspect of the life of the Old South, there would have been no conflict, no secession, no war. Differences there might have been, but not violence and bloodshed. Slavery was the single indigestible element in the life of the American people which fostered disunion, strife, and carnage, just as the concomitant race problem has continued to an important degree to be a divisive force in American life to this day.
Previous students of the American Jewish scene have appeared to be reluctant to investigate the question of Jewish participation in the slave system. Works on local Jewish history in Southern communities, in particular, have either glossed over or altogether ignored this basic aspect of the life and experiences of the Jews of the Old South. It is my purpose to attempt to survey the following themes: Jews as planters, and as owners of slaves; the treatment of slaves by Jews; the emancipation of slaves by Jews; Jews as harsh taskmasters; business dealings of Jews with slaves and free Negroes; Jews as slave dealers; cases of miscegenation involving Jews and Negroes; and opinions of Jews about the slave system.
The subject herein is a condensation of reference material not available to the lay public. In fact, the history about "the Jews and slavery" has been cleverly and cunningly suppressed these many years inasmuch as it has been an the Jews' 'planning board' for many years to eventually arouse the Negro so that the Black Race could be used as revolutionists with the ultimate aim of "One World Jewry Government" becoming a reality, after which, their plan is to enslave the Negro once more -- after the Negroes' usefulness has been exhausted.
In this year, 1968, it is only the fool, or at least the uninformed who does not understand that Communism is Jewish. Karl Marx: was a Jew. That there is a deep-seated bond between Jewish culture and Communism cannot be doubted.
Here are a few similarities.
Another very important fact about the Jew is that although there are Freneh Jews, German, Polish, English, Spanish, Oriental and Russian Jews, they all have that 'base quality' which separates them from all other races in the world. They have no respect whatever for the Gentile (Israelite). In fact, they ridicule and use unprintable language about all Gentiles. They are a most segregated people. Anywhere in the world you will find this unenforced segregation. It is the Jew who gave birth to the 'ghetto'.
The gentile has yet to learn that the Jew is naturally deceitful and thinks noth- ing of lying to his fellow man. The Jew will take the customary court room oath before acting as a trial witness. He takes the oath (knowing while he is taking it) he will violate it because within himself he does not believe he is committing a wrong. This is an inheritance. It is part of being a Jew. He is born and raised with this belief and this teaching is a part of his daily life - like salt and pepper on the American table. They will commit perjury for one another and yet almost in the same breath they will cheat one another. They seldom suffer from remorse.
The naive Gentile, to fully appreciate the statements made herein about the Jews, as a race, must live and work with them closely. One must observe them under all conditions and surroundings.
Too often overlooked by the Gentile is the 'positive evidence' that the Jew is not of the White Race.
The Jew will always attempt to stifle anything that is detrimental to him and h is race. Perhaps this is understandable when one stops to take census of the voluminous wrongs and evils committed by Jews throughout the entire world. They have been extended extremely unusual consideration and mercy in every country they inhabited, including the United States, yet they have driven their dagger deeper into the heart of this country than in any other. The Jewish Establishment is running your very life whether you realize it or not.
It is the same Jew, the same establishment which destroyed Germany and this writer is often stunned at the dirtiness of its cold, cruel, filthy, dirty, evil, rotten, corrupt whore's heart. America today is literally dying of the 'Jew disease. '
The evidence contained herein has been carefUlly documented with references in the appendix for further detailed and specific information.
If the Negro people ever learn what the Jews did to the Black people of Africa there could be an uprising unequalled in American history.
If you haven't already awakened to the deceit and cunning of the common enemy, the Jew, you deserve the fate which they have planned for all Christianity But investigate for yourself. Actually, what is within the pages of this document should be education enough for anyone. We give you references. and gilt edge documentation. You could not ask for more.
We are confident that you will agree after you have read this in its entirety that it gives you much to think about. BUT DON'T THINK TOO LONG. Find out how you can do something to remedy the Jewish cancer in American society.
All who name themselves Christians must walk together against the Anti-Christ, for did He not say "The Truth will make you free"?
The author, as evidenced in the declassified FBI-file was a former Secretary for the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP).
Read the FBI file on Walter White
Am autobiography of soviet-defector Yuri Bezmenov and guide to subversion techniques used by The Soviet Union against The West during The Cold War which have been refined and continue to be used today, especially with regard to the phenomenom known as "Cultural Marxism".
If you think that I am crazy, please ask Mexicans. Have you ever heard of any smart Mexican sneaking across the border into Cuba, Nicaragua, or the USSR? Boat people never swim to Red China for equality and justice. Black African brothers are not running from South Africa. They run from Zimbabwe, Angola and Mozambique TO South Africa.
The following excerpts are from a talk on DISINFORMATION IN THE LIBERAL MEDIA , given March 26 at a CA USA USA Regional Conference in Atlanta, Georgia. The speaker, Mr. Tomas Schuman (Yuri Bezmenov), was formerly a correspondent for the Soviet Novosti Press Agency, specializing in producing disinformation for the foreign media. A defector, Mr. Schuman now works as a political analyst and public speaker on disinformation and other activities of the Soviet KGB.
"The Jew and his Bank are to-day the masters of all Europe — of Education, of Civilisation, of Socialism : of Socialism above all, by means of which the Jew is going to tear up Christianity by its roots and destroy its Civilisation. And when nothing but Anarchy remains the Jew will put himself at the head of all. For while propagating Socialism among all the Nations, the Jews will remain united among themselves; and when all the wealth of Europe is dissipated there will still remain standing the Jew's Bank."
— Dostoevski in 1880.
Shylock:
I hate him for he is a Christian;
But more, for that, in low simplicity,
He lends out money gratis and brings down
The rate of usance here with us in Venice.
. . . Cursed be my Tribe
If I forgive him !
— The Merchant of Venice, Act I., Sc. ii.
Shylock:
I will have the heart of him if he forfeit : for were
he out of Venice, I can make what merchandise I will.
— The Merchant of Venice, Act III., Sc. i.
Shylock:
Hates any man the thing he would not kill ?
— The Merchant of Venice, Act IV., Sc. i.
Shylock:
I stand here for Law.
— The Merchant of Venice, Act IV., Sc.
Portia:
... Tarry, Jew;
The Law hath yet another hold on you.
It is enacted in the laws of Venice,
If it be proved against an Alien,
That by direct or indirect attempts
He seek the life of any Citizen,
The party 'gainst the which he doth contrive
Shall seize one half his goods; the other half
Comes to the privy coffer of the State
And the offender's life lies in the mercy
Of the Duke only.
"There can be no doubt that Shylock was a Jew and not an Italian."
— Jewish World, October 22nd, 1919.
A brief for men and women who labour and who sacrifice to make the world safe for Democracy, only to find themselves enslaved by Jew Capitalism and their earnings controlled by jew Monopolists.
There is one enemy power against which our Government has never declared war, and that is the power wielded by the International financiers under the suzerainty of the Shylook of Frankfort.
We declare to the world that we are a Democratic Empire, fighting to make the world safe for Democracy. In truth, Britain is not a Democracy at all but a Shylock-racy, and the dancing puppets of Westminster, who move and talk as King Shylock pulls their strings, are merely political marionettes.
If Britain really wishes to be a Democracy, the British people will, on their own account, have to declare war on Shylock, and replace the political marionettes with something real and true to Humanity and not placemen of a Tribal purse.
This book makes no pretence at originality, and is submitted only as a brief of the case against Shylocracy. In the Cult of the Coin, much is due to Dr. Clarke, not only for personal inspiration, generous use of his letters and notes, also for that part of this brief which is taken entirely from the Call of the Sword.
A Desert People is largely a translation of Sombart, interwoven with data collected by George H. Shibley, Director of the Research Institute of Washington, D.C.
The No-Money Islands is from Arthur Kitson's recent exposure of the fraudulent character of our monetary standard.
The Victory is from a source known to all who acknowledge the teaching that man may believe in his heart that which his head has sanctioned.
The whole is presented in order that expression may be given to ideals now silently shaping in many hearts—ideals which in time will bind all men together in a common work for universal good.
THE question of treason is distinct from that of slavery and is the same that it would have been, if free States, instead of slave States, had seceded.
On the part of the North, the war was carried on, not to liberate the slaves, but by a government that had always perverted and violated the Constitution, to keep the slaves in bondage j and was still willing to do so, if the slaveholders could be thereby induced to stay in the Union.
The principle, on which the war was waged by the North, was simply this: That men may rightfully be compelled to submit to, and support, a government that they do not want; and that resistance, on their part, makes them traitors and criminals.
No principle, that is possible to be named, can be more self. evidently false than this; or more self-evidently fatal to all political freedom. Yet it triumphed in the field, and is now assumed to be established. If it be really established, the number of slaves, instead of having been diminished by the war, has been greatly increased j for a man, thus subjected to a government that he does not want, is a slave. And there is no difference, in principle - but only in degree - between political and chattel slavery. The former, no less than the latter, denies a man's ownership of himself and the products of his labor j and asserts that other men may own him, and dispose of him and his property, for their uses, and at their pleasure.
Previous to the war, there were some grounds for saying that- in theory, at least, if not in practice - our government was 80 free one; that it rested on consent. But nothing of that kind can be said now, if the principle on which the war was carried on by the North, is irrevocably established.
If that principle be not the principle of the Constitution, the fact should be known. If it be the principle of the Constitution, the Constitution itself should be at once overthrown.
Lysander Spooner
A Letter to Thomas F. Bayard
"Challenging his right—and that of all the other so-called senators and representatives in Congress—to exercise any legislative power whatever over the people of the United States."
by Lysander Spooner
“Unless this clear distinction between vices and crimes be made and recognized by the laws, there can be on earth no such thing as individual right, liberty, or property”
Lysander Spooner (1808-1887) was a legal theorist, abolitionist, and radical individualist who started his own mail company in order to challenge the monopoly held by the US government. He wrote on the constitutionality of slavery, natural law, trial by jury, intellectual property, paper currency, and banking. Some of his most important works are An Essay on the Trial by Jury (1852), The Unconstitutionality of Slavery (1860), No Treason, No. 1, 2, and 6 (1867, 1870), A Letter to Thomas F. Bayard (1882), and A Letter to Grover Cleveland (1886).
This pamphlet comes from vol. 2 of a two volume compilation of Spooner’s shorter works and pamphlets: The Shorter Works and Pamphlets of Lysander Spooner.
The distinction Spooner makes between “vice” and “crime” is a crucial one which still has considerable relevance today. In Spooner’s day the great vice was alcohol which is why he devotes much space to discussing it. For him, vices are acts by which a person harms themselves and their property; crimes on the other hand are acts by which a person harms the person or property of another person. The latter he believes is the proper concern of the police and the courts; the former is not. According to Spooner’s theory of individual liberty it is important that each person be free to make their own mistakes, if necessary, as this is the most important means by which they learn about themselves and the world around them. He wants to see the fullest possible freedom for people so they can “be left free and open for experiment” in the way they live their lives. In other words, to be free to pursue their own idea of happiness.
Although Spooner does not use this term, he is talking about “victimless crimes” when he quotes the Latin legal maxim that “violenti no fit injuria” (to the willing no injury is done). Among these so-called “crimes” he includes consensual sex, prize-fighting, fighting duels, gambling, assisted suicide, and so on. Although American prisons were filled with people who had violated the laws against vices like these, they were not the greatest criminals. He reserved this distinction for governments which fought wars and the men who made the laws which allowed them and their friends “to usurp arbitrary power” legally.
A LETTER TO GROVER CLEVELAND, ON HIS FALSE INAUGURAL ADDRESS, THE USURPATIONS AND CRIMES OF LAWMAKERS AND JUDGES, AND THE CONSEQUENT POVERTY, IGNORANCE, AND SERVITUDE OF THE PEOPLE.
BY LYSANDER SPOONER
This volume, it is presumed by the author, gives what will generally be considered satisfactory evidence,— though not all the evidence,— of what the Common Law trial by jury really is. In a future volume, if it should be called for, it is designed to corroborate the grounds taken in this ; give a concise view of the English constitution ; show the unconstitutional character of the existing government in England, and the unconstitutional means by which the trial by jury has been broken down in practice ; prove that, neither in England nor the United States, have legislatures ever been invested by the people with any authority to impair the powers, change the oaths, or (with few exceptions) abridge the jurisdiction, of juries, or select jurors on any other than Common Law principles ; and, consequently, that, in both countries, legislation is still constitutionally subordinate to the discretion and consciences of Common Law juries, in all cases, both civil and criminal, in which juries sit. The same volume will probably also discuss several political and legal questions, which will naturally assume importance if the trial by jury should be reestablished.
Lysander Spooner
The Constitution has no inherent authority or obligation. It has no authority or obligation at all, unless as a contract between man and man. And it does not so much as even purport to be a contract between persons now existing. It purports, at most, to be only a contract between persons living eighty years ago.1 And it can be supposed to have been a contract then only between persons who had already come to years of discretion, so as to be competent to make reasonable and obligatory contracts. Furthermore, we know, historically, that only a small portion even of the people then exist- ing were consulted on the subject, or asked, or permitted to express either their consent or dissent in any formal manner. Those persons, if any, who did give their consent formally, are all dead now. Most of them have been dead forty, fifty, sixty, or seventy years. And the Constitution, so far as it was their contract, died with them. They had no natural power or right to make it obligatory upon their children. It is not only plainly impossible, in the nature of things, that they could bind their posterity, but they did not even attempt to bind them. That is to say, the instrument does not purport to be an agreement between any body but "the people" then existing; nor does it, either expressly or impliedly, assert any right, power, or disposition, on their part, to bind anybody but themselves.
Inasmuch as the Constitution was never signed, nor agreed to, by anybody, as a contract, and therefore never bound anybody, and is now binding upon nobody; and is, moreover, such an one as no people can ever hereafter be expected to consent to, except as they may be forced to do so at the point of the bayonet, it is perhaps of no importance what its true legal meaning, as a con- tract, is. Nevertheless, the writer thinks it proper to say that, in his opinion, the Constitution is no such instrument as it has generally been assumed to be; but that by false interpretations, and naked usurpations, the government has been made in practice a very widely, and almost wholly, different thing from what the Constitution itself purports to authorize. He has heretofore written much, and could write much more, to prove that such is the truth. But whether the Constitution really be one thing, or another, this much is certain—that it has either authorized such a government as we have had, or has been powerless to prevent it. In either case, it is unfit to exist.
A private work by: clint > richardson
—Volume I—
“He who learns must suffer
And even in our sleep pain that cannot forget
Falls drop by drop upon the heart...
And in our own despair, against our will,
Comes wisdom to us by the awful grace of God.”
GENE SHARP'S Peace News articles about the teachers' resistance in Norway are correct and well-balanced, not exaggerating the heroism of the people involved, but showing them as quite human, and sometimes very uncertain in their reactions. They also give a right picture of the fact that the Norwegians were not pacifists and did not act out of a sure conviction about the way they had to go. Things happened in the way that they did because no other wa_v was open. On the other hand, when people acted, they were steadfast and certain. The fact that Quisling himself publicly stated that the teachers' action had destroyed his plans is true, and meant very much for further moves in the same direction afterwards. The action of the parents, only briefly mentioned in this pamphlet, had a very important influence. It reached almost every home in the country and everyone reacted spontaneously to it.
THE Norwegian teachers' resistance is one of the most widely known incidents of the Nazi occupation of Norway. There is much tender feeling concerning it, not because it shows outstanding heroism or particularly dramatic event§, but because it shows what happens where a section of ordinary citizens, very few of whom aspire to be heroes or pioneers of resistance, are suddenly faced with terrifying situations of a kind which they were never trained to meet.Those who showed weaknesses will probably never get over it. Those who found unexpected strength in their hearts will perhaps always feel stronger.The journey to the camp at Kirkenes and the decisions taken before it exemplifies a kind of test that might be put to anyone anywhere in the years to come.The main lesson seems-to be that people are able to stand up for what they believe and find their own leaders irrespective of how the military situation develops.It is of great value that Gene Sharp, as a man from another country and as an experienced specialist in studying non-violent resistance, has undertaken to write about the 'Kirkenes Journey.' His account reveals an intimate knowledge of his subject and an ability to concentrate on those aspects which make the journey intensely interesting to those who ask about the potentialities of non-violent resistance in the future.
PROFESSOR ARNE NAESS
Institute of Philosophy and the History of Ideas,
The University of Oslo.
Nonviolent struggle is based upon the very nature of power in society and politics. The practice, dynamics, and consequences of nonviolent struggle are all directly dependent upon the wielding of power and its effects on the power of the opponent group. This technique cannot be understood without consideration of this important element in its nature.
This perception is in direct contradiction to the popular misconceptions that nonviolent action is powerless, that it conceptually and politically ignores the reality of power in politics, and that its advocates are naive in not accepting that violence is the real source of power in politics. These misconceptions, however, are themselves rooted in a denial or ignoring of the nature of power in politics and the crucial role of power in the operation of nonviolent struggle.
Nonviolent struggle is a political technique that needs to be understood in its own right, not explained or assessed by an assumption of its close association or identity with quite different phenomena. This technique of action uses social, psychological, economic, and political methods of applying sanctions, that is, pressures or punishments, rather than violent methods? The technique includes nearly two hundred identified methods of symbolic protest, social non-cooperation, economic boycotts, labor strikes, political noncooperation, and nonviolent intervention (ranging from sit-ins to parallel government). These many methods are also called the "weapons" of nonviolent action.
The nonviolent technique is not to be confused with the important but separate phenomena of religious and ethical beliefs that espouse abstention from violence . Those beliefs may be shared by the same persons or movement using nonviolent action. However, far more frequently the practice of nonviolent struggle has been conducted by people and movements that lacked a principled commitment to non- violent means. They had previously used violence or would be will- ing to do so in the future in other circumstances. Under the current conditions, however, people were willing to follow a grand strategy of nonviolent struggle for a particular purpose. They were willing to use these nonviolent weapons in place of violence, and to maintain non- violent discipline, even though they were not committed to those means in other possible situations. The overwhelming reason for this choice of nonviolent means in conflicts has been that reliance on this type of struggle would increase the chances of their being successful in the current conflict.
Nonviolent struggle is a technique of matching forces against an opponent group. The opponent group usually has significant administrative, economic, political, police, and military capacity. The opponent group is commonly itself the State apparatus, controlled by an elite that is seen as hostile and injurious to the welfare and interests of a wider population. Or, the opponent group is frequently a non-state body that is backed by the State apparatus.
The broad population that feels itself to be negatively affected by a policy or action of the opponent group may be called the "grievance group." This body may be concerned with limited issues, a broad policy, or may even repudiate the whole regime. The group actually participating in nonviolent struggle is smaller than the general grievance group, although the size of the population and the number and types of institutions that participate in the nonviolent struggle will vary widely.
Power is an integral part of nonviolent struggles. These conflicts cannot be understood or waged intelligently without attention to power capacities and power relationships. "Power" is used here to mean the totality of all influences and pressures, including sanctions, available to a group or society for use in maintaining itself, implementing its policies, and conducting internal and external conflicts.
Power may be measured by relative ability to control a situation, people, and institutions, or to mobilize people and institutions for some activity. Such power may be used to enable a group to achieve a goal; to implement or change policies; to induce others to behave as the wielders of power wish; to oppose or to maintain the established system, policies, and relationships; to alter, destroy, or replace the prior power distribution or institutions; or to accomplish a combination of these.
Political power may be possessed by governments, the State, institutions, opposition movements, and other groups. Such power may be directly applied, or may be a reserve capacity, having influence merely by its existence. For example, power is present in negotiations as well as in war.
In order to understand the role of power in nonviolent struggles it is necessary to look at the nature and dynamics of the power available both to the opponent group and to the nonviolent group.
The struggle for American independence has captured the attention of American historians since the beginning of our history as a nation. Since the time that writers first began examining the conflict, scholars have presented their interpretations of the events of the period, suggested reasons for their occurrence, and explored the significance of the events in America from the end of the Seven Years’ War to the Treaty of Paris. Beginning with the resistance to the Stamp Act in 1765, these studies typically highlight the battles of Lexington and Concord and the exchange of shots between British soldiers and American colonists. In these interpretations, the events between 1765–1775 are not significant in themselves, but rather are only a prelude to the war.
Our book questions this assumption and suggests that these forms of resistance—primarily nonviolent ones— pursued by the American colonists from 1765 to 1775 were of fundamental importance themselves for the outcome of the struggle for independence, shaping the growth of new political, economic, and social institutions which could sustain truly independent self-government.
The editors’ interest in this decade began in the early 1970s, when we were involved in researching the use of nonviolent action as a pragmatic tool of civilian struggle. In our work, we discovered a large number of events in American colonial history—boycotts, nonimportation, noncooperation, and protest demonstrations of many kinds—all of which could be described as examples of nonviolent action. Indeed, the incidence and successes of nonviolent resistance seemed so significant that we were surprised that the subject had received so little attention. Although many scholars have described the decade in great detail, the richness and importance of the nonviolent activity was lost because of their emphasis on a seemingly inevitable rush toward war. This book demonstrates that the movement for independence was more complex than conventional analysis might have us believe.
Students of American colonial history are all too familiar with the many edited books in the field. Frequently in such studies, the articles are unconnected beyond a shared theme. This book is different. The chapters in this volume, most of which have never been published previously, relate integrally to one another and provide a complete narrative of the period. Our contributors are highly respected American and British historians whose writings are well known and whose scholarship is of the highest quality.
We recognize that no study is exhaustive or absolutely final. We realize that this book, if read carefully, is likely to spark scholarly controversy and argument. We welcome these discussions for we believe that such debate can clarify the issues explored in this volume and enhance the understanding of this critical decade in our history.
W.C.
R.M.
D.T.
G.S.
Important international political developments have taken place since 1986 when this book was first published. After several years of nonviolent struggle, a non-Communist government was established in Poland in 1989. In the same year, East Germans, who had organized massive non-violent demonstrations in major cities, watched the Berlin Wall crumble as did the Communist Party’s control. Parallel nonviolent struggles occurred in Czechoslovakia and removed its Communist leaders. The independence movements that swept the Baltic states of Latvia, Estonia, and Lithuania from 1987–1991 were also nonviolent. Similarly, the hardline coup in the Soviet Union seeking to oust Mikhail Gorbachev and restore a strong dictatorship in August 1991 failed in the face of massive nonviolent opposition. Other cases of nonviolent struggle in South Africa, the Philippines, Burma, Thailand, and Serbia, and later in Egypt and Tunisia, also made the news in both the United States and throughout the world.
Public awareness of vigorous, disciplined, and successful campaigns of nonviolent struggle has grown as a result of these experiences. Americans are often familiar with the use in their history of nonviolent action in the labor movement or the civil rights movement. Too few realize that because of the struggle during the years 1765–1775, Americans achieved de facto independence from the British through nonviolent means in a majority of the thirteen colonies.
Moreover, in the decades since 1986, many scholars have also published a variety of works on nonviolent struggle, including detailed studies of nonviolent campaigns bringing down dictators in Central America, nonviolent resistance against Nazi rule and control, or other struggles in the contemporary world. Additionally, research guides and bibliographies concerning the history, methods, and dynamics of nonviolent action as well as strategic studies of nonviolent conflicts have also appeared. This body of scholarly work is substantial and growing, though the need for further research is imperative.1
The editors of this book deliberately designed its structure to model a case study of nonviolent struggle. There are lengthy descriptive chapters on the resistance against the Stamp Act, the Townsend Acts, and the Coercive Acts taking place during 1765–1775.
Discussion of American developments is complemented by other chapters describing the responses by the British political and mercantile communities to the American nonviolent efforts. By focusing on both sides of this Atlantic world, one is able to see in detail the organization and implementation of the colonial resistance campaigns, the British perceptions and responses, and, finally, any subsequent strategic adjustments made by each side.
Additionally, the volume is divided between descriptive chapters, drawn from primary documents of the time period, and analytical chapters that evaluate the impact of each struggle. Here assessments of strategy and tactics, of commercial and political resistance, of the employment of ideological resources and third-party alliances, and of the significance of parallel governmental institutions come to the fore. Attention to description, grounded in contemporary sources, and to analysis, reflecting strategic issues, allows for a fuller understanding of these particular historical episodes.
As currently the only sustained examination of the nonviolent struggle for political independence by the American colonists, this volume demonstrates
• the campaign against the Stamp Act nullified its enforcement in America and brought about its repeal, despite face-saving statements to the contrary by British politicians.
• the nonimportation agreements utilized against the Townshend Acts in 1768–1770 reduced trade with Britain. The strategic lessons of the need for unified action were applied to the later campaigns of 1774–1775.
• by early 1775 the establishment by Americans of hundreds of grass-roots, participatory, and purposeful committees to enforce the Continental Association had shifted the balance of power in the colonies. These committees—varying in size but deliberate in action—in fact governed in most of the colonies.
• America was politically independent from Britain prior to the battles at Lexington and Concord in April 1775.
• colonial Americans adopted nonviolent struggle as a strategic decision regarding the most effective means of resistance; however, they did not have a thorough familiarity with the nature of this technique. They did not understand that British power was so completely undermined by 1775 that the British military response was one of desperation. Ultimately, the colonists saw no other way to respond except by their own military capacity.
• while strategic thinking by the Americans did take place, there was insufficient attention given by the Americans either to recognizing the importance of the shift from nonviolent action to military force or to anticipating the broader consequences of this shift. The reduction of mobilization among the population, the subsequent polarization of American society, the realignment from broad-based committee decision-making to that of the command structure of the military, and the diminution of third-party British support—all of these dynamics occurred within the context of the change from nonviolent to military struggle.Recognition of the significance of these insights is crucial for an adequate comprehension of the process of achieving American independence. Likewise, it enhances a fuller understanding of the role of nonviolent struggle in American history.
W.C.
D.T.
G.S.
Supporters of political democracy, human rights, and social justice have good reasons to be alarmed about coups d'état. These abrupt seizures of the state apparatus have occurred with great frequency in recent decades. Coups have overthrown established constitutional democratic systems of government, halted movements toward greater democracy, and have imposed brutal and oppressive regimes. Coups d'état are one of the main ways in which new dictatorships are established. Coups may also precipitate civil wars and international crises. Coups remain a major unsolved defense problem.
A coup d'état1 is a rapid seizure of physical and political control of the state apparatus by illegal action of a conspiratorial group backed by the threat or use of violence. The members of the previous government are deposed against their will. Initially the coup group rapidly occupies the centers of command, decision-making, and administration, replacing the previous chief executive and top officials with persons (military or civilian) of their choice. Eventually they gain control of the whole state apparatus. Successful coups are usually completed quickly, at most within forty-eight hours.
Coups d'état have taken place in dozens of countries in nearly every region of the world in recent decades, including in Thailand, Burma, the Philippines, Brazil, Czechoslovakia, Ghana, Liberia, Chile, Fiji, Greece, Libya, Laos, Guatemala, Argentina, Grenada, Poland, and the Soviet Union.
Coups have been very widespread in Africa in the post-colonial independent countries.
Many people live in countries with governments that can be identified as dictatorships, or less harshly, authoritarian regimes. Usually, most of the people in those countries would like their oppressive regime to be replaced by a more democratic and free political system. But, how can this be achieved?
Dictatorships are not the only major type of oppression. Systems of social and economic oppression also exist. When people want to end oppression and achieve greater freedoms and more justice, is there a way to do this realistically, effectively, self-reliantly, and by means that will last?
Many people have sought answers to these questions and have worked hard to achieve liberation. Many additional people have tried to assist the oppressed people to end their subjection. However, none of us can claim to have offered adequate answers. These challenges remain.
This small book offers the principal contents of the 902 pages of the original 1973 The Politics of Nonviolent Action to anyone who wants to learn the substance of how nonviolent struggle works.(1) That is, how the nonviolent technique can operate in conflicts, even when strong opponents are willing and able to impose harsh repression.
There are almost no historical examples presented in this abridged text. They can easily be found elsewhere.(2)
This distilled text is amazingly faithful to the original lengthy complex analysis published in 1973. The full The Politics of Nonviolent Action did not appear ready-made that year. That book was the result of years of efforts to understand, describe, and present the technique of nonviolent action.
That work was done as several distinct sections of the whole. These sections were: understanding of political power, methods of action, and dynamics of change. When put together these components reveal the essence of this technique. Not perfectly, for the final text left room for corrections and improvements. Not completely, for the knowledge of the operation of this technique was and is in a continual process of growth and development.
Depending on what sections are counted and at what stage of their development, The Politics of Nonviolent Action required about fifteen years. That does not count more than a year of editorial work with Dr. Marina Finkelstein at Harvard University’s Center for International Affairs, where I had been invited from Norway in December 1965 by Professor Thomas C. Schelling.
The earlier work was conducted at the Institute for Social Research, Oslo, the University of Oslo, Norway, and St. Catherine’s College of Oxford University, where Alan Bullock was Master.
Before the final editorial work, a draft of The Politics of Nonviolent Action was accepted in 1968 in partial fulfillment of requirements for my Doctor of Philosophy degree (D. Phil.) at Oxford University. My advanced studies in Oxford, 1960-1964, were supervised by John Plamenatz.
The Politics of Nonviolent Action is currently published in three volumes: Part One: Power and Struggle, Part Two: The Methods of Nonviolent Action, and Part Three: The Dynamics of Nonviolent Action.
The present text is an extreme abridgement of the published The Politics of Nonviolent Action. The original condensation was prepared by Jaime González Bernal in Spanish in Mexico and published as La Lucha Política Noviolenta. Jaime González Bernal told me that his condensation required a full year of work. It was published in Spanish in Mexico in private printings under the title La Lucha Política Noviolenta: Criterios y Técnicas. The first printing was in March 1988 (© Gene Sharp, 1988 and © Jaime González Bernal, 1988). González Bernal’s condensation was used by groups in Mexico that were struggling for fair elections.
The same edition was published in October 1988 in Santiago, Chile, under the title La Lucha Política Noviolenta: Criterios y Métodos by Ediciones ChileAmérica CESOC. It was copyrighted by Gene Sharp, Jaime González Bernal, and Ediciones ChileAmérica.
A revised expanded Mexican edition was printed in 1991 (© Gene Sharp, 1991 and © Jaime González Bernal, 1991) by Epessa.
Revisions of the translated passages in Spanish were made in 1993 and 1994 by Sandra Denisse Herrera Flores.
A new revised and expanded edition was printed for Cuba in 1997 (© Gene Sharp, 1997) by Hermas al Rescate. The most important addition was the expansion of the number of mechanisms of change from three to four, adding “disintigration” of the oponents’ regime.
(These terms are defined in this text.)
I produced an English language text from the Spanish in 1996. Sections of that English text were incorporated in my The Power and Practice of Nonviolent Struggle, which has been published in Arabic, Dutch, Hebrew, Portuguese, and Tibetan. It was never published in English.
The chapters on the dynamics of nonviolent conflict in my Waging Nonviolent Struggle: 20th Century Practice and 21st Century Potential draw heavily on González Bernal’s format and text, but are considerably different in content.
The English language text here is primarily Mr. González Bernal’s condensation returned to English. It has been evaluated and edited with the important assistance of Caridad Inda. She has made major contributions to this text from 1987 to this edition in 2013.
I have made limited recent changes and additions to both the English and the Spanish texts, and have changed the title to How Nonviolent Struggle Works.
Jamila Raqib provided editorial suggestions, consulted on the merit and usefulness of this text, and managed production. Jessica Drawe and Michael Levy also provided final editing and assisted with production.
After re-reading both the English and the Spanish texts, I was amazed at the quality of the condensation made by Mr. González Bernal. This concentrated version of The Politics of Nonviolent Action provides the essence of the nonviolent technique. I decided that this English text must be published, both for use by English readers and to facilitate future translations. This is the first printing of the English language text.
Major efforts in July and August 2012 to locate Jaime González Bernal were unfortunately unsuccessful.
This book will have diverse readers: the general public, faculty and students, protesters, social change activists, police and military officers, developers of political policies, religious thinkers, journalists, people of diverse political views, and many more.
Although this condensation is extremely good, I hope that many of its readers will later go to the complete The Politics of Nonviolent Action for more information, details and many historical examples. My other writings in the field are also relevant. Several are listed at the end of this publication.
Gene Sharp
1 Gene Sharp, The Politics of Nonviolent Action. Boston: Porter Sargent Publisher, 1973. Available at http://www.extendinghorizons.com.
2 See, for example, The Politics of Nonviolent Action and Gene Sharp, Waging Nonviolent Struggle: 20th Century Practice and 21st Century Potential. Boston: Porter Sargent Publishers, 2005.
CIVILIAN-BASED DEFENSE is intended to be a substantive introduction to the developing policy of civilian-based defense. Instead of military weaponry, civilian-based defense applies the power of society itself to deter and defend against internal usurpations and foreign invaders. The weapons are psychological, social, economic, and political. They are wielded by the general population and the institutions of the society.
The propositions of this book are two: that civilian-based defense policies against internal takeovers and foreign aggression can be developed, and that dictatorships and oppression can be prevented and disintegrated by the capacity to wage powerful nonviolent struggle. Massive non cooperation and defiance would aim to prevent attackers from establishing effective control over the defending society, to deny the attackers their objectivesfand to subvert the reliability of the attackers of administrators and military forces.
Civilian-based defense is presented for research, investigation, and public and governmental evaluation. In some countries limited aspects of the policy have already been incorporated into existing defense policies.
My objective has been in part to prepare a book that stimulates thought among members of the general public who are searching for better answers to our defense problems. The aim has also been to present new information, conceptions, and options that merit attention by defense analysts, security specialists, government officials, military officers, strategists of nonviolent struggle, scholars, students, and members of society's voluntary organizations who would play indispensible roles in civilian-based defense.
This volume is focused on the broad security problems that may be faced by many countries, not only those of a single part of the world, in contrast to my earlier book Making Europe Unconquerable. Given a desire for democracy and independence, therefore, this presentation of civilian-based defense is of interest to very diverse countries. Al countries, no matter what their political or economic status, must concern themselves with the possibility of foreign invasion or internal usurpation. These are the problems addressed in thisbook. Using this broad presentation, the people of virtually a l l countries will be able to assess the possible relevance of civilian-based defense for their particular societies, each with its own traditions, security threats and military options.
This book was origrnally suggested by Sanford Thatcher of Princeton University Press some years ago. His encouragement, perceptive recommendations, critical comments, support, and patience have enabled the project finally to come to fruition. Since Mr. Thatcher's departure from the Press, Ms. Gail Ullman, as Social Science Editor, has ably seen the manuscript through the final stages. Charles Ault at the Press made superb editorial recommendations.
For the past year I have been extremely fortunate at the Albert Einstein Institution to have had the most able assistance of Bruce Jenkins in the preparation of this book. His research, perceptive substantive criticisms and suggestions, as well as his editorial skills, have made this a far better book than it would otherwise have been.
I am grateful to the Albert Einstein Institution and to its donors and staff for making this work possible. With expanded support for such organizations, many other studies of the nature and potential of nonviolent struggle as a substitute for violence against aggression, dicatorships, genocide, and oppression will become possible.
During the 1980s we witnessed the most important worldwide expansion of the practical use of nonviolent struggle that has ever occurred. From Tallinn to Nablus, Rangoon to Santiago, Pretoria to Prague, Beijing to Berlin, people around the world are ever more employing non-violent struggle to assert their rights for freedom, independence, and justice. Scholarly investigations, hard-headed assessments, and sophisticated strategic analyses are now needed to understand this technique further and to increase its effectiveness. This book is only one of many that need to be written on the nature, problems, and potential of nonviolent struggle. These will help us to assess what roles nonviolent struggle and civilian-based defense may play in confronting and solving the problems of dictatorship, genocide, oppression, and war.
Gene Sharp
Albert Einstein Institution
10 January 1990
We were more afraid of the people than the people had reason to be afraid of us.
(Statement by a member of the much feared Stasi, the East German State Security Service)
"We are the people" was the main battle cry of the nonviolent struggle that swept away the East German Communist regime in 1989. "We are the people," echoing hundreds of thousands of times through the streets of East Berlin, Dresden, Leipzig, and Karl-Marx-Stadt, came to symbolize the protest of the people against an alienated government and the power of these unarmed masses to overthrow their tyrannical rulers.
The East German revolution is more than a watershed event in European history. The crumbling of the authoritarian regime also contains seminal instructive value, since it can provide us with insight into the nature of power as well as the potential and limits of nonviolent struggle. This monograph examines the events in East Germany with this particular interest in mind.
Many causal aspects, preconditions, and contextual influences were responsible for the specific course of evolution in East Germany. Yet, two factors must be singled out as having played a key role in causing the downfall of the oppressive regime, namely large-scale popular demonstrationsand massive waves of East German citizens leaving illegally for the West. These so-called "voice" and "exit" forms of protest are classic examples of nonviolent direct action and were mentioned explicitly as such in Gene Sharp's influential 1973 study of the subject.
The stunning impact of these two methods of nonviolent action can be understood better with the help of a parsimonious insight about the nature of power, first proposed almost half a millennium ago by Etienne de la Boetie. As a young student at the University of Orleans, he hypothesized that any form of government, no matter how despotic and violent its nature, is always dependent upon the tacit consent of the population. De la Boetie further argued that since this consent rests upon voluntary grounds, it can be withdrawn at any time, which subsequently would lead to a disintegration of the existing authoritarian societal structure.
The events in East Germany confirm certain elements of this bold premise. The impact of "voice" and "exit" forms of protest illustrate that (1)an authoritarian regime cannot generate and maintain its own power base through coercive means alone, and that (2) because this power base is also dependent upon popular support, the population can, through active withdrawal of cooperation, undermine the sustenance of the existing repressive system.
However, an analysis of the German revolution that stops at an affirmation of the power contained in nonviolent struggle remains incomplete. The events in East Germany are too complex to be assessed entirely through a theory of power that locates social dynamics on a dualistic axis between oppressor and oppressed. The fall of the Communist regime warrants an idiosyncratic analysis of the complex power relationships and structural influences that allowed nonviolent direct action to show its might. Needless to say, this monograph cannot do justice to such a complex task. I will only draw attention to two of these crucial contextual factors, namely the evolution of internationally, intranationally, and domestically conditioned restraints on popular resistance as well as the extent to which the efficacy of a nonviolent struggle is dependent upon the interaction between the state and civil society.
This monograph is divided into three sections. The first section provides a brief chronological overview of resistance and revolution in East Germany. The second section examines the role that "exit" and "voice" forms of protest played in the collapse of the Communist regime and then derives from this analysis a few theoretical implications for the dynamics of nonviolent struggle. The third section places the East German nonviolent struggle in the societal context that allowed it to emerge in its particular form and exert the power-devolving effect that de la Boetie and others credit it with. A concluding section draws on this case study to present a few tentative theoretical and methodological suggestions for the future study of nonviolent direct action.
The essential handbook used for the "Color Revolutions" around the world during the late 20th and early 21st centuries.
One of my major concerns for many years has been how people could prevent and destroy dictatorships. This has been nurtured in part because of a belief that human beings should not be dominated and destroyed by such regimes. That belief has been strengthened by readings on the importance of human freedom, on the nature of dictatorships (from Aristotle to analysts of totalitarianism), and his- tories of dictatorships (especially the Nazi and Stalinist systems).
Over the years I have had occasion to get to know people who lived and suffered under Nazi rule, including some who survived concentration camps. In Norway I met people who had resisted fascist rule and survived, and heard of those who perished. I talked with Jews who had escaped the Nazi clutches and with persons who had helped to save them.
Knowledge of the terror of Communist rule in various countries has been learned more from books than personal contacts. The terror of these systems appeared to me to be especially poignant for these dictatorships were imposed in the name of liberation from oppres- sion and exploitation.
In more recent decades through visits of persons from dicta- torially ruled countries, such as Panama, Poland, Chile, Tibet, and Burma, the realities of today’s dictatorships became more real. From Tibetans who had fought against Chinese Communist aggression, Russians who had defeated the August 1991 hard-line coup, and Thais who had nonviolently blocked a return to military rule, I have gained often troubling perspectives on the insidious nature of dictatorships.
The sense of pathos and outrage against the brutalities, along with admiration of the calm heroism of unbelievably brave men and women, were sometimes strengthened by visits to places where the dangers were still great, and yet defiance by brave people con- tinued. These included Panama under Noriega; Vilnius, Lithuania, under continued Soviet repression; Tiananmen Square, Beijing, during both the festive demonstration of freedom and while the first armored personnel carriers entered that fateful night; and the jungle headquarters of the democratic opposition at Manerplaw in “liberated Burma.”
Sometimes I visited the sites of the fallen, as the television tower and the cemetery in Vilnius, the public park in Riga where people had been gunned down, the center of Ferrara in northern Italy where the fascists lined up and shot resisters, and a simple cemetery in Manerplaw filled with bodies of men who had died much too young. It is a sad realization that every dictatorship leaves such death and destruction in its wake.
Out of these concerns and experiences grew a determined hope that prevention of tyranny might be possible, that successful struggles against dictatorships could be waged without mass mu- tual slaughters, that dictatorships could be destroyed and new ones prevented from rising out of the ashes.
I have tried to think carefully about the most effective ways in which dictatorships could be successfully disintegrated with the least possible cost in suffering and lives. In this I have drawn on my studies over many years of dictatorships, resistance movements, revolutions, political thought, governmental systems, and especially realistic nonviolent struggle.
This publication is the result. I am certain it is far from perfect. But, perhaps, it offers some guidelines to assist thought and plan- ning to produce movements of liberation that are more powerful and effective than might otherwise be the case.
Of necessity, and of deliberate choice, the focus of this essay is on the generic problem of how to destroy a dictatorship and to pre- vent the rise of a new one. I am not competent to produce a detailed analysis and prescription for a particular country. However, it is my hope that this generic analysis may be useful to people in, unfortu- nately, too many countries who now face the realities of dictatorial rule. They will need to examine the validity of this analysis for their situations and the extent to which its major recommendations are, or can be made to be, applicable for their liberation struggles.
Nowhere in this analysis do I assume that defying dictators will be an easy or cost-free endeavor. All forms of struggle have complica-tions and costs. Fighting dictators will, of course, bring casualties. It is my hope, however, that this analysis will spur resistance leaders to consider strategies that may increase their effective power while reducing the relative level of casualties.
Nor should this analysis be interpreted to mean that when a specific dictatorship is ended, all other problems will also disappear. The fall of one regime does not bring in a utopia. Rather, it opens the way for hard work and long efforts to build more just social, eco- nomic, and political relationships and the eradication of other forms of injustices and oppression. It is my hope that this brief examina- tion of how a dictatorship can be disintegrated may be found useful wherever people live under domination and desire to be free.
Gene Sharp
6 October 1993
Albert Einstein Institution Boston, Massachusetts
One of the characteristic features of the Latin American political land- scape is a phenomenon best described as a civic strike: the collective suspension of normal activities by people of diverse social groups united by a common political objective? Latin Americans themselves have most often used the term "general strike" (huelgageneral,or grhe gidral in Haiti) to describe such actions, but this term, obviously borrowed from the labor movement, obscures the distinctive cross-class character of the civic strike. Civic strikes may be acts of protest, such as the shutdown of Managua, Nicaragua following the assassination of newspaper publisher Joaquin Charnorro in 1978, or they may serve as support for military movements against established govern- ments, as in Venezuela in 1958 and Cuba in 1959? This paper con- siders the use of the civic strike as a nonmilitary insurrection by citizens who had no armed forces at their disposal.
From 1931 to 1961 eleven Latin American presidents left office in the wake of civic strikes: Carlos Ibanez del Camp of Chile (1931), Gerardo Machado of Cuba (1933),Maximiliano Hernandez Martinez of El Salvador (1944), Jorge Ubicoof Guatemala(1944), Elie Lescot of Haiti (1946), Arnulfo Arias of Panama (1951), Paul Magloire, Joseph Nemours Pierre-Louis, and Frank Sylvain of Haiti (1956 and 1957), Gustavo Rojas Pinilla of Colombia (1957),and Joaquin Balaguer of the Dominican Republic (1962). In addition, at least four (an exhaustive search of available sources might reveal more) faced unsuccessful attempts to force them out by the same means: Juan de Dios Martinez Mera of Ecuador (19331, Carlos Mendieta of Cuba (1935), Tiburcio Carias Andino of Honduras (19441, and Anastasia Somoza Garcia of Nicaragua (1944). A chronological summary of these events appears at the end of this essay.3
In the pages that follow, I will consider the context in which these civic strikes occurred and compare the social composition of the opposition movements, the leadership of and participation in the strikes themselves, and the use or non-use of violence by the insurgents. Finally, I will consider what factors accounted for the success or failure of these insurrectionary civic strikes.
The mission of the Albert Einstein Institution is to advance the worldwide study and strategic use of nonviolent action in conflict.
The Institution is committed to:
This mission is pursued in three ways, by:
The Albert Einstein Institution
Many people are now convinced that we need alternatives to present military deterrence and defense policies. The alternatives are usually still sought within the context of military assumptions and means, and so far only rarely beyond them. The search for alternatives is important and needs to be intensified. Present policies, with their serious limitations, would retain few supporters if superior substitute policies existed and were widely known.
Therefore, rather than dissipating our energies arguing about the merits and demerits of present and impending policies, or about the moral adequacy of just war and pacifist positions, we ought to focus primarily on developing effective alternatives and spreading public awareness of them.
This booklet is about one such alternative: civilian-based defense, that is, national defense against internal usurpations and foreign invasions by prepared nonviolent noncooperation and defiance by the population and the society’s institutions. The aim is to become able to deny attackers their objectives, to become politically unrulable by would-be tyrants, and to subvert the attackers’ troops and functionaries to unreliability and even mutiny. Such a prepared capacity, accurately perceived, would provide a different type of deterrent: facing such defense capacity, rational would-be aggressors would choose to stay away!
This policy has reached the level of governmental studies in several European countries. In North America it is receiving growing attention.
Civilian-based defense is not a panacea, nor a doctrine for which believers are sought. We all need to think for ourselves about its ap- plication, problems, and potential. We need to suggest to others, if we agree, that it merits investigation. On the basis of greater knowledge and understanding, the policy might be rejected as ineffective or inapplicable. It might, however, be found to provide the basic capacity to enable us to solve both the problems of aggression and of war.
This booklet has been prepared in response to expressions of need for such a brief publication on alternative defense conveyed to me during lecture trips in various parts of the country, from Maine to New Mexico. This booklet is only an introduction to civilian- based defense. Persons who find this of interest are strongly urged to study also the publications recommended for further reading. A newsletter and other educational projects on the policy are being undertaken by the Association for Transarmament Studies, 3636 Lafayette Avenue, Omaha, Nebraska 68131.
The main essay of this booklet was originally published in War/Peace Report (New York), April 1970, and was included in my Exploring Nonviolent Alternatives (Boston: Porter Sargent Publishers, 1970). The original title was “National Defense WithoutArmaments.”Theessayhaslargelystoodthetestoftime, and has needed only the addition of several substantive discussions and slight editing for this edition.
“Research Areas and Policy Studies on Civilian-based Defense” is a further revision of two previously published papers on the topic: (1) “Research Areas on the Nature, Problems and Potentialities of Civilian Defense” in S.C. Biswas, editor, Gandhi:Theory and Practice, Social Impact and Contemporary Relevance: Proceedings of a Conference. Transactions of the Indian Institute ofAdvanced Study, Volume Eleven (Simla: Indian Institute of Advanced Study, 1969), pp. 393-413; and (2) “Research Areas on Nonviolent Alternatives” in my Exploring Nonviolent Alternatives, pp. 73-113.
Numerous research problems and topics have been incorporated in this revision from suggestions made over the years by a large number of individuals in articles, memoranda, correspondence, and conversations. Acknowledgement is especially due to: Philip Bogdonoff, the late Hon. Alastair Buchan, April Carter, Theodor Ebert, Robert Irwin, Irving Janis, Jessie Jones, Daniel Katz, Herbert Kelman, Julia Kittross, Christopher Kruegler, Ronald McCarthy, Charles Nathan, Robert Nozick, the late Lars Porsholt, Adam Roberts, Theodor Roszak, Sandi Mandeville Tate, Kenneth Wadoski, and Kurt H.Wolff. Apologies to any who have unintentionally not been listed.
Several aides to thought, study, and action have been added to increase the usefulness of this booklet.
For editorial suggestions, I am grateful to David H. Albert, Philip Bogdonoff, Robert Irwin, and John McLeod. Philip Bogdonoff suggested the title.
Gene Sharp
Program on Nonviolent Sanctions in Conflict and Defense Center for International Affairs,
Harvard University,
Cambridge,Massachusetts
June 1985
No written work is ever the product of its author alone. This monograph was inspired by the extraordinary actions of thousands of Lithuanians in their quest for independence. The efforts of numerous historians, writers, and activists to reveal the nature of Lithuania’s subjugation and liberation have thoroughly informed this work.
Discussions with scholars from The Albert Einstein Institution between 1991–94 in Vilnius further inspired me to undertake this project. My special thanks go to Dr. Gene Sharp for helping me focus on the problems of nonviolent action and for his enduring solidarity. I would also like to thank Bruce Jenkins for his immensely helpful and pertinent suggestions, revisions, and editing, all of which greatly improved this monograph. I am also grateful to Joshua Paulson for his assistance in editing the manuscript and for many useful comments, and to Chris Miller for managing the process and keeping track of various drafts. I am also very grateful to Algirdas Degutis not only for translating my original manuscript into English but also for typing and correcting the entire text with great efficiency and patience. I would also like to express my gratitude to Professor Hakan Wiberg for showing a great and stimulating interest in my work.
I am pleased that this work is now available in English through the cooperation of The Albert Einstein Institution. Previous versions have been printed in Italian (Lituania: La Storia Della Liberazione Nonviolenta, Molfetta: La Meridiana, 1995) and Mandarin (Nonviolent Resistance in Lithuania: A Story of Peaceful Liberation, Taipei, 1997).
While I have benefited from the kind assistance and encouragement of many, I alone bear responsibility for the content of this work.
I object to violence because, when it appears to do good, the good is only temporary, the evil it does is permanent.
-- M. K. Gandhi
Lithuania was the first republic of the former Soviet Union to declare its independence. On March 11, 1990, a mere 1.5% of the Soviet population—inhabiting only 0.3% of Soviet territory—posed a fundamental challenge to the vast empire and its powerful apparatus of repression. The world had indeed noticed the challenge, though at first with little formal engagement yet plenty of (if at times condescending) sympathy. Only after the bloody events of January 1991 and the failed hard-line August 1991 putsch attempt did Lithuania receive widespread international recognition. On September 17, 1991, Lithuania was granted membership in the United Nations.
Lithuania’s struggle, like those of Estonia and Latvia, exemplified the nonviolent way of East European liberation from the grip of totalitarian empire. Taken together, the scale of the East European nonviolent liberation movements can only be compared to India’s drive for independence, led by Mohandas Gandhi.
On June 14,1987, when all of East-Central Europe was still frozen by totalitarianism, news about an unsanctioned anti-Soviet demonstration in Latvia's capital, Riga, spread in the Western media. After that date the country never came to rest: the spell of fear and subjugation evaporated, and mass demonstrations, protest meetings, and acts of civil disobedience became part of daily life in Latvia, as well as in neighboring Estonia and Lithuania, strongly influencing other nations trying to free themselves from Soviet domination and Communist totalitarianism.
The Estonian, Latvian, and Lithuanian drive for independence became known as the "Baltic Way," the most specific traits of which were its nonviolent, peaceful nature; nonaggressive, soulful, and orderly mass demonstrations; and flowers and singing as signs of spiritual defiance, determination, and national cohesion. Consequently, it also became known as the "singing revolution" or "flower revolution."
This vast and spectacular drive for independence did not spring out of nowhere, although it was dubbed "A wakening" in the Latvian media. Opposition to Soviet rule in the Baltic states existed ever since their occupation and subsequent annexation by the USSR in 1940, after 20 years of independent existence.
The early resistance movement was not peaceful. It started in the wake of World War II (1944-52) with eight years of desperate, doomed guerilla warfare, which bled the country and caused continued Soviet repression against the civilian population. After the armed resistance was defeated, a sense of total national defeat and utter gloom ensued, aggravated by unremitting Russification policies and Soviet-steered mass settlement of Russians and other aliens in Latvia. Many Latvians lost hope of ever regaining their independence. Still, an underground resistance movement, now using only peaceful means, and nation- wide spiritual defiance continued during all the years of Soviet occu- pation until the relaxation of policies under Gorbachev gave another chance to challenge it openly.
Through the last years of Soviet rule the pro-independence activists in Latvia and in the other two Baltic states showed great determination in efforts to regain independence, but consistently abstained from using violent means, though there were victims from their own midst as a result of Soviet acts of terror. In a world of almost omnipresent reciprocal violence and danger of its erupting in more places all over the vast territories of the former Soviet Union and East-Central Europe, the Baltic experience of persistent nonviolent action may deserve to be studied carefully along with the classical examples of nonviolent struggle, such as those led by Mohandas Gandhi and Martin Luther King, Jr. Its closer evaluation would be of importance to the Latvians themselves, as they confront mounting economic and political hardships in their efforts to rebuild their newly recovered statehood.
This monograph focuses on the many forms of nonviolent action used by Latvian independence-seekers, mainly in the last years of Soviet domination. Only a brief account is given of the long period before these last turbulent years. The reader will find detailed reports of those earlier struggles in the many works written by Latvian and other Baltic exile scholars?
In view of the small format of this edition, only a short survey can be given. It does not fully expound on the various forms of nonviolent activities, nor does it explain all the complexities of the Latvian political theater. Also, for the sake of more closer study, this monograph limits its scope to developments in Latvia done, although analogous events occurred in Estonia and Lithuania.
In addition, this monograph includes documents of Latvian grassroots and State organizations that played a crucial role in organizing nonviolent civilian resistance to Soviet efforts to regain control of Latvia in 1991.
The twentieth century was the most violent century in recorded history. Two World Wars resulted in the deaths of more than 200 mil- lion soldiers and civilians. In addition, there were many limited, but just as terrifying, wars of liberation, wars of conquest, and internal wars between people over political and religious beliefs. It is doubtful that there was ever a day in the 20th century that significant armed conflict was not in progress.
As advances in science and technology provide the means to make the consequences of armed conflict increasingly destructive of military targets, there is also the likelihood of even greater collateral damage, that is, the unintended destruction of civilian life and property. This collateral damage occurs not only because of the lethality of the specific weapons, but also because of the large numbers of weapons that are employed. Relatively inexpensive chemical and biological weapons of mass destruction and their ease of transport and delivery have frightful consequences for collateral damage to civilian populations. News coverage of the “smart bombs” used in Desert Storm in the early 1990s led the American public into a false belief that war strikes can be swift, clean, and sure. However, the extensive use of precision guided munitions in the war against Iraq in early 2003 by a United States-led coalition should not be considered the new standard for bombardment since few countries can afford the extensive use of these expensive weapons and their supporting technologies. Thus, even in limited wars, including civil wars, it is the civilians who will continue to bear the brunt of modern warfare.
As the Cold War between the Soviet Union and the West began to thaw in the last two decades of the 20th century, surpluses of small arms, artillery, aircraft, military vehicles, and a wide assortment of munitions became available in the international arms mar- ket. Economies of scale in production of new weapons (that is, the more items that are produced reduces the cost per item) also contributed to making weapons available to buyers at a more afford- able cost. Nations and commercial companies sent their arms sales- men to market their merchandise. This affordability and availability of weapons ultimately facilitated the worldwide escalation of violent conflicts.
One question raised by these developments in military technologies and by the proliferation of increasingly destructive weapons is whether or not any principle is worth fighting for if the out- come of the conflict may be devastation for both sides. Who can really claim victory in a war that may destroy so much of the human and economic resources of a nation that the objective of the struggle cannot be obtained even by the winner? In the face of such destruction, adversaries have increasingly sought to avoid war through policies of deterrence and negotiations. Deterrence policies have been effective, especially in preventing nuclear war. Where parity in the capacity to wage war has not been clearly established, how- ever, armed conflicts continue to occur. Moreover, where ethnic and religious factors are predominant, the calculus for initiating conflict may lose its objectivity.
There will always be ideals worth fighting for and oppression to be overcome. Some issues may not be resolvable through negotiations alone, but armed struggle may not be a viable option for an oppressed society, as the state often has the monopoly on military and other instruments of political coercion. This does not mean that oppressed people must then choose between submission and wag- ing an armed struggle where defeat is nearly certain. There is a third alternative to armed conflict for the pursuit of political change— strategic nonviolent struggle. In this book, strategic nonviolent struggle means:
nonviolent struggle that has been applied according to a strategic plan that has been prepared on the basis of an analysis of the conflict situation, the strengths and weak- nesses of the contending groups, the nature, capacities and requirements of the technique of nonviolent action, and especially the strategic principles of that type of struggle.1
The struggles for democracy in Burma, Belarus, Iran, Tibet and Zimbabwe are examples of nonviolent struggles waged against oppressive regimes for worthy goals—those of ending tyranny and bringing peace with justice to the people.
This book is written with hope that it may be of assistance to those who are searching for or examining nonviolent options as an alternative to armed struggle against an oppressive government or foreign occupation. It is not a “how to” book on waging nonviolent struggle. Rather, it offers a framework that encourages orderly think- ing about the fundamentals of strategic nonviolent opposition to state tyranny. It includes information on the theory, strategic planning, and operations for waging strategic nonviolent struggle that has proved to be effective. Hopefully, the reader will find the book organized in a way that it can be readily adapted for communicating its subject matter to others in a variety of training environments.
Strategic nonviolent struggle is advanced as an alternative to armed conflict, in part, because of the reasonable likelihood that it will result in fewer lives lost and less destruction of property. But even if that were not so, experience has shown that nonviolent struggle is an effective means of waging conflict against repressive regimes. A military victory is achieved by destroying the opponent’s capacity and/or willingness to continue the fight. In this regard, nonviolent strategy is no different from armed conflict, except that very different weapons systems are employed.
After gaining some familiarity with this book, some readers may erroneously conclude that the preparation of a strategy and supporting plans for waging a strategic nonviolent struggle entails such complexity that only the most developed and financially se- cure opposition groups could undertake the challenge. Not true. The starting gate for the application of strategic nonviolent struggle fundamentals is thinking about those fundamentals, and this book not only addresses them but also challenges the reader to think about applying these fundamentals for a particular cause. Unlike an air- craft flight manual, there is no detailed check list here that must be followed. Instead, there is a “check list” of ideas and suggestions to guide one’s thinking in making a transition from dictatorship to democracy.
Any writings or discussions on the subject of strategic nonviolent struggle owe much to Dr. Gene Sharp, resident Senior Scholar at the Albert Einstein Institution. He has spent almost five decades examining conflict. Dr. Sharp, while studying at Oxford University (1960-64), developed a theory and understanding of the nature of social power that is as fundamental to understanding nonviolent struggle as is the study of Clausewitz to understanding the nature and theory of military conflict. Chapters 1-4 of this book are based upon or derived from his considerable contributions to the study of the theory and applications of nonviolent conflict. Among Dr. Sharp’s many publications his three volume The Politics of Nonviolent Action (1973) and From Dictatorship to Democracy (1993) are particularly important sources for the study of strategic nonviolent struggle.
While I was attending Harvard University as an US Army Senior Fellow at the Center for International Affairs in 1987-88, toward the end of my thirty year career as a US Army Infantry Officer, I met Dr. Sharp during a meeting of the Program for Nonviolent Sanctions. He introduced his subject with the words: “Strategic nonviolent struggle is about seizing political power or denying it to others. It is not about pacifism, moral or religious beliefs.” These words got my attention since my perception of “nonviolence” had been one influenced by Vietnam era “flower-children, peaceniks and draft dodgers.” Since then, Gene has served as my mentor in understand- ing the principles, dynamics and applications of this potentially powerful form of struggle, as a colleague in the work of responding to requests for information by those engaged in resisting oppression, and as a good friend.
1 Gene Sharp, There Are Realistic Alternatives, (Boston: The Albert Einstein Institution, 2003), 38.
The destructiveness of modem war is widely understood. Yet most governments, backed by their populations, amass the largest array of military weaponry and forces of which they are capable. Clearly, none of the past proposals and movements to abolish war and to bring in an era of world peace has succeeded. Indeed, in significant respects the achievement of those goals now seems less likely than it did in earlier decades.
This is, of course, not the only grave political problem we have failed t o solve. Others include dictatorship, genocide, systems of social oppression, and popular powerlessness. They must be considered as we seek a solution to the problem of war.
Most people respond to the continuation of wars and war preparations with a sense of resignation, hopelessness, or powerlessness. "War is inevitable," it is thought; we blame 'human nature' or our favorite "evil forces." Other persons faithfully persist in plodding the old paths to the now tarnished dreams without reexamining whether they are heading in the right direction. Still others try to run faster to their goal, or seek shortcuts, or carry out acts of desperation without a basis for confidence that their efforts can succeed either, or even certainty that they will not make matters worse.
All this is not good enough. More creative responses are possible. Indeed, it is our responsibility to seek to develop them. If soundly based and realistically developed and applied, they might offer new hope.
If new responses to the problem of war are to be soundly based they must take into consideration some hard facts which most peace workers rarely face. These include the following:
Our search for a solution to the problem of war must not be based on utopian illusions, or naivety concerning the political intentions of protagonists in international conflicts.
Gene Sharp
CIVILIAN-BASED DEFENSE is an alternative policy which uses nonmilitary forms of struggle, either as a supplement to military means, or as a full alternative to them to deter and defend a society against attacks...
The term "civilian-based defense" indicates defense by civilians (as distinct from military personnel) using civilian means of struggle (as distinct from military and paramilitary means). Civilian-based defense is a policy intended to deter and defeat foreign military invasions, occupations, and internal usurpation...
Deterrence and defense are to be accomplished by civilian forms of struggle-social, economic, political, and psychological. These are used to wage widespread noncooperation and to offer massive public defiance. The aim is to deny the attacker his desired objectives, and also to make impossible the consolidation of foreign rule, a puppet regime, or a government of usurpers.
This noncooperation and defiance is also combined with other forms of action intended to subvert the loyalty of the attacker's troops and functionaries and to promote their unreliability in carrying out orders and repression, and even to secure their mutiny...
Civilian-based defense is meant to be waged, on the basis of advance preparations, planning, and training, by the population and members of institutions. Preparations and training would be based upon the findings of basic research into these types of resistance and into the systems of the attacker, and upon intensive problem-solving research. The latter needs to focus on ways to improve the effective- ness of such resistance, to meet impediments, and to solve problems in its application, especially against ruthless regimes. Understanding of the requirements for effectiveness of these forms of struggle and of the ways to aggravate weaknesses of the attacker's system and regime is the foundation for developing successful strategies of civilian-based defense.
Far too often people struggling for democratic rights and justice are not aware of the full range of methods of nonviolent action. Wise strategy, attention to the dynamics of nonviolent struggle, and careful selection of methods can increase a group’s chances of success. Gene Sharp’s researched and catalogued these 198 methods and provided a rich selection of historical examples in his seminal work, The Politics of Nonviolent Action (3 Vols.) Boston: Porter Sargent, 1973.
The death knell of communist rule, which has now ended in all European countries, was sounded not by nuclear weapons, nor even for the most part by the use of military force, but by civil resistance. In the last quarter of 1989, "people power" in various forms generally nonviolent in character-played a significant part in undermining communist regimes in several central and eastern European countries;' in 1990-91 it played a major role in the campaigns in the Baltic states to assert their independence from the Soviet Union; and in August 1991it was a key factor in the defeat of the attempted putsch in the Soviet Union, thus contributing decisively to the undermining of communist power there as well.
The events in eastern Europe and the Soviet Union in 1989-91 had remarkable similarities. There were crowds in the streets demonstrating, almost always with restraint, sometimes with wit and humor; nervous communist regimes which showed themselves incapable of rallying serious public support; attempts to create transitional regimes which failed to satisfy the public's demand for change; and, sooner or later, either an open transfer of power, or at least a public admission that there had to be an abandonment of the existing one-party system.
Constitutional guarantees of the primacy of ruling communist parties were abolished. If violence was used, it was typically by the security forces, as in Prague on November 17, 1989, at Timisoara in Romania a month later, and in the Soviet Union in August 1991:such episodes generally made things worse for their perpetrators. The whole chain of events in eastern Europe and the Soviet Union could be seen as a triumph of civil resistance, validating the proposition that all government, even totalitarian government, is based on the consent and cooperation of the ruled: take that away, and the regime must collapse.
Although in most of these cases the popular action was overwhelmingly nonviolent, this was not universally so. There was violence on both sides in Romania in 1989-90; in several republics of the Soviet Union since at least 1989; and in Yugoslavia in 1991, where the much-feared specter of civil war reappeared with a vengeance. Against this somber background it is difficult to assert that there is a general trend towards nonviolent means of political struggle. What can be asserted is that nonviolent methods have a greater importance than has been allowed for in many philosophies, whether of Left or of Right.
Clearly, the changes in the communist world in 1989-91 have been something more than a simple process of political change within states: they have also transformed international relations. Reports of the end of history, and claims that there is a new world order, are premature. However, the end of the Warsaw Pact, of the Soviet empire, of Soviet totalitarianism, and indeed of the Soviet Union itself, are undeniably major events. So is the unification of Germany, achieved on October 3,1990; and the advent of three former republics of the USSR (Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania) to membership in the United Nations in September 1991.
In November 1989, as the pace of change in eastern Europe was gaining momentum, Zbigniew Brzezinski was asked "Are there historical events to which you can liken this in significance?" He replied:
The only thing that comes close to it is the defeat of Nazism in World War 11.That defeat was by force of arms. This defeat was by force of ideas and political resistance.*
The revolutions in eastern Europe and the Soviet Union have been widely, and in all respects but one quite correctly, seen as confirming rather than challenging the kinds of political values and systems familiar in the West. They were, unusually, revolutions in favor of an existing type of political system, rather than in favor of a future-oriented abstraction. Among other things, they were for multiparty democratic elections, which duly took place in most eastern European countries in 1990. Timothy Garton Ash has said that the east European revolutions presented us with no fundamentally new ideas, but "offered us ...a restatement of the value of what we already have, of old truths and tested models, of the three essentials of liberal democracy and the European Community as the one and only, real existing common European home."3
Yet the view of these revolutions as a simple case of the triumph of Western over Soviet ideas is too simple. These revolutions-not so much by their ends, but rather by their means-may after all offer something worthy of more general scrutiny. As Timothy Garton Ash himself shows, they were characterized not just by a revival of the idea of civil society, but also by extensive use of civil resistance. Indeed, these events call for fundamental rethinking of many long-held ideas about how political change occurs. As Steven Lukes has written:
The theory of revolutionary change needs drastic attention in the face of the democratic revolutions of Eastern Europe: revolutions occurred without war between states or within them (apart from Rumania), without fanaticism or van- guards, undertaken in a self-limiting manner for goals that were limited and procedural rather than global and visionary. In general, the social scientists studying communist regimes should perhaps reflect on their collective failure to foresee even the possibility of most of what occurred. Perhaps that failure has something to do with their virtually total neglect of the moral dimension of political life.4
The press and public discussion in the West of these events has not included a great deal of consideration of these cases as examples of civil resistance indicating the great political potential of the technique and its significance for international relations. Two good reasons for this deserve mention.
The first reason for the low-key nature of the response to the impressive achievements of civil resistance in 1989-91 is the legacy of so-called realist doctrines. For almost two generations now, Western thinking about politics and international relations has been deeply influenced by the realist school, with its insistence that power, including the capacity for violence, is a key factor which statesmen, and indeed academic writers in the field, neglect at their peril. This approach has been intellectually impressive and politically influential. Many governments have justified devoting huge resources to defense and deterrence by reference to one or another aspect of realist think- ing. Against this background, it was always unlikely that there would be a rush to embrace civil resistance (however successful it may have been in transforming some communist societies) as the solution for all problems.
A second reason is that the picture of a pure case of civil resistance leading to victory over totalitarian regimes is too simple. It ignores the circumstances in which these revolutions happened, the complexity of events as they unfolded, and in particular the subtle connections between factors of power (including military power) on the one hand, and the achievements of civil resistance on the other.
The evidence is not yet all available. If 1989 was the year of revolutions, the 1990swill be a decade of revelations about the whole period of communist rule in eastern Europe and the Soviet Union. These revelations will certainly throw light on the precise chain of events, internal and international, that led to the loss of confidence of the communist elites and the subsequent collapse of communist power.
Three main questions can at least be asked now, even if the answers may sometimes be provisional:
Can the changes in eastern Europe and the Soviet Union in 1989-91 be ascribed to pressures from below, including civil resistance? Or were they mainly due to changes from above that began with Gorbachev's advent to power in 1985?
What were the domestic and international circumstances that enabled nonviolent struggle to take place on so wide a scale, and to be apparently effective? Why was change almost completely peaceful in some countries, and very violent in others?
What lessons can be learned from the events of 1989-91 about the uses of civil resistance in international politics?
To state the obvious, the former constituent republics of the Soviet Union and the once Communist-ruled Eastern European states face numerous difficulties. The questions of how to maintain national independence, ensure survival in a dangerous world, and protect the continuing creation of new democratic and just systems are of primary concern.
The issue of providing effective national defense under difficult conditions needs to take into consideration:(1) the dangers of war and internal violence, (2) the risk of losing self-reliance by placing one's defense in the hands of foreig nstates, and (3) the high economic cost of military weaponry that would aggravate already serious economic problems.
This booklet addresses a defense policy which can potentially avoid those three dangers while greatly increasing the actual defense capacity of these countries. This policy is civilian-based defense. It is a policy which relies on the determination of the population and the strength of the society to make it impossible for foreign aggressors or internal putschists to rule.
Civilian-based defense applies prepared noncooperation and political defianceby trained populations. This would operate by preventing the attackers from ruling the attacked society, denying them their other objectives, subverting their troops and functionaries, and mobilizing international opposition to the attack. All this is done in ways which are most difficult for the attackers to counter.
This booklet relates this policy to the countries of the Baltics, East Central Europe, and the Commonwealth of Independent States? all of which must assess what their future defense policies will be, now that independence has come and the Soviet Union and the Warsaw Pact are gone.
This type of defense has its roots in several improvised defense struggles in Europe, as well as in much of the resistance and liberation struggles waged in Communist-ruled nations during the decades of totalitarian domination. However, in civilian-based defense this resistance is utilized in refined and strengthened forms.
Persons, groups, and governments that are interested in the discussion of civilian-based defense in this booklet are strongly encouraged to turn for further study to my more detailed book Civilian-Based Defense (Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 19901, and to the Lithuanian, Latvian, Estonian, Polish, and Russian editions which are now in preparation. Publication details of these and other translations can be obtained by writing to Gene Sharp, Albert Einstein Institution,
Gene Sharp
10 February 1992
We all talk a great deal about the Anti-Defamation League of the B'nai B'rith. but few non-Zionists know as much about its activities as attorney the Hon. Jack B. Tenney. This chapter Is an ex- tract from the famous Tenney Reports, which have recently been reprinted in condensed form under the title of "Cry Brotherhood."While the ADL bureaucracy emphasises its Jewish character for defensive purposes it does not speak for American Jews. The political nature of its work is not revealed to the average Jewish contributor, and its activities in this field are carefully concealed from American Jewry and the general public under either ethnic or religious cloaks.The fears and complexes of the Jew are exploited by the bureaucracies that control and direct the net-work of organizations set up in his name and ostensibly for his protection. The laws of America ·are not sufficient. he is told. There must be a multitude of committees and councils - a vast inter-locking series of organisations that will work for his interest alone.The Anti-Defamation League is one of the most aggressive of these Jewish agencies. Through its exploitation methods in its appeals for funds many American Jews .have become obsessed with the idea that all non-Jews are either consciously and actively anti-Semitic or passive and potentially anti-Semitic. The scare-propaganda of the ADL has served to perpetuate and intensify the persecution complex in the collective Jewish mind.
Upton Close born Josef Washington Hall (February 27, 1894 - November 13, 1960) was an explorer, adventurer, journalist, author, and radio commentator. He wrote several books on the Far East and contributed thousands of articles to magazines and newspapers. In the 1940s he became a radio commentator and was one of the few on the radio who were critical of FDR and his agenda. After the war he became associated with right-wing and nationalist causes and collaborated with anti-semites like Robert H. Williams and Gerald L. K. Smith. In December 1947 he disavowed his association with Smith. Upton Close gave his first radio broadcast in 1924. In the 1940s he became more isolationist and became a persistent critic of FDR. In December 1944 he was canceled by NBC radio due to Jewish pressure. For a short period he broadcasted over the Mutual Radio network until 1946. He had lived in Hollywood, Califorina and in November 1947 moved back to Washington DC. He retired in Mexico and died in 1960 near Guadalajara in an auto collision with a train. He published his commentaries in a bulletin called Closer-Ups. Robert H. Williams went on to produce a newsletter called the Williams Intelligence Summary where he exposed Communist and Zionist infiltration of the government, which he saw as part of a conspiracy.
The Anti-Defamation League (ADL), which describes itself as a civil rights organization, has been in the forefront of an ongoing attempt to label legitimate American-Arab and American-Muslim charitable, political, and informational organizations as fronts for terrorism. This attempt is part of a long-standing ADL policy of discrediting any individual or organization opposed to Israel or supportive of Palestinian rights. The ADL’s strong political loyalty to Israel as well as its acknowledged ties to Israel’s external intelligence agency in addition to its past practices of spreading disinformation and intimidating those who have spoken out against Israeli policies should however serve as a warning about the ADL and the nature of its claims.
There is a conspiracy in this country to limit public comment and discussion to what a small but powerful clique has predetermined to be 'acceptable.' The moment anyone attempts to introduce an idea that is 'unacceptable,' nationwide forces are mobolized to silence the 'heretic'. Previously, any statment like the ones above would have been automatically dismissed as the raving of a "right-wing fanatic." Aren't you told nearly every day by the Establishment media (print and electronic) that America is a just marketplace of ideas. Are you comfortable with the assurance that the First Amendemtn to the constitution is in force and enforced? If so, prepare yourself to be jolted out of your compalcency. The conspiracy does exist.
Victor E. Marsden. The author of this translation of the famous PROTOCOLS was himself a victim of the Bolshevik Revolution. He had lived for many years in Russia and was married to a Russian lady. Among his other activities in Russia he had been' for a number of years Russian Correspondent of the Morning Post, a position which he occupied when the Revolution broke out, and his vivid descriptions of events in Russia will still be in the recollection of many of the readers of that journal.
Naturally he was singled out for the anger of the Soviet. On the day that Captain Cromie was murdered by Jews, Victor Marsden was arrested and thrown into the Peter-Paul Prison, expecting every day to have his name called out for execution. This. however, he escaped, and eventually he was allowed to return to England very much of a wreck in bodily health. However, he recovered under treatment and the devoted care of his wife and friends.
One of the first things he undertook as soon as he was able was this translation of the Protocols. Mr. Marsden was eminently well qualified for the work. His intimate acquaintance with Russia. Russian life and the Russian language on the one hand, and his mastery of a terse literary English style on the other placed him in a position of advantage which few others could claim.
The consequence is that we have in his version an eminently readable work, and the subject- matter is somewhat formless, Mr. Marsden's literary touch reveals the thread running through the twenty-four Protocols. The Summary placed at the head of each is Mr. Marsden's own, and will be found very useful in acquiring a comprehensive view of its scope. It may be said with truth that this work was carried out at the cost of Mr. Marsden's own life's blood. He told the writer of this Preface that he could not stand more than an hour at a time of his work on it in the British Museum as the diabolical spirit of the matter which he was obliged to turn into English made him positively ill.
Mr. Marsden's connection with the Morning Post was not severed by his return to England. and he was well enough to accept the post of special correspondent of that journal in the suite of H.R.H. The Prince of Wales on his Empire tour. From this he returned with the Prince, apparently in much better health. but within a few days of his landing he was taken suddenly ill, and died after a very brief illness. His sudden death is still a mystery.
May this work be his crowning monument! In it he has performed an immense service to the English-speaking world, and there can be little doubt that it will take its place in the first rank of the English versions of 'THE PROTOCOLS of the Meetings of the LEARNED ELDERS OF ZION'
At a moment when the whole of Western Europe is enlarging upon the benefits of constitutional governments and discussing on the one hand the merits and on the other the sins of Maximalism (Bolshevism), I think that I may with advantage put before the English-speaking public, the translation of a book published at Tsarskoye Sielo, in Russia, in the year 1905.
A copy of the original may be seen at the British Museum Library, under No. 3926 d 17, stamped British Museum, 10th August, 1906. How many more copies of the book may be seen in the world, I can hardly say, as, shortly after its appearance in 1905, most copies seem to have been bought up simultaneously and apparently with a purpose. On this point I would only warn my readers that they must not take a copy of this translation to Russia, as anybody in whose possession it is found by the Bolsheviki is immediately shot, as being the bearer of “reactionary propaganda”
The book was presented to the Russian public by Professor Sergyei Nilus.
It contains :—
i. An introduction to the main text, written by Sergyei Nilus in 1905.
ii. Notes on lectures delivered to Jewish students in Paris in the year 1901.
iii. A portion. of an epilogue written by the same Sergyei Nilus. I have not considered it necessary to reproduce the whole of the epilogue, as portions of it would be of no interest to British public, and do not bear upon the question before me, namely, that of the Jewish Peril.
I would ask my readers to bear in mind that the lecture above referred to were delivered in 1901, and that Nilus' Introduction and Epilogue were written in 1905.It is impossible to read any of the parts of this volume today without being struck by the strong prophetic thread which runs through them all, not only as regards the country of Holy Russia, but also as regards certain sinister developments, which may be observed at the present moment throughout the whole world.
Gentiles—Beware!
London, 2nd December, 1919.
To the New York Herald Tribune:
Mr. Treister stated in his letter in your paper that the Jewish people form a very small percentage of the Communists in America. He states that "in Chicago, with a Jewish population of 400,000, there are about 150 Communists."I myself am Jewish, and I come from Chicago. I spent thirteen years in that city. Approximately 98 percent of us are Communists, and we are not ashamed of it. It is a system laid down to us by our great leader, Karl Marx, and only the cowards bide behind "democracy" or "Americanism." Furthermore, I think Mr. Treister should check up on his figures more closely if be would give out information.
SARAH FINKELSTEIN.
Washington, D.C., Dec. 22, 1938.
Ravishing The Women of Conquered EuropeThe Big Three Liberators at Work Having a Wonderful Time Raping and Debouching the Women of Germany, Austria, and Hungary, 'Re-educating' Them to Become Good Christians!
Austin J. App, Ph. D, May 1946
One of the titanic figures of postwar revisionist historiography, Professor Austin J. App, died of kidney failure on 4 May 1984. A well-established author and scholar of English literature at the outbreak of World War II, Dr. App was soon appalled at the human suffering and political disaster caused by that "unnecessary conflict," and for the next four decades he was in the very forefront of those courageous scholars who, often in the face of severe academic and press hostility, sought to determine the historical truth about the war, and to publicize that truth far and wide.
-- The Institute for Historical Review
"What's wrong with Communism anyway?"—
"If one would leave out the atheism and some of the Soviet ideas on women, Communism wouldn't be a bad thing, would it?"
These questions are being asked by thousands today and every intelligent man and woman demands a reply that is at once clear, authentic and convincing.This pamphlet and its successors in this series will attempt to set forth the answer to these and other problems in a brief and popular form. There will be no "red-baiting," no hysterical flag-waving—just a calm arrayal of facts and official documents.
In this, the first of the series, "The Case Against Communism," only two points will be discussed.
One of the titanic figures of postwar revisionist historiography, Professor Austin J. App, died of kidney failure on 4 May 1984. A well-established author and scholar of English literature at the outbreak of World War II, Dr. App was soon appalled at the human suffering and political disaster caused by that "unnecessary conflict," and for the next four decades he was in the very forefront of those courageous scholars who, often in the face of severe academic and press hostility, sought to determine the historical truth about the war, and to publicize that truth far and wide.
-- The Institute for Historical Review
One of the titanic figures of postwar revisionist historiography, Professor Austin J. App, died of kidney failure on 4 May 1984. A well-established author and scholar of English literature at the outbreak of World War II, Dr. App was soon appalled at the human suffering and political disaster caused by that "unnecessary conflict," and for the next four decades he was in the very forefront of those courageous scholars who, often in the face of severe academic and press hostility, sought to determine the historical truth about the war, and to publicize that truth far and wide.
-- The Institute for Historical Review
This is a cropped version of the declassified FBI File 100-210108 on Revisionist Historian Austin J App and extracted pamphlets from it are available here:
The above documents have all been removed from this file - the original complete intact FBI file on the author at: https://archive.org/details/APPAustinJ.HQ100210108
THE PROTOCOLS AND WORLD REVOLUTION INCLUDING A TRANSLATION AND ANALYSIS OF THE "PROTOCOLS OF THE MEETINGS OF THE ZIONIST MEN OF WISDOM"
CONCERNING SOMETHING PEOPLE DO NOT WISH TO BELIEVE AND WHICH IS SO NEAR FOURTH EDITION OF THE BOOK, "NEAR IS THE COMING OF ANTI-CHRIST AND THE KINGDOM OF THE DEVIL ON EARTH," REVISED AND CONSIDERABLY AUGMENTED BY LATER RESEARCHES AND INVESTIGATION
SERGE NILUS
Dedicated to the small herd of Christ
"Ye, brethren, do not remain in the dark so that the day (of the Lord) shall not catch ye as thieves." (I Sol. 5, 4.)
"He who suffers to the end shall be saved." (Matt. 24, 13.)
THE TOWN OF SERGIEY
Slave-Laboring German Prisoners of WarHolding and Abusing German Prisoners of war (and Scientists and Civilians) as Reparation Slaves Is an Atrocity So Sinister and Vile That in Recent Centuries Only the Crusading Unconditional Surrenderists Have Been Degenerate Enough to Try It.
Austin J. App, Ph. D, July 1946
One of the titanic figures of postwar revisionist historiography, Professor Austin J. App, died of kidney failure on 4 May 1984. A well-established author and scholar of English literature at the outbreak of World War II, Dr. App was soon appalled at the human suffering and political disaster caused by that "unnecessary conflict," and for the next four decades he was in the very forefront of those courageous scholars who, often in the face of severe academic and press hostility, sought to determine the historical truth about the war, and to publicize that truth far and wide.
-- The Institute for Historical Review
Also here is the pamphlet "No More German Wars" published a year later as a follow-up.
"A SENSATIONAL IDEA!"
-- Time Magazine
"A PLAN FOR PERMANENT PEACE AMONG CIVILIZED NATIONS!"
-- The New York Times
This March 1941 book written by a New Jersey Jewish-German émigré-caused a storm in Germany and America with its open advocacy of the physical extermination of all Germans and Germany itself. This was to be achieved through a process of mass sterilization, and the physical dismemberment of that country.
Arguing that Nazism was in fact just another expression of militant Germanism, the author said that the Germans would never change and the only way to end the ongoing struggle was to end Germany and the German people. Because of Kaufman's claimed links to the policy advisors of the American president, Nazi Propaganda Minister Joseph Goebbels used the book to help encourage Germans to fight to the last.
Ironically, significant sections of Kaufman's book, despite being dismissed as the work of a loner, came true. At least 12 million Germans were expelled from their land following the end of the war, and their deportation became the single largest transfer of any population in modern European history, and one-third of German territory was ethnically cleansed of Germans and permanently seized. Although the sterilization plan was never implemented, the collapse in the German birth rate, predicted by the author, has occurred, and even this part of the plan seems set to become reality.
As the author wrote:
"Of course, after complete sterilization, there will cease to be a birth rate in Germany. At the normal death rate of 2 per cent per annum, German life will diminish at the rate of 1,500,000 yearly. Accordingly in the span of two generations that which cost millions of lives and centuries of useless effort, namely, the elimination of Germanism and its carriers, will have been an accomplished fact."
Extract from: Revelations from Goebbels' Diary by David Irving:
A crucial episode in the “Final Solution,” as far as Goebbels is concerned – and this has been very little highlighted – came in 1941 with the publication in the United States of a strange little book, Germany Must Perish!, by an American named Theodore N. Kaufman. In it, Kaufman – who was, presumably, a Jew – recommends the castration of the entire German people, so that the Germans would literally perish within one generation. “Germany must perish forever!,” wrote Kaufman. “In fact – not in fancy.” Published at a time when the United States was still officially not at war against Germany, this book was given respectful, even laudatory attention by Time magazine, The Washington Post, and other periodicals.
Goebbels seized with delight on this nasty propaganda diatribe against the German people, with all its Freudian undertones. “This Jew (Kaufman) has done a disservice to the enemy,” Goebbels commented. “If he had composed the book at my behest he couldn’t have done a better job.”
Goebbels looked into the feasibility of having a million copies of a German translation printed up and distributed to German soldiers. He shelved the project because his lawyers pointed out that the project would violate US copyrights. You may laugh but, as he wrote in his diary, the reasoning was that if Germany violated American copyrights, America might feel justified in violating Germany’s very valuable copyrights. He had to wait another few months until certain historical events in Hawaii resulted in American copyrights not being so valuable after all.
Kaufman’s book figures in Goebbels’ diary as being the turning point that justified, in his mind, adopting a much more radical solution to the Jewish problem.
In August 1941, he went to show Hitler Germany Must Perish in translation, and persuaded him to agree to a plan by which every German Jew would be fitted out with a yellow Star of David badge with the word Jude. Goebbels argued that the Jews had to be tagged, and Hitler agreed. It’s interesting to note – and this can’t be emphasized enough – that again and again it’s Goebbels who goes to Hitler with radical plans, and Hitler agrees. It’s never Hitler initiating these plans. This is true even when the diary appears to indicate otherwise, as in the case of Kristallnacht and other episodes when, for reasons of politics and posterity, Goebbels felt it necessary to write: “The Führer fully endorsed what I had done.”
HUEY P. LONG: AMERICAN REVOLUTIONARY Huey Long was born August 30, 1893, and died from an assassin's bullet on September 10, 1935. His super-rich enemies called him a communist, some radicals called him a fascist, and many poor people called him a savior. None of these descriptions fit Huey Long. He was cut from the same cloth as Thomas Paine, Henry Thoreau, Eugene Debs and other American revolutionaries. Although different in style, Huey's message was the same as these worthies.
James W. Gerard, lawyer and former ambassador to Germany, stated in August, 1930, that this country was ruled by 59 financiers and corporation officials. His list was both too long and too short. For he made no distinction between the much smaller number of actual rulers and their chief lieutenants. And, of course, he omitted scores of secondary men who are responsible and important executives within the chief financial empires. But Gerard’s list spread forth as front page news the fact that financial control had continued, unshaken by Standard Oil exposures, the Pujo Report^ Supreme Court decisions, post-war regulating commissions, and the firstly ear of the great economic crisis which began in 1929.
Since then various Senate investigations have piled up fresh evidence of the power and the methods of the inner Wall Street rulers. As this book is completed, Morgan partners are appearing before the Nye Committee investigating the munitions industry. The chief news of the day includes facts on the part played by the Morgan firm in 1914-15 in promoting the war boom and the war loans which tied American business interests to the cause of the Allies and led to irresistible pressure for America’s entering the World War.
Financial rulers are important, not as picturesque figures, strong in their lust for wealth and power, but as the heads of the economic empires in which American capitalism reached its peak of development. To sketch their empires is part of our task, but that is not enough. We must raise certain basic questions. What is the essential pattern of control in the United States? What are the underlying trends from which it developed? What is the effect of this control in the life of the people? Will power pass from the financial rulers through their inner collapse?
In working toward an answer to such questions we are concerned primarily with economic facts. And since material on wealth and income and the general condition of the working class is relatively abundant, we have focused attention in this book on the structure and pattern of finance-capitalist control. Its relation to poverty and to the workers’ movement is indicated.
Of course every selection and analysis of facts reflects a writer’s understanding of economic theory and his sympathies in the clash be* tween capitalism and socialism. The present book is based on the economic and political teachings of Marx as developed for the imperialist era by Lenin. It attempts to show the broad outlines of capitalist structure in the United States and illustrates for this country the basic argument presented by Lenin in his Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism.
Our material falls naturally into three main sections.
Part I, “The Rulers and their Domain,” describes the principal financial groups and outlines the principal ways in which they exercise control and the effect of the development of finance capital on the distribution of income in the United States.
Part II, “Control in Selected Industries,” gives some details of their grip on nine industries, with special reference to the confused interplay of monopoly and competition.
Part III, “Capitalism in Crisis,” reviews the facts about American foreign investment, colonies and spheres of influence and analyzes the economic crisis-depression against the background of the general crisis of capitalism.
This study is sponsored by the Labor Research Association which has, at every stage of the work, given counsel and help. The writer has also had invaluable assistance from several persons who do not share the writer’s views. Special acknowledgment is due to Elsbeth E. Freudenthal who aided in the research and the checking of material and herself wrote three Of the chapters on selected industries, and to the staff of the Economics Division of the New York Public Library without whose patient courtesy and knowledge of original sources the writer would have been unable to locate much of the necessary material.
A. R.
January, 1936.
Your Life is Their Toy: Merchants in Medicine - Emanuel M. Josephson, second edition (1948) Book by Josephson on the elite agenda in medicine and the medical industry. This is a journey through the less than perfect and altruistic members of the medical profession. Case histories, rackets and quackery.
"The bane of modern medicine is a merciless commercialism."
-- Dean Lewis, Johns Hopkins Hospital, October 1937
"At the present time the electorate of the American Medical Association is apathetic and inarticulate. . . . It is allowing the medical politicians to run things about as they please, and official spokesmen ... hurl their thunderbolts of wrath at all who differ with orthodox doctrine."
-- DR. James H. Means, President of the American College of Physicians, April 6, 1938
"'Apathetic and inarticulate?' 'Muzzled' would have been a truer word" heatedly editorialized."
-- The New York Times, April 8, 1938
DURING the past century there has been a great improvement in the art of medicine. Some of this improvement does not represent a real advance in medical science, but constitutes the process of retracing ground that was lost when young medical science arrogantly threw aside the age-old tradition of medicine that accumulated and was handed down since the origin of man. But real advance has been made. If this aspect of the subject is slighted, it is not because of failure of appreciation of it. The attitude adopted is prompted by a realization of how much greater might have been the advances of medicine if the abuses discussed did not exist; and by an appreciation of how much needless misery and inexcusable suffering might have been spared mankind.
Health and life are man's most precious possessions; and anxiety to preserve them is natural. It is not surprising, therefore, that they have been exploited since time immemorial. Every age has had its charlatans, quacks and medicine men.
Much in the same measure as social organization has attained its highest point in the present era, the exploitation of health and life today has reached its zenith. Never before in history has there arisen such an extensive conspiracy about the problem of public health of entire nations, involving well organized, opposing political and commercial groups.
The consequence of this welter of exploitation is the sacrifice of human comfort, happiness, health and life. It can not be gainsaid that the average span of life has been greatly lengthened in the past century. But it also can not be denied that mankind could be spared much misery, maiming and suffering if the rackets revolving about health could be eliminated.
Mankind has felt quite helpless before these rackets, though their existence long has been surmised. But the attitude adopted has been much like that of the ostrich:
"Why shall we face the horrors of the situation and permit ourselves to develop a fear and consternation of the medical care and institutions which we must accept when ill? It will only aggravate matters."
This attitude implies a failure to realize that most of these rackets will shrivel and vanish when exposed; and the balance can be destroyed easily by the force of public opinion and action intelligently directed. It is my purpose to expose them and to point out how the public can act to protect itself.
A word of explanation is in order regarding my use of the word "racket." I use it in the colloquial or slang senses, in all their shades of connotation. As defined in the Practical Standard Dictionary, these senses are as follows:
- (Slang, U. S.) (2) Any occupation by which money is made legitimately or otherwise. (I) ... a scheme, plan or proceeding ...
There should be no difficulty in judging from the context which sense it is desired to convey. Some of the passages undoubtedly will be resented and regarded as exposing their subjects to derision. But I say truthfully and sincerely that my motive is not malice. It is the desire to protect the health and life of the public and to see justice done.
I dedicate this volume to Richard H. Edmonds of Baltimore, Maryland, proprietor and editor of the Manufacturers Record, the Exponent of America. If we recover our freedom from the rule of the Money Lords; if money is made the servant of indpstry instead of its master; if the business of the country is permitted to function normally and free of bureaucratic and selfish control; if we are permitted to reap the full reward of our labor and sacrifice, the victory will be due largely to his vision, courage, incorruptibility, and sturdy Americanism. Blessings be to him, his kindred and his kind. George W. Armstrong.
The Roosevelt-Delano Dynasty has played a far more important role in the history of the United States than is suspected even by supposedly well-informed folk. Their role in the future may be a very fateful one now that it has become an integral though subsidiary part of the Rockefeller (Standard Oil) Empire. The time has arrived when it ie imperative that the nation be keenly aware of it.An evaluation of the significance of the Roosevelt-Delano Dynasty for the past, present and future of the United States hse been impossible hitherto because the data has been carefully hidden in the family records and has not been available to the public.
The background of the conspiracy that was the basis of the power of the Roosevelt-Delano Dynasty, and that made possible its control of the destinies of our country, is related by the author in his ROOSEVELT$ COMMUNIST MANIFESTO (Chedney Press, 1955). It portrays the role played by the Dynasty in the Illuminist-Socialist-Communist-"One World" dictatorship conspiracy.
The second half of that volume contains what is probably the most important document in American history. It is the reprint, in full, of the 1841 publication by mentor-cousin, Clinton Roosevelt, entitled THE SCIENCE OF GOVERNMENT FOUNDED ON NATURAL LAW. It is largely an adaptation to the American scene of the conspiracy published in 1776, in Germany, by Adam Weishaupt, a renegade Catholic who bad been trained by the Jesuits. He was the founder of the Order of llluminati, which later became the Communist Party. Weishaupt is the real father, or grandfather, of modem-day Communism. And he was the preceptor of Moses Mordecai Marx Levy alias Heinrich Karl Marx.
Clinton Roosevelt was one of the group of American Illuminists, self-styled "liberals", that included Horace Greeley, Charles A. Dana, and many scions of America's "first families" who helped finance the activities of Karl Marx and his associates. His SCIENCE OF GOVERNMENT was published as a blueprint of a conspiracy to nullify the Constitution and Sovietize the U.S.A. Published in 1841, it contains the detailed plan of the New Deal and NRA, drawn up ninety-two years before his cousin, President Franklin Delano Roosevelt, launched the conspiracy.
Clinton Roosevelt's publication is so important for an understanding of our national history, and of the ills that have befallen us, that it would have been a disaster had its well-planned blackout succeeded as a result of disintegration of the pulp paper on which it was originally published. The result would have been complete censorship and suppression of one of the most important phases of our national history and the history of the world.
The more up-to-the-minute phases of the conspiracy, the author details in his ROCKEFELLER "Internationalist", The Man Who Misrules The World (Chedney Press, 1952) and in subsequent columns.A fourth volume is under consideration by the author, on the part played by the conspirators in the engineering of the Civil War, and on the elections and assassination of Abraham Lincoln.Material revisions and additions have been made in the text, on the basis of subsequent researches and investigations. This is especially true in the chapter on The Odd Ailments & Strange Death Of F. D. R. It has been largely rewritten and amplified with additional data, which casts an even stranger light on this curious affair.
An expose of the Roosevelt administration on how they actively provoked the Japanese before Pearl Harbour. John T. Flynn was the first to advance the Pearl Harbor advance-knowledge conspiracy theory.
This is an attempt to examine the evidence bearing on the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor in order to establish responsibility for that disaster.It is not a brief for Admiral Kimmel or General Short, both of whom are unknown to the author. Nor have I had any communication with either. It frequently happens that what is looked upon as a profound secret lies open to the eye of any student who has the patience to examine with care the newspapers, the public reports and the testimonies of interested persons which appear in books and magazines.
Bits of information meaningless in themselves when brought together serve to make a complete picture. This is all I have done. I have read the newspapers day by day since before the Atlantic meeting of Mr. Roosevelt and Mr. Churchill. I have read with care the official report, of Japanese-American relations published in three large volumes by the government. I have studied the Report of The Roberts Commission. I have read numerous magazine articles and books such as Ambassador Grew's Ten Years in Japan, Col. Allison Ind's Bataan, the Judgment Seat and many others.
In this material is to be found all t:he evidence necessary to make clear to the reader why Pearl Harbour and the Philippines were so helpless when the Japanese appeared over them on Dec. 7 and 8, 1941, and who was responsible for it.
JOHN T. FLYNN
New York City, October 17, 1944.
This document is an exhaustive list of referenced quotes and discussion - many from Jewish authors and sources - regarding the topic of anti-semitism and is composed of combining the text originally saved from the following URLs - which are presently no-longer available (memory-holed), but still obtainable (at the time of writing) on The Internet Archive Wayback Machine to which they are linked:
A short essay on the cyclical nature of the rise and fall of empires throughout history from ancient times to the present-day.
John Bagot Glubb was born in 1897, his father being a regular officer in the Royal Engineers. At the age of four he left England for Mauritius, where his father was posted for a three-year tour of duty. At the age of ten he was sent to school for a year in Switzerland.
These youthful travels may have opened his mind to the outside world at an early age. He entered the Royal Military Academy at Woolwich in September 1914, and was commissioned in the Royal Engineers in April 1915. He served throughout the first World War in France and Belgium, being wounded three times and awarded the Military Cross.
In 1920 he volunteered for service in Iraq, as a regular officer, but in 1926 resigned his commission and accepted an administrative post under the Iraq Government. In 1930, however, he signed a contract to serve the Transjordan Government (now Jordan). From 1939 to 1956 he commanded the famous Jordan Arab Legion, which was in reality the Jordan Army. Since his retirement he has published seventeen books, chiefly on the Middle East, and has lectured widely in Britain, the United States and Europe.
As numerous points of interest have arisen in the course of this essay, I close with a brief summary, to refresh the reader’s mind.
(a) We do not learn from history because our studies are brief and prejudiced.
(b) In a surprising manner, 250 years emerges as the average length of national greatness.
(c) This average has not varied for 3,000 years. Does it represent ten generations?
(d) The stages of the rise and fall of great nations seem to be:
(e) Decadence is marked by:
(f) Decadence is due to:
(g) The life histories of great states are amazingly similar, and are due to internal factors.
(h) Their falls are diverse, because they are largely the result of external causes.
(i) History should be taught as the history of the human race, though of course with emphasis on the history of the student’s own country.
An early Cold War exposé on the truth about Bolshevism, Communism and the forces that created and drove it.
Mobilized with the Glamorganshire Yeomanry in 1914. Transferred to the Royal Field Artillery and served 2 and-a-half years in France in World War I. Long record of public service. Member of Bridgend Urban District Council for 2 years, and of the Glamorganshire County Council for 1 year. Long record of struggle against corruption in Local Government. Convicted 7 times for exposing corrupt practices in Local Government. Sentenced to 12 months hard labour in 1938 for activity in obtaining release of sane man from Bridgend Lunatic Asylum. Served in Swansea, Cardiff, Brixton and Birmingham Prisons.No regrets of his efforts to cleanse public life of corruption and of his convictions for same.
This book has been re-published with the permission of the author Andrew Carrington Hitchcock who invites you to contact him at mailto:andrewcarringtonhitchcock@hotmail.com or go to his website where you can find out more and also listen to his radio show, which in May 2019 passed over 1000 episodes: andrewcarringtonhitchcock.com which is part of the Euro Folk Radio network.
The website for the latest version of the book is: thesynagogueofsatan.com where and updated, expanded and uncensored version - continuing from where this version ends in 2006 - is available for purchase.
Andrew is also a pastor and his Ministry of Yahweh website is: inthenameofyahweh.com. He is also on twitter @achitchcock (NOTE: Andrew only posts mainly mainstream-media news and articles on twitter and doesn't interact publicly with other users.)
Here is the infamous (and anonymous) conspiracy manual for the total control of worldwide society. It describes a plan and method of ‘Quiet War” to be carried out by an ‘elite’ group, which goes unnamed. If you are not part of that elite group, you are not held in very high regard. In fact, you are only regarded as livestock, to be manipulated for the benefit of the elites. This document has been referenced by many including David Icke in his various books and videos. Is it real? Does it actually lay out a plan which is even now being ‘silently’ implemented? The answer lies in examining what it purports, and comparing it to events that have happened since the 1950’s. You decide. “Silent Weapons for Quiet Wars, An Introduction Programming Manual” was uncovered quite by accident on July 7, 1986 when an employee of Boeing Aircraft Co. purchased a surplus IBM copier for scrap parts at a sale, and discovered inside details of a plan, hatched in the embryonic days of the "Cold War" which called for control of the masses through manipulation of banking, media, industry, peoples' pastimes, education and political leanings. It called for a quiet revolution, diverting the public's attention from what is really going on. It contains no author name, and is not under copyright.
Compared to actual, real Bilderberg documents, the document does not seem to be genuine although it is plausible in some respects. It is a classic of the conspiracy genre and still has value for conspiracy researchers. It is being preserved as the original URL it was downloaded from on The Internet Archive disappeared (https://archive.org/details/SilentWeaponsForQuietWars_75) although an alternative link was found below.
A highly-controversial book at the time, it laid-bare the true horror of some of the earliest accounts in English of the initial period of the Bolshevik Revolution in Russia. Jewish Oscar Levy, was expelled from Britain, his 2nd home, as an "undesirable alien" under the short-lived Enemy Aliens Restriction Act (1919). The pretext was the preface he had written for George Pitt-Rivers's The World Significance of the Russian Revolution"
"On August 13th last, there passed away a man who, in the first decade of the century, was probably the best-known figure in the British Museum..." -- Obituary: Dr. Oscar Levy by Anthony M. Ludovici, The New English Weekly 30, 1946--7,
pp. 49--50 -
BEGIN RIGHT DO NOT WASTE TIME
Every honest, kindly person, with reasoning power, who will throw aside all prejudice and early teachings, so far as possible, and reason back from effect to cause, must arrive at the fact that USURY is the cause of crime, poverty, prostitution and war.
A community would be considered crazy if some were energetically advocating filtration, others condensation, others chemical treatment of the water on which their health and lives depended, instead of going to the source of the water supply and removing the dead and putrid jackass that was poisoning them.
Equally crazy are those who rely on banking-regulating, tariff reform, trust-busting, purification-of-elections, single- tax, government-ownership, prohibition, graft-killing, uniform divorce-laws, white-slave-laws, world-peace, paliatives-for- disemployed, strike-arbitration and various other quack cures for the present rotten state of society instead of eradicating the poison, which is, the unnatural, unjust, wicked standard of all values souls and bodies no exception GOLD the foundation of USURY.
USURY—Wage slavery—must be abolished; so long as Usury exists those who perform any work useful to society b}'- brawn or brain are Slaves to the money-power. The people perish for lack of knowledge. Abolish Usury and the income of every worker would be more than doubled, the cost of living would be cut in half, workers would be more than four times better off; life really would be well worth living.
Professor Bonamy Price defines money thus: "Money is a tool of exchange and nothing more; it is not a measure of value, nor a standard of value, nor a representative of property; it transfers property from one party to another, as a wagon hauls goods from one' place to another."
Only about one person in ten thousand knows what money is, the nine thousand nine hundred and ninety and nine think it is a measure of value, or a standard of value, or a representative of property; they even look upon it as wealth; whereas it has none of those qualities; it is worthless until it is exchanged for something desired.
This book is a warning. It is a terrifying portrait of an "ideal" society that has destroyed democracy in the name of "progress." Roland Huntford demonstrates by fact after shocking fact how an apparently democratic, prosperous, peaceful Utopia is totally controlled by a bureaucracy which actively discourages all signs of individuality.
Roland Huntford has been Scandinavian correspondent for one of the world's great newspapers, The Observer. His other books include The Sea of Darkness and Scott & Amundsen.
When this book was first published, in 1972, the Social Democrats had ruled Sweden for almost forty years. They seemed destined to continue doing so for forty years more. Since then, however, they have lost two elections in a row, and the country has been governed by the non-socialist parties instead. Remark- ably little has changed, however. The corporatism which lies at the heart of the Swedish system, and which was my central theme, continues on its way. Sweden is run in much the same way as before. The main difference is that the corporatism of the left has been replaced by one of the center.
"Much more than a 'horror file.' It is a study of the 'whys' of this unopposed bureaucracy. ... Full of valuable insights, it is an illuminating account of the ideas in whose service the Swedes have become so compliant!' --- Book News
"A landmark work!" --- San Francisco Chronicle
"The first detailed critique of the Social Democratic regime." --- The New York Times Book Review
"Buy it, borrow it, or rent it --- but find time and money to give this book a thoughtful reading." --- Bookmailer News
"It will take more than a single volume to disillusion Americans about 'democratic socialism' and the 'free' welfare state, but if any book can do it, this is it!' --- Human Events
An exploration into the historical origins of Communism and the terror of The Bolshevik Revolution.
To understand the total problem of communism it is necessary that we trace the course of the movement from it's beginning down to the present. We must understand who it's originators were, and what they were, and we must gain some idea as to the forces which influenced and shaped their philosophy. Unfortunately, any deep-down discussion of communism and Marxism involves the Jewish question. We cannot honestly discuss the subject without revealing---and commenting on the fact that the founders of Russian communism were Jewish. Neither can we ignore the fact that all but a few of the top leadership of the American communist party---including the recently convicted spies are of the same race. These are facts of history over which we have no control. But we are faced with the very serious problem of how to reveal these facts without being labeled ---and treated ---as "anti-Semites."
The main reason why so little is known concerning the true nature of communism stems from this problem. Historical writers have been understandably reluctant to hold forth on the subject for fear of marking themselves as "race haters" and bigots." For this reason the entire subject has been placed beyond the pale of discussion. One simply does not use the word "Jew" and "Communism" together. The result is, of course, censorship.
In this work we have decided to breach the wall of silence at whatever the cost, and to treat the subject as fairly and as honestly as we know how. No attempt is made to single out individuals because they happened to be born to a certain race; neither have we exempted any- one from criticism for that reason. It was decided that since Communism and Judaism are so irretrievably bound one to the other, a history of the Jewish people would contribute substantially to an understanding of the present communist menace.
This work clearly shows that Communism grew out of Russian Judaism. Although the Soviet Union has disappeared, the ideology which underpinned that state-state-engineered economic and social egalitarianism-lives on, and is stronger than ever before in the West. Now completely updated to include post-war Communist movements in Eastern Europe, Britain, America, South Africa and China, this book is the most detailed record yet of the leading Jewish role in Communism. The conclusion discusses the reasons for Jewish extremist behavior, based on an understanding of group evolutionary psychology.
Herzl is considered the 'Godfather' of the nation-state of modern Israel thanks to this manifesto for its creation.
An extraordinary, detailed, well-referenced portrait of the United States oligarchy and its history at a crucial period in world history, on the eve of the Second World War.
IN THIS work we are not concerned with the methods, legal or illegal, by which the great American fortunes of today were created. These fortunes exist. Their potentialities for good or evil are not altered whether we accept Gustavus Meyers' account of their formation or whether we give credence to the late John D. Rockefeller's simple statement: "God gave me my money."
What this book purports to do is to furnish replies, naming names and quoting book, chapter, and verse, to two blunt questions: Who owns and controls these large fortunes today, and how are these for- tunes used? To answer this second question it is necessary, of course, to examine the role of great wealth in politics, industry, education, science, literature and the arts, journalism, social life and philanthropy.
The reader is warned that this work is not predicated on the premise of James W. Gerard, who in August, 1930, named fifty-nine men and women that, he said, "ran" America. In Mr. Gerard's list were many persons deemed by the author of slight importance, many of them merely secondary deputies of great wealth and some of them persons whom Mr. Gerard undoubtedly flattered by including in his select list. The factor determining the inclusion of persons in this narrative has at all times been pecuniary power, directly or indirectly manifested.
This work will consider incidentally the various arguments brought forward by the apologists of great fortunes. These arguments arc to the effect that huge fortunes are necessary so that industry may be financed; that the benefactions of great wealth permit advances in science, encourage writers and artists, etc.; that the lavish expenditures of wealthy persons "give employment" to many people; and that in any case these big fortunes are dissipated within a few generations.
More and more it is becoming plain that the major political and social problem of today and of the next decade centers about the taxa- tion of great wealth. It is hoped that this book, the first objective study of the general social role of great fortunes, will shed at least a modicum of light upon this paramount issue.
FL.
A critical examination of the past century, mostly reliant on the works of Carroll Quigley, the esteemed and highly-decorated professor who wrote Tragedy & Hope.
This Brother-Sister duo has dedicated themselves to researching corruption and shining light on information that very few people realize. This research is hereby placed in the public domain. It is hoped that free and easy access to this document will enable those who value freedom to reach a deeper and more coherent understanding of the corruption happening behind the scenes that continues to infringe on their liberty.
First off, this document is for anyone interested in understanding how and why things are the way they are. It provides lessons in history that were never taught in school, and exposes a secret history of our World that no one is supposed to know about. The information contained within these pages is well documented in the historical record. Second, this document is FREE. There is no agenda except to hopefully shine some light on what has been going on secretly behind the scenes for over 100 years with few people even realizing. Third, every effort has been made to describe and to analyze, not to give personal opinion or beliefs.
It begins with a historical look at one of the best-kept secrets of all time, and then examines a wide range of seemingly unconnected topics to include banking, medicine, media, education, cancer research, subversion, pharmaceuticals, politics, vaccines, foreign policy, war, and many other key aspects of American society---you will see that it is all interrelated. And together, it tells the much bigger story of the well-documented existence of a solidly entrenched secret network, concealed from public gaze, that has been---and is---profoundly shaping our World behind the scenes.
This document provides answers to anyone interested in understanding the real World of today; if you have ever wondered what's really going on in this world or where exactly things are headed, then this document is for you.
In 1965 one of the nation's leading historians quietly finished the last draft of a massive 1311-page book on world history. He walked over to his typewriter and secured the last pages of the book and placed them into a small box and wrapped it for mailing. He then walked to the Post Office and mailed the final draft to his publisher in New York City. The editor was somewhat overwhelmed and perhaps even inhibited by the scholarly treatise. The last thing he wanted to do was to read the huge draft. He knew and trusted the professor.
After all, he was one of the leading scholars in the western world. They had been acquaintances for several years. He had already signed an agreement to publish the book before it was finished. He had read several chapters of the early draft. They were boring, at least to him. He decided to give the book to a young editor who had just been promoted to his assistant. The young editor was also overwhelmed but happy to oblige the Senior Editor. The young editor was unaware of the importance of the manuscript and of the revelations which it contained. To the young editor this was just another textbook or so he thought.
Somehow one of the most revealing books ever published slipped through the editorial offices of one of the major publishing houses in New York and found its way into the bookstores of America in 1966. The above historian was Dr. Carroll Quigley and the book he wrote was entitled, Tragedy and Hope: A History of the World in Our Time. It was published in 1966 and is clearly one of the most important books ever written. Professor Quigley was an extraordinarily gifted historian and geo-political analyst. The insights and information contained in his massive study open the door to a true understanding of world history in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. It is a work of exceptional scholarship and is truly a classic.
Knowledge of who Dr. Carroll Quigley was is essential for understanding the real world of today. His close relationship with a secret group of elites and his approval of its aims made it possible to provide an insider's analysis of the minds and methods of this global elite. Without this knowledge, the actions of those who dominate the U.S. government and the Western world would not make as much sense. With it, everything falls into place.
Using Quigley's work as a starting point, this document will highlight the extensive history of a small group of dominant men that were able to secretly secure control of local, national, continental, and even global policy at the turn of the 20th century. Then by examining the well documented history of our nation's educational, financial, medical, media, governmental, pharmaceutical and political system, one can understand the enormous control this secret network wields behind the scenes, and finally make sense of why things are the way they are in America---and the future that is being shaped for us.
Carroll Quigley was no wild-eyed conspiracy theorist. Quite the contrary, Quigley was a prominent historian who specialized in studying the evolution of civilizations as well as secret societies. Dr. Quigley studied history at Harvard University, where he earned his bachelor's, master's, and PhD degrees. He taught at Princeton University, Harvard University, and the School of Foreign Service at Georgetown University. He was the author of the widely used textbook Evolution of Civilization. He was a member of the editorial board of the monthly periodical Current History. He had done extensive research in the archives of France, Italy, and England. He was a member of the American Association for the Advancement of Science, American Anthropological Association and the American Economic Association. For many years he lectured on Russian history at the Industrial College of the Armed Forces and on Africa at the Brookings Institution. He worked as an advisor to the US Defense Department and the US Navy. In 1958 he served as a consultant to the Congressional Select Committee which set up the National Space Agency. He was a frequent lecturer and consultant for such groups as the Industrial College of the Armed Forces, the Brookings Institution, the U.S. Naval Weapons Laboratory, the Naval College, the Smithsonian Institute, and the State Department.1 This was an individual that President Bill Clinton, on numerous times during his presidency, publicly paid homage to, for the influence that Dr. Quigley had on his life. Dr. Quigley was also closely associated with many of the family dynasties of the super-rich. In short, Carroll Quigley was a well- connected and well-credentialed member of the world's money power structure and Ivy League society.
Dr. Quigley, has provided a great contribution to our understanding of modern history which was presented in his historical works, to include, Tragedy and Hope, A History of the World in Our Time and The Anglo-American Establishment. His disclosures placed him in such potential danger from an Establishment backlash, so much so that the latter was never published in his lifetime. He gained access to evidence from people directly involved with the secret 'network' that no outsider had ever seen. In fact, he admits that he was even permitted for two years to examine its papers and secret records. Quigley's exposé -- together with his Tragedy and Hope -- is unique among historical works in that it provides a detailed and verifiable account of the origins, development and aims of a secret network of organizations created for the purpose of world domination by certain international financial interests.
This remarkable book written by a man who testified in congress lays-bare many aspects of the psychological, politicial, cultural and social-engineering and programming which we have seen occur over several decades and right up to the present day. Highly-important and a must-read especially for understanding the cultural absurdities of the modern world. Exposes the dark underbelly of the so-called "social sciences" and "mental-health awareness" programmes, and how they are used as a tool against the masses.
From May 2, 1936, to October 10, 1939, I was a dues-paying member of the Communist Party, operating under my own name Kenneth Goff, and also the alias John Keats. In 1939, I voluntarily appeared before the Un-American Activities Committee in Washington, D. C., which was chairmaned at that time by Martin Dies, and my testimony can be found in Volume 9 of that year's Congressional Report.
During the period that I was a member of the Communist Party, I attended their school which was located at 113 E . Wells St., Milwaukee, Wisconsin, and operated under the name Eugene Debs Labor School. Here we were trained in all phases of warfare, both psychological and physical, for the destruction of the Capitalistic society and Christian civilization. In one portion of our studies we went thoroughly into the matter of psychopolitics . This was the art of capturing the minds of a nation through brainwashing and fake mental health-the subjecting of whole nations of people to the rule of the Kremlin by the capturing of their minds. We were taught that the degradation of the populace is less inhuman than their destruction by bombs, for to an animal who lives only once any life is sweeter than death. The end of a war is the control of a conquered people. If a people can be conquered in the absence of war the end of the war will have been achieved without the destructions of war.
During the past few years I have noted with horror the increase of psychopolitical warfare upon the American public . First in the brainwashing of our boys in Korea, and then in the well-financed drive of mental health propaganda by left-wing pressure groups, wherein many of our states have passed Bills which can well be used by the enemies of America to subject to torture and imprisonment those who preach the gospel of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, and who oppose the menace of Communism. A clear example of this can be seen in the Lucille Miller case. In this warfare the Communists have definitely stated : "You, must recruit every agency of the nation marked for slaughter into a foaming hatred of religious healing.
"Another example of the warfare that is being waged can be seen in the attempt to establish a mental Siberia in Alaska, which was called for in the Alaskan Mental Health Bill. A careful study of this Bill will make you see at once that the land set aside under the allotment could not be for that small 'territory, "and the Bill within itself establishes such authority that it could be turned into a prison camp under the guise of mental health for everyone who raises their voice against Communism and the hidden government operating in our nation.
This book was used in underground schools, and contains the address of Beria to the American students in the Lenin University prior to 1936. The text in the book in general is from the Communist Manual of Instructions of Psychopolitical Warfare, and was used in America for the training of Communist cadre . The only revision in this book is the summary, which was added by the Communists after the atomic bomb came into being. In its contents you can see the diabolical plot of the enemies of Christ and America, as they seek to conquer our nation by subjecting the minds of our people to their will by various sinister means.
This manual of the Communist Party should be in the hands of every loyal American, that they may be alerted to the fact that it is not always by armies and guns that a nation is conquered.
An amazingly well-written book which perfectly demonstrates how little has been learned in the past century with regard to economics and finance. It lays-bare the bitter truth about the operation of an economic system which continues to enslave humanity.
The aim of this book is to show that the causes for the present widespread individual, industrial, political and international unrest must be sought in the financial system, and in that only. More specifically, that this system, under whose archaic dictates we all necessarily live and suffer, is based on and entirely motivated by usury — which is itself the genesis of all hatred, fear, suspicion and war.
In order to do this, a somewhat detailed examination of existing financial processes has been undertaken. This has hitherto been considered the exclusive province of financial and economic experts. It is imperative to-day that it should be regarded as a matter for everyman’s judgment. The fact that certain sections of the book are somewhat technical, does not mean, therefore, that it has been written solely as a challenge to financial theorists. This book is written for the ordinary man, and its main implication is sociological.
The present intolerable position, which the writer believes to be merely the preliminary stage in the complete breakdown of the monetary system throughout Western civilization, is the living ‘reductio ad absurdum’ of a condition which is implicit in all forms of sociology under usury. Modern civilizations, as well as those of the ancient world, have been built up on and were or are being broken by usury.
A highly-important and well-referenced look at the operation at The City of London, at the heart of The British Empire and its global role throughout the previous century of history.
The Empire of the City (1946) by E. C. Knuth
At the end of World War I, the writer, then 27 years old, was released from the U. S. Army aa a second lieutenant of the Coast Artillery Corps. Like many more servicemen, he was filled with resentment as the deluge of utterly obvious and brazen falsehood, by which participation in that war had been forced upon the American people, was exposed, and became more evident day by day after the war waa won.
That the reasons advanced to the American people for their entry into World WarI werelargelyfraudulent becamecommonandacceptedknowledge, axid over 25 years after the end of that war the eminent American historians, Charles A. and Mary R. Beard, stated in their "Basic History" (page 442) that "the gleaming mirage that pictured the World War as purely or even mainly a war for democracy and civilization dissolved beyond recognition...' and the well-known Internationalist publicist, Walter Lippmann, stated in his "U. S. Foreign Policy" (page 24) in effect that the real reasons for going to war in 1917 have never been admitted.
Many people realize that this mystifying situation, in which an alleged democratic and self-governing nation is actually controlled against the will of the people in its foreign affairs, is a clear indication that there must be a very powerful and well-financed secret organization which plans and directs American foreign affairs and for lack of a more specific identification this suspected secret organization is popularly referred to as the International Financiers.
When the propaganda mills began their characteristic grind towards war in the early 1930's, the writer began a more definite study of international power politics, and soon found it an entrancing and revealing subject. There was, however, no more free speech; and the most amazing documented aspects of a vast secret world order of International Finance could find no hearing in a situation where some Congressmen denounced overwhelming Nationalist expression of views in their mail as mere organized subversion.
The shelves of our public libraries hold thousands of books pertaining to some aspect of this vast subject; most of them dry as dust to the average reader and remaining unread by the public through the years. Most of these scholarly works are devoted to some passing phase of power politics in some part of the world, of which their author has made a specialized study, and have invariably been forgotten as the public has lost interest in that particular incident.
In running through these works some amazing nuggets of information come to light here and there, which fitted together gradually unfold the stunning history and the legal structure of a sovereign world state located in the financial district of the loosely knit aggregation of boroughs and cities popularly known as the city of London. The colossal political and financial organization centered in this area, known aa "The City," operates aa a super-government of the world; and no incident occurs in any part of the world without its participation in some form.
Its pretensions are supported in the United States by the secret International Pilgrim Society, sponsor of the Cecil Rhodea "One World" ideology which was launched about 1897. The president of its American branch is Dr. Nicholas Murray Butler, who is also president of the allied Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. The ultimate objective of this camarilla was defined by one of its noted propagandists, the late William Allen White, aa: "It is the destiny of the pure Aryan Anglo-Saxon race to dominate the world and kill off or else reduce to a servile status all other inferior ram."
After reducing the vast mess of data forming the basis of this work into a logical and readable sequence, it was finally put into print and privately published after long delay, and copyright was granted May 22, 1944. About 200 copies were sent to various members of Congress, thus largely performing the purpose of the first edition. Several members of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee accorded some attention to this.
Senator Henrik Shipstead of Minnesota wrote August 12, 1944: "The document containing the result of your research was so interesting that it spoiled most of my sleep that night . . . I have been doing some research along the same lines and i find my time in that respect is limited. You have done a great deal of work that will save me a great deal of time." On August 21,1944, he wrote: "People ought to be induced to read it. It is a documented piece of work and therefore should command respect and arouse interest."
This work apparently appeals moat strongly to men of professional standing, and to people of the elder generations, and a number of lawyers, doctors, clergymen, architects and engineers of the writer's acquaintance have expressed their great interest and apparently general commendation. Publishers approached have been reluctant to undertake it, and several stated that there would be little demand for a serious work of this kind, as the American public is not interested in that kind of reading matter. One large Eastern publisher frankly wrote he was obliged to disregard the recommendations of his readers on advice of counsel.
Chapters I and XI, and the Conclusion, are new additions to the second edition of "The Empire of 'The City'." Chapter XI, "A Study in Power," was published separately and copyrighted February 22, 1945.
A rare-book exposing the truth about the industry which powers the global war-machine.
IT is an unmitigated pleasure for me to commend this study of the international armament industry to the civilized reading public. In several important ways this book is an outstanding contribution to the literature of history and the social sciences.
In the first place, it points out a great gap in our knowledge of a branch of technology and industry and makes a valiant beginning at filling it. The evolution of firearms has played a very important part in the destiny of modern nations. Yet, for no generation or country is there a thoroughly satisfactory monographic treatment of the evolution of the firearms industry therein. There has been no end of writing on the wars which have been fought, but little or nothing is told us about the reason why soldiers in the Spanish-American War were more effectively armed than those of General George Washington, and even less is told about the source of armament supplies in the various wars. Histories tell us that the Prussians were armed with the "needle gun" in the War of 1866, but not one history professor in a dozen could explain what the "needle gun" actually was or indicate the transition from the muzzle loading to the breech loading muskets.
In the second place, this study reveals illuminating information with respect to the organization and sales methods of a very considerable industry. The propaganda and high pressure salesmanship which has characterized contemporary business finds its prototype in the activities of armament manufacturers long before our generation.
There is no denying the importance of wars, particularly wars waged with contemporary methods of devastation. Wars may be a menace to the race, but their increasing ravages only make them more significant in at least a negative sense. If wars can no longer make any considerable constructive contribution to human life, they have become increasingly potent in their capacity to dislocate society and to destroy civilization. In his latest book, Mr. H. G. Wells has given us a vivid and appalling forecast of the horrors of the next world war. The technology of armaments con- trols the material sinews of war. As the effectiveness and deadliness of armaments has increased; war has become more devastating and demoralizing. Nothing could be more helpful than a systematic history of the armament industry in enabling us to understand why mankind needs to busy itself particularly today in bringing the material technique of mass murder under control if we wish to preserve the semblance of modern civilization. This is the third outstanding merit of this book.
A fourth characteristic of this volume will commend itself to thoughtful readers, namely the comprehensive and complete character of the treatment given to the armament industry. Here is a satisfactory history of its development, an outline of its achievements, a delineation of the methods which have been followed by leading armament firms, an exposure of the degradation of ethics which has accom- panied the efforts of the armament moguls to market their products, and an indication of the bearing of the whole his- torical study upon the outlook for world peace.
Not less impressive than the comprehensiveness of the work is the sane and reasonable tone which pervades the whole study. Most accounts of the armament industry have been written by men and women who possess all the fervor of the valiant crusader against war. It is no disparagement of the usefulness and courage of the ardent pacifist to point out that this crusading psychology does not always supply the best background for a sane perspective on the causes of war. When a professional pacifist cuts loose on the armament industry, he frequently gives the impression that the armament makers constitute the chief menace to peace. By thus obscuring much more powerful factors which make for war, such writers render at least an indirect disservice to the cause of peace.
Dr. Engelbrecht and Mr. Hanighen do not fall victim to this temptation. They thoroughly expose all the evils of the armament industry, but they remain at all times conscious that broader forces, such as patriotism, imperialism, nationalistic education, and capitalistic competition, play a larger part than the armament industry in keeping alive the war system.
In another respect also is their reasonableness conspicuously apparent. They expose the corruption, graft and dis-loyalty of the armament makers with a thoroughness suffi- cient to gratify the most determined pacifist. At the same time, they make no effort to portray these armament pirates, their lobbyists and salesmen, as peculiarly depraved members of the human race. They recognize that they are no more corrupt than, for instance, our own great investment bankers. If British tank-masters hastened to sell Russia tanks while their government was about to break off diplomatic relations with Russia, so did Mr. Mitchell and Mr. Wiggin sell short the stock of their own banks. If British airplane companies were ready to sell aircraft to the Hitler government, so did Mr. Sinclair and his associates make vast profits at the expense of their own stockholders.
Even in the armament industry the bankers have set the pace for chicanery. Few armament manufacturers have duplicated J. P. Morgan, Sr.'s sale of defective arms to John C. Fremont during the Civil War. When it comes to economic corruption, John T. Flynn's book on Graft in Business presents a far more sorry record than does this present volume. Moreover, even though the armament makers have played a prominent part in encouraging wars, rebellions and border raids, they never exerted so terrible an influence upon the promotion of warfare as did our American bankers between 1914 and 1917. Through their pressure to put the United States into the War these bankers brought about results which have well nigh wrecked the contemporary world.
Armament makers and bankers alike are the victims of human cupidity. The only way in which the armament makers are at all unique is that they are engaged in an in- dustry where the death of human beings is the logical end and objective of their activity.
The calmness and sanity everywhere evident in this book will make its message and implications all the more devastating. The authors can rarely be charged with any over-statement or exaggeration. All in all, the book is a conspicuous contribution to industrial history, contemporary ethics, international relations, and the peace movement. It is bound to have a civilizing effect upon all intelligent and fair-minded readers.
A highly-critical first-hand exploration of how the mainstream news media industry operates.
This powerfully documented analysis explodes the myth of network neutrality in reporting the news. It
demonstrates that coverage of the Presidential campaign of 1968 was massively slanted against Richard Nixon by all three network news departments and defines the pattern of bias in political coverage that has antagonized the right, the left, and the blacks. Includes a graphic demonstration of thirty-three ways in which news stories are slanted.THE NEWS TWISTERS, as its distinguished read- ers say on the back cover of this book, is a "bomb- shell" and a "blockbuster." Its initials—TNT—are not a coincidence. A powerfully documented expose of bias in network news, it explodes the myth of network fairness and reduces the networks' claim of political neutrality to rubble.
TNT, written by Edith Efron, a nationally known analyst of network news patterns, asks the primal question about the bias crisis: Why have charges of bias come from every polar group in the U.S. spectrum—save from a fragment of the white liberal world?
TNT goes, for its answers, not to social theorists but to network transcripts. Based on an original meth- od of analyzing news stories for bias, and a two- year study of prime-time network coverage of the 1968 Presidential campaign and its major issues, TNT reveals that the wide-spectrum political antagonism to the networks was inevitable.
TNT slashes through the conventional political line- ups on the network bias issue—uniting all of them in one scholarly yet suspenseful analysis. It con- firms Republican charges of a calculated assault on Richard Nixon. It confirms the multiparty "Silent Majority" charges of left-liberal bias. It confirms black-minority charges of insidious racism. And it confirms New Left charges of distortion and "censorship."
TNT demolishes the networks' claim that these charges from mutually hostile groups contradict each other and emerge from "selective perception." TNT demonstrates that all these bias charges are consistent, and that they are a direct response to the biased selectivity of the newsmen.
TNT also contains: an expose of thirty-three techniques (Freemasonry! - ed) used to slant network news stories...
The inside-story of Associated Press and the global news media up to that time by Kent Cooper who worked there over four decades.
A critique and analysis of the modern Media from a coherent, Catholic perspective. Belloc critiques the evil influence of a Media that manipulates, controls, and suppresses news and opinion; and he offers a relevant apologia for a truly Free Press.
Preface:
“Left, right and center, people by the tens of millions have stopped watching network news. And that may be a healthy thing if it betokens skepticism, disbelief and an effort to find out for one’s self.” -— Nicholas von hoffman
Excerpts from the Introduction:
This book tells the story of who caused the slump and how they caused it, and it directs attention to two simple steps that can be taken to save our farmers and traders. No greater mistake can be made than to suppose that the present slump in commodity prices is due to blind economic forces. The depression from which we now suffer is due to an artificially induced variation in the purchasing power of money. In these pages will be found ample evidence in support of that statement. The quarter from which the trouble is coming is indicated, and the amazing manner in which the machinery for monetary control of the world was established is traced out. The story of the slump is essentially a story of men and their motives.
The answer is that the most potent forces in the world today are forces that do not work in the open. They could not work in the open: for if they did mankind would not for one instant tolerate their continuance. It is essential for the success of their plans that the people of the world should be unaware of the chains that have been made to enmesh them.
A small number of persons in different countries have shown by their utterances that they are well aware of what is taking place--or, rather, has been taking place- for the chain of events extends back over a long period of time.
Three-quarters of a century ago Disraeli told Britain's House of Commons that "the world is governed by very different persons from what is imagined by those who are not behind the scenes."
In a recent interview, General Ludendorff, chief of the German General Staff through the war, declared that "The world today is ruled by "secret supra-national powers," "the same diabolically clever wire-pullers that brought about the last cataclysm."
In the London "National Review" six years ago Mr. Arthur Kitson wrote about "Our Invisible Rulers," and
in other articles has expounded this same theme
An exposé of international high-finance.
An insider reveals truth about US involvement in the creation and shaping of the modern European Union.
Extracts:
One of the most interesting US covert operations in postwar Europe was the funding of the European Movement. The European Movement was an umbrella organization which led a prestigious, if disparate, group of organizations urging rapid unification in Europe, focusing their efforts upon the Council of Europe, and counting Winston Churchill, Paul-Henri Spaak, Konrad Adenauer, Leon Blum and Alcide de Gasperi as its five Presidents of Honour.
"These links with clandestine organizations continue into the postwar period. The emerging European Community and the growing Western intelligence community overlapped to a considerable degree."
US officials trying to rebuild and stabilize postwar Europe worked from the assumption that it required rapid unification, perhaps leading to a United States of Europe. The encouragement of European unification, one of the most consistent components of Harry S. Truman’s foreign policy, was even more strongly emphasized under his successor General Dwight D. Eisenhower. Moreover, under both Truman and Eisenhower, US policymakers conceived of European unification not only as an important end in itself, but also as a way to solve the German problem.’
The discreet injection of over three million dollars between 1949 and 1960, mostly from US government sources, was central to efforts to drum up mass support for the Schuman Plan, the European Defence Community and a European Assembly with sovereign powers. This covert contribution never formed less than half the European Movement’s budget and, after 1952, probably two-thirds.
A highly-important and detailed look at The Rockefeller Empire and dynasty at its peak, showing how its tentacles permeated all areas of American life and influenced the international policies of the US Government.
The book offers evidence that Josephson states on the cover "...make it clear that Rockefeller's Institute of Pacific Relations controlled the spy ring that instigated the attack on Pearl Harbor, and that they knew in advance, to the very day, when it would occur and involve us in the war." (p. 281)
The book details a long-list of facts, many of which have subsequently been verfied independently by researchers in the decades following the original publication. It is well-referenced and an essential resource for study into the historical power structure and oligarchy of the USA.
EMANUEL M. JOSEPHSON was born in Baltimore, Md., September 23, 1895. Educated at Johns Hopkins University and Columbia University. B.S. 1916, M.D. 1917. In 1921-22 he was Assistant to the Medical Director of the American Red Cross in Europe. Since then he has engaged in medical research, in the practice of medicine, and in writing on medicine, politics and economics. He has been fearless in his exposure of sham and corruption in those fields.
A look at several highly-influential events in history and the truth behind them.
There was an orchestrated campaign to defame the name of this man during his life and following his death, please see these articles.
The Diary of Anne Frank. Robert Faurisson, a French literature Professor at the University of Lyon in central France, and an eminent "Holocaust" historian, proves that almost all of the "diary" was written by Anne Frank's father, Otto Frank. Documentation to support this truth includes the fact, among many others, that much of the manuscript was written with a ball point pen, the invention and wide-availability of which only occurred after the war. Ann Frank died of typhus in March, 1945, before the end of World War II. Possibly the one book that is read by more students that any other in America and also in classrooms around the world.
There have been subsequent claims of 'debunking' but they do not withstand scrutiny. The 'debunker' cherry-picks a few points, doesn't do a point-by-point rebuttal - it's no more debunked than the 6 million myth. Read this debunking and compare, especially the conclusion, which ends with an ad-hominem attack (italicized):
I have only commented on some of Faurisson's internal criticism of the diary. This should not be taken to mean that the parts I excluded are unanswerable, there is simply too much material to respond to every point. It is clear that the absurdities are not in the diary, rather the issue of absurdity should be laid squarely at Faurisson's door. His criticism of the diary is without merit and merely serves to undermine his credibility about his other investigations.
Read it yourself. Think for yourself.
UPDATE:
But the Jews in charge of that book have never before admitted this obvious fact — until now. And the reason they’re doing it now is money. From now on, you’ll be hearing how Otto Frank, being very well-informed about his daughter’s experiences, was merely acting as her ghost-writer, putting in nothing other than what actually happened. The Jews won’t give up any more than they have to, in order to keep this financial resource productive for themselves.
The Wikipedia entry on the matter relates “In 2015 the Anne Frank Foundation made an announcement, as reported in the New York Times, that the diary was co-authored by Otto Frank. According to Yves Kugelmann, a member of the board of the foundation, their expert advice was that Otto had created a new work by editing, merging, and trimming entries from the diary and notebooks and reshaping them into a ‘kind of collage,’ which had created a new copyright. Agnès Tricoire, a lawyer specializing in intellectual property rights, responded by warning the foundation to ‘think very carefully about the consequences.’ She added ‘If you follow their arguments, it means that they have lied for years about the fact that it was only written by Anne Frank'”
"Anne Frank was evacuated to Bergen-Belsen, where she died from typhus in March 1945. While Anne Frank’s fate was tragic, her story is not consistent with a German program of extermination..." -- Jewish Survivors of Auschwitz-Birkenau by John Wear
Download a special tribute and biography of the historical revisionist 2018 - Vale Robert Faurisson - The Adelaide Institute.pdf - file is shrunk and streamlined for web viewing - original is available from The Adelaide Institute: http://www.adelaideinstitute.org/
📽️Watch The Inaugural Robert Faurisson International Prize
Released to mark the 1st anniversary of the imprisonment of Ursula Haverbeck, legendary 90-year-old campaigner for historical justice & inaugural recipient of the Robert Faurisson International Prize.
This book contains scans of a large number of printed examples of the Jewish 'magic' cabalastic '6 million' figure appearing in the global press, Jewish and non-Jewish going back decades preceding The Second World War. To find out why requires much further study not detailed here!
These are important historical documents which cover the so-called 'concentration camps' and present a very different story to the myths which followed the war.
The Ben Williams Libarary library has some useful books and contained within is The Anti-Thought Control Dictionary - A Guide to deceptive words and terms used to neutralize Christians. It is well-written, informative, educational, even for non-Christians, and full of interesting facts and etymology.